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The El Mozote Massacre Resource Guide

Table of Contents

El Mozote Represents Absolute Impunity: CEJIL

The Truth of El Mozote, Mark Danner

Inter-American Commission on Human Rights calls for Justice for Victims of El Mozote

Shedding Light on Humanity's Dark Side, Alma Guillermoprieto

Echos of Impunity: From Monseor Romero to Radio Victoria

Additional Resources: Articles and Videos


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El Mozote Represents Absolute Impunity: CEJIL

In the following August 2011 interview with the Central America and Mexico Judicial Director of the Center

for Justice and International Law (CEJIL), Gisela de Len, and the Salvadoran digital paper La Pagina, De

Len explains the case against the Salvadoran state in the Inter-American Human Rights Court for the El

Mozote Massacre in 1981. CEJIL represents the victims of the El Mozote Massacre, and has also argued the

Romero case and other cases of crimes against humanity in the Organization of American States system.

How does CEJIL get involved in this case against Salvadoran government for the El Mozote massacre?

We came to the case several years ago and it was presented to the Inter-American Commission of Human

Rights in 1990 by Tutela Legal of the Archdiocese of San Salvador.

We (CEJIL) got involved around 2000 at the request of Tutela Legal, and since then, we have worked

together.

In 2006 the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) admitted the case and in November

2010 made recommendations that the State should have met. When they didn't fulfill these, the Commission

had the power to send the case to the Court of Human Rights (higher court) on March 8, 2011.

What direction will the lawsuit against the Salvadoran State take, this August 14?

I should clarify that the Court has no jurisdiction to rule on the facts of the massacre, and can speak only

about the lack of justice. El Salvador accepted the jurisdiction of the Court on June 6, 1995 and only after

that date the Court may rule in the case of the slaughter of El Mozote, the Amnesty Law is applied in 1993

and since that time there has not been a single diligence aimed at establishing the truth of what happened.

There were some steps for exhumations and to deliver the bodies to relatives, but there has been no state

activity in terms of investigating the facts. Tutela Legal in 2006 requested a reopening of investigations and

yet, five years later, that request has not been addressed.

The case (demand) has to do with the lack of justice, with absolute inactivity of the Salvadoran government

to establish the truth of what happened in the massacre, identify and punish those responsible and of course

this involves (and passes through) Amnesty Law and other violations that occurred over time (1995, date onwhich the Court has jurisdiction in the case) as the displacement of 690 people after the massacre).

All these facts will be made to the knowledge of the Court.

Now that the political scene has changed with the arrival of the FMLN government, what does CEJIL

expect with this demand?

This is not the first case we will litigate with this government. We litigated the Contreras case (forced

disappearance) and saw a change of attitude of (the) government in relation to what we saw in the previous

governments, accepting the facts and most of the recommendations.

The massacre of El Mozote represents the absolute impunity that all cases from the conflict are in.

We hope that there is a position of opening to reparations for the victims and more general measures.

But in 2010, the Salvadoran state, with a new government, didn't comply with the Commission's

recommendations. What makes you have new expectations now?

The recommendations are from November 2010, and at that time the state had three months to fulfill them...

The truth is, they did nothing.

In the Contreras case, more or less the same thing happened: the state didn't fulfill the recommendations

during the three month period, and the state requested an extension and didn't fulfill (the recommendations)

even in that extension period; however, the state's atitude facing the Court was to accept the facts and accept

the recommendations, the reparations that we are asking for.What we don't know is whether these recommendations will be fulfilled. What we have seen in this

administration is a change of discourse.


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Does this mean that in their discources, they accept the facts, but in taking action, they're the same (as

previous governments)?

Yes. We havne't seen advances in the adoption of concrete measures. For example, the government created

the National Commission for the Search of Missing Children during the Armed Conflict with the

characteristics that the Court had said in the case of the Serrano Cruz sisters, but the Commission has no

budget.

In the end, its the same thing.

We hope for a change of attitude in this regard, but we have no certainty that it will be so.

CEJIL affirmed that it would force the Salvadoran state to repeal the amnesty law, or otherwise, not

apply it in the case of El Mozote?

Yes. What the Commission recommended and what we've been pushing for in the case is not to apply the

Amnesty Law to serious human rights violations because it is incompatible with the American Convention

on Human Rights.

The Court has procedures for asking from time to time that the Salvadoran state provide information about

what it is doing to fulfill the recommendations, and if it doens't fulfill them, to be called back to a hearing.

In addition, the Salvadoran state would go against the attitude of other states in the region.

The Atlacatl Battalion, according to the Truth Commission report, perpetrated the massacre, but in

this scenario, what role does the U.S. government have, who funded, trained and supervised the

Salvadoran army?

I should clarify that other battalions were involved, including the Air Force. When we litigate, we seek

justice in connection with the participation of everyone involved.

We could not demand responsibility of the U.S. government as such, but had specific persons been involved,

an investigation implies identifying and punishing all those responsible.

What value do you make of the recent statements by Attorney General of the Republic on the AmnestyLaw?

I think the prosecutor is misinformed, in fact, there is already a resolution of the Constitutional Chamber of

the Supreme Court in 2001, which says that the Amnesty Law does not apply to gross violations of human

rights. That is to say, that law cannot be an argument to avoid prosecution.

The challenge in El Mozote is to establish a mechanism so that what the Supreme Court in El Salvador has

established be applied. That is what we seek.

What happens to those soldiers who argue that they were only following orders?

All people that were involved have to be processed. "Due Obedience," a legal figure, does not apply in such

cases, especially when the victims were civilians, and specifically in El Mozote, which were children.

Cold blooded murder has no justification.

The interview has been translated from the original in Spanish at

http://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-

conflicto%E2%80%9D-CEJIL.
http://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-conflictohttp://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-conflictohttp://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-conflictohttp://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-conflictohttp://www.lapagina.com.sv/nacionales/54858/2011/08/14/%E2%80%9CEl-Mozote-representa-la-impunidad-absoluta-del-conflicto


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The Truth of El Mozote

Mark Danner, The New Yorker

The following is a short excerpt from an in-depth article about El Mozote.

Read the entire story at http://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/the_truth_of_el_mozote.

In a remote corner of El Salvador, investigators uncovered the remains of a horrible crime a crime that

Washington had long denied. The villagers of El Mozote had the misfortune to find themselves in the path of

the Salvadoran Armys anti-Communist crusade. The story of the massacre at El Mozote how it cameabout, and why it had to be denied stands as a central parable of the Cold War.

For eleven years, Rufina Amaya Mrquez had served the world as

the most eloquent witness of what had happened at El Mozote, but

though she had told her story again and again, much of the world

had refused to believe her. In the polarized and brutal world of

wartime El Salvador, the newspapers and radio stations simply

ignored what Rufina had to say, as they habitually ignored

unpalatable accounts of how the government was prosecuting the

war against the leftist rebels.

In the United States, however, Rufinas account of what had happened at El Mozote appeared on the front

pages of the Washington Post and the New York Times, at the very moment when members of Congress were

bitterly debating whether they should cut off aid to a Salvadoran regime so desperate that it had apparently

resorted to the most savage methods of war. El Mozote seemed to epitomize those methods, and in

Washington the story heralded what became perhaps the classic debate of the late Cold War: between those

who argued that, given the geopolitical stakes in Central America, the United States had no choice but to go

on supporting a friendly regime, however disreputable it might seem, because the alternative the

possibility of another Communist victory in the region was clearly worse, and those who insisted that the

country must be willing to wash its hands of what had become a morally corrupting struggle. Rufinas story

came to Washington just when the countrys paramount Cold War national-security concerns were clashing

as loudly and unambiguously as they ever would during four decades with its professed high-minded

respect for human rights.

In the United States, the free press was not to be denied: El Mozote was reported; Rufinas story was told; the

angry debate in Congress intensified. But then the Republican Administration, burdened as it was with the

heavy duties of national security, denied that any credible evidence existed that a massacre had taken place;

and the Democratic Congress, after denouncing, yet again, the murderous abuses of the Salvadoran regime,

in the end accepted the Administrations certification that its ally was nonetheless making a significant

effort to comply with internationally recognized human rights. The flow of aid went on, and soon increased.

By early 1992, when a peace agreement between the government and the guerrillas was finally signed,

Americans had spent more than four billion dollars funding a civil war that had lasted twelve years and left

seventy-five thousand Salvadorans dead. By then, of course, the bitter fight over El Mozote had largely been

forgotten; Washington had turned its gaze to other places and other things. For most Americans, El Salvador

had long since slipped back into obscurity. But El Mozote may well have been the largest massacre in

modern Latin-American history. That in the United States it came to be known, that it was exposed to the

light and then allowed to fall back into the dark, makes the story of El Mozote how it came to happen and

how it came to be denied a central parable of the Cold War.
http://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/the_truth_of_el_mozotehttp://www.markdanner.com/articles/show/the_truth_of_el_mozote


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El Mozote to be Heard in Inter-American Human Rights Court

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In March 2011, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHCR), finding that the Salvadoran

State has not fulfilled it's recommendations in the case of theMassacres of El Mozote and Neighboring

Locales, El Salvador, introduced the case in the Inter-American Human Rights Court. This will be the first

time that an international tribunal will rule on the General Amnesty Law.

Santiago Canton, General Secretary of the IAHCR, said of the case: The El Mozote massacre was one of

the greatest tragedies that El Salvador and our region suffered. In honor of the victims, their families and all

Salvadorans, we hope that the murderers of almost one thousand people can be brought to justice, and that

the Amnesty Law will be repealed.

CEJIL, the Center for International Justice and Law, will represent the victims and argues that this is not

about reopening old wounds, these were wounds that never healed, there was never a process of

reconciliation, the victims never felt that they received reparations.

The IAHCR summarizes the events at El Mozote and the surrounding area:

"The Massacres of El Mozote and Neighboring Locales, El Salvador, has to do with successive massacres

committed between December 11 and 13, 1981...carried out by the Atlacatl Battalion... in the department of

Morazn. The massacres, committed indiscriminately and with

extreme cruelty, left around a thousand people dead, including

many children, and constituted one of the most aberrant

manifestations of crimes against humanity committed at

that time by theSalvadoran military.

These events took place during the bloodiest period of the so-called "counterinsurgency" operations that were deployed on a

massive scale against civilians by the Salvadoran army during

the armed conflict, in open disregard of the most basic

principles of international human rights law and international humanitarian law. These types of

actions, committed in a systematic and generalized manner, were intended to sow terror among the

population. Due to the application of the General Amnesty Law for Consolidation of the Peace, as well as

repeated omissions on the part of the Salvadoran State, these grave acts remain in impunity."

For more details on the El Mozote case and IAHCR's findings, read the complete press release

(http://www.cidh.oas.org/Comunicados/English/2011/25-11eng.htm ) and the in-depth report(http://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htm ) presented to the OAS General Assembly.
http://www.cidh.oas.org/Comunicados/English/2011/25-11eng.htmhttp://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htmhttp://www.cidh.oas.org/Comunicados/English/2011/25-11eng.htmhttp://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htm


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Shedding Light on Humanity's Dark Side

Alma Guillermoprieto

Alma Guillermoprieto was, along with Ray Bonner, one of the first journalists to expose the El Mozote story.

After Rufina Amayas death in March 2007, she wrote this piece for The Washington Post. The following is

an excerpt from this piece; read the full article at:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-

dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.html .

Traveling only by night and on foot through government-controlled territory, I reached the guerrilla-held

region of El Mozote... There were, in fact, bodies everywhere--children, men, women, draft animals -- and

the air reeked.

I was taken to see Rufina Amaya, a small-boned woman in her thirties, dressed like any campesina in a skirt

and short-sleeved blouse, a frilly apron and plastic sandals, and with a face that seemed to have turned to

stone. In precise detail she told me the same story she would repeat throughout the years, and that forensic

evidence would confirm a decade later.

An army officer who was a friend of her husband's, she said, had told the villagers early in December not to

worry about a coming offensive against the guerrillas, because El Mozote, which had a large evangelical

population, was not known to be subversivo, or subversive.

The troops arrived the following day and, after an initial brutal search, told the villagers that they could

return to their homes. "We were happy then," Seora Amaya recalled. " 'The repression is over,' we said."

But the troops returned. Acting on orders, they separated the villagers into groups of men, young girls, and

women and children. Rufina Amaya managed to slip behind some trees as her group was being herded to the

killing ground, and from there she witnessed the murders, which went on until late at night. An army officer,

told by an underling that a soldier was refusing to kill children, said, "Where is the sonofabitch who said

that? I am going to kill him," and bayoneted a child on the spot. She heard her own children crying out forher as they met their deaths. The troops herded people into the church and houses facing a patch of grass that

served as the village plaza. They shot the villagers or dismembered them with machetes, then set the

structures on fire. At last, believing they had killed all the citizens of El Mozote and the surrounding hamlets,

the troops withdrew.

The problem was that the subsistence farmers who died at El Mozote and in the surrounding villages were

simply fodder in one of the last battles of the Cold War. What was at stake in believing Rufina Amaya's

testimony, along with Susan Meiselas's photographs and our firsthand reports, was the Reagan

administration's continued support for the Salvadoran government.

In congressional hearings and to the press, high-level officials roundly denied that any atrocity had taken

place...

The massacre at El Mozote remained a disputed fact until a peace treaty was signed between the government

and the guerrillas of El Salvador in 1992. In the face of strong government opposition, members of the

Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team were appointed by a U.N. truth commission to excavate the zone,

and exhumation work continued until 2004. As far as is known, this was the single largest massacre to take

place in this hemisphere in modern times.

Having pumped tens of millions of dollars into the Salvadoran military, the U.S. government paid a fractionof the amount for the reconstruction effort once the war ended. And Rufina Amaya, a small, dark-skinned

peasant woman, who had no other weapon but her fierce will to live and to keep alive the memory of what

she saw one vile day, is dead of a stroke at the age of 64. She will be remembered in El Salvador because she

is now part of its history. She is part of the history of this country, too.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.htmlhttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/13/AR2007031301826.html


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Echos of Impunity: From Monseor Romero to Radio Victoria

The following is an excerpt from a talk given by Mirna Perla, Supreme Court Magistrate and long-time

human rights activists about Monseor Romero and Impunity, relating impunity of the past to ongoing

human rights violations.

Monseor Romero was a simple man with the vocation of a prophet and a martyr. I had the good fortune to

know him from a very young age. He was our parish priest. My mom was a very religious woman, alwayspraying, and followed his every word.

In the context of a country filled with political fervor, Monseor Romero never opted for one political party

or another.He was a servant of God, and he came to realize that a servant of God puts himself at the service

of the people. The rich declared him a traitor. They attacked him, defamed him, and even killed him. This

crime remains unpunished in the Salvadoran courts of justice, and before the Interamerican Human Rights

Commission, whose recommendations the government has yet to fulfill.

If we analyze what is happening in this country, we see that the threats Monseor Romero received are not a

thing of the past, but continue in the present. Just ask our friends from Radio Victoria. They are receiving

threats that say, Ya le vamos a matar, We are going to kill you now and these threats are not a joke or in

vain. They are very serious threats. They have already killed various environmental activists. Marcelo Rivera

was persecuted, threatened, and suffered attempts against his life leading up to his killing. And all this with

the National Civilian Police present in the region. Marcelo Rivera was kidnapped, disappeared, and his body

tortured. He was a tall, strong man, a member of the organized pueblo. His body was found at the bottom of a

well twenty days after he was kidnapped. Clearly they wanted him to disappear.

One of the courts specializing in organized crime took Marcelo Riveras case. However, like the case of

Monseor Romeros assassination, it was never truly investigated. Groups of people that could have been

linked to the case, people who were probably out drinking, celebrating that night, were never questioned. Just

like Monseor Romero, Marcelo Rivera was a man committed to the people, a servant of the people, and justlike Monseor Romero, Marcelo Rivera was persecuted.

Monseor Romero was not only killed by forces internal to El Salvador, but by the empire.

Monseor Romero wrote a letter to President Jimmy Carter, denouncing the aid sent by the empire, saying

that this aid will be used to assassinate many people. With this letter he told the empire, You are the violator

of human rights. The empire backed the systematic violation of human rights here in El Salvador, in which

they killed even our Pastor. But the Salvadoran people have brought Monseor Romero back to life.

Everyone listened to Monseor Romeros Masses. They tried many times to bomb the Archdioceses radio

station, to silence his voice, but each time the people helped expand the reach of his voice, the voice of thepeople. The people were Monseor Romeros teacher. Above all he was a man of faith who listened to the

people and illuminated the injustice they faced with the light of the gospel and of the Latin American

preferential option for the poor, an option he showed with his life. He worked to rescue the dignity of the

lives of the people.

I have traveled to many countries, working to denounce human rights violations all over Central America and

I have found Monseor Romero alive in the work of young people all over the world. And yet we still have

not found peace in El Salvador. There have been many changes, the position the present government has

taken is very exciting. I am sorry to say though that apology is not enough. We need justice, we need truth,

we need reconciliation.

Here in El Salvador we have an amnesty law that many experts consider an impunity law. This law

contradicts international laws and conventions El Salvador has signed. Through this law, victims are denied

access to justice. We currently have a Constitutional Court of Justice committed to responsibly filling their


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role as the maximum authority on the constitutionality of Salvadoran laws. In our Legislative Assembly

getting a simple majority to overturn the amnesty law would be incredibly complex. Meanwhile, the assassins

live peacefully here in El Salvador and internationally. Many of them own a lot of money. We dont know,

however if their consciences let them be at peace.

During the war the police and other members of the death squads put on their civilian clothes and went out to

kill the best sons and daughters of El Salvador, to decapitate them, remove their fingernails, and use all kinds

of sophisticated torture techniques. They were not new techniques the empire is not creative in that. Today

the same kind of torture used systematically here in El Salvador continues at Guantanamo. There was a study

done at the prison in Mariona, identifying the torture techniques used systematically in El Salvador, in which

political prisoners drew pictures of the ways they were tortured. They identified forty torture techniques.

They were the same depicted in the prisons in Iraq and the same used at Guantanamo. Torture techniques

described in old CIA manuals.

Here in El Salvador the judicial branch has made some reasonable advances, but they have not been able to

overcome impunity. We need to organize lawyers, communities, organizations to fight for human rights, to

demand justice. This is a task we need to do here in our own country. Various international entities have

issued declarations in the case of Monsignor Romeros assassination, but the Salvadoran state has failed its

duty to investigate. In El Salvador justice is unfinished, unresolved, justice is waiting. We need true justice tobring reconciliation. The highest reason for a government to exist is to protect the lives of human beings and

to promote life with dignity.

May 25, 2011


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Resources on El Salvador, El Mozote, and Justice and Impunity

Articles:

Report N 24/06 El Mozote Massacre: In 2006, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights first

heard the El Mozote case, as the result of a petition from the Legal Aid Office of the Archbishop of

San Salvador. Now, in 2011, the Commission has decided that the Salvadoran state has not fulfilled

its recommendations regarding El Mozote and has introduced the case in the Inter-American Court

on Human Rights.

The Massacre at El Mozote: The Need to Remember: This report was written immediately after the 1992

peace agreement by a divison of Human Rights Watch, and includes many recommendations for the

Truth Commission that followed. American Human Rights Court.

The United Nations Truth Commission Report on El Mozote: The Truth Commission's report is widely

viewed as the most definitive account of the human rights abuses that occurred during El Salvador's

civil war. In this excerpt, the commission describes how hundreds of men, women and children were

deliberately and systematically executed by the U.S.-trained Atlacatl Battalion.

International Criminal Justice: El Salvadors General Amnesty Law and Its Impact on the Jesuit Case

While this analysis by Dwkcommentaries focuses on the Jesuit case, it highlights one of the main

political obstacles to bringing justice to El Mozote: the amnesty law.

Killing US Softly With Their Story: New York Times Coverage of the My Lai and El Mozote Military

Massacres This study compares a massacre from the Vietnam War (My Lai) with El Mozote,

focusing on the US and the medias role in explaining events.

Indigenous Women in El Salvador Libertad Latina has a series of short articles that focus on the El

Mozote Massacres terrible consequences for women and girls.

Crossroads: Congress, The President, and Central America, 1976-1993: This book by Cynthia J. Arnson

places El Mozote within its wider context: not only that of the Salvadoran Civil War, but also the

US Cold War foreign policy in Central America. The epilogue (p. 290) touches specifically upon

the US reaction to the release of the UN Truth Commission report on El Salvador.

El Salvador: War, Peace, and Human Rights, 1980-1994: This collection of key documents and analysis

by George Washington University focuses on the US role in the Salvadoran Civil War.

In El Salvador, Leaders Wary of Civil War-Era Human Rights Probes : This article analyzes currentSalvadoran politics and how the government has responded to recent calls for re-opening and re-

investigating Civil War events.

Videos/Radio:

Rufina Amaya's Testimony (video of Rufina telling her story, with English subtitles)

NPR: Rufina Amaya, Survivor of the El Mozote Massacre

Histora de la Guerra (documentary by the MUPI, Museo de la Palabra y el Imagen, in Spanish)

Testimonio de Rufina Amaya (in Spanish)
http://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htmhttp://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htmhttp://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htmhttp://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/e/elsalvdr/elsalv923.pdfhttp://dagmar.lunarpages.com/~parasc2/articles/0197/el_moz05.htmhttp://dwkcommentaries.wordpress.com/2011/06/11/international-criminal-justice-el-salvadors-general-amnesty-law-and-its-impact-on-the-jesuits-case/http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp07/graduate/gmj-sp07-grad-cantrell.htmhttp://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp07/graduate/gmj-sp07-grad-cantrell.htmhttp://www.libertadlatina.org/Crisis_Indigenous_LatAm_El_Salvador_Index.htmhttp://books.google.com/books?id=Dv3DvAULQqMC&pg=PA292&lpg=PA292&dq=general+alexander+haig+el+mozote&source=bl&ots=4n9aHTmI7A&sig=XQ4D9p-mB6nnIYjfKqAwz-kYGLY&hl=en&ei=J71_TpDdFs7PiALgvczNBg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=general%20alexander%20haig%20el%20mozote&f=falsehttp://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/publications/elsalvador2/http://benwitte.wordpress.com/2011/09/01/in-el-salvador-leaders-wary-of-civil-war-era-human-rights-probes/http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uugzfJCi9Mwhttp://www.wbur.org/npr/8972597/rufina-amaya-survivor-of-the-el-mozote-massacre#http://www.wbur.org/npr/8972597/rufina-amaya-survivor-of-the-el-mozote-massacrehttp://museo.com.sv/2011/07/historia-de-la-guerra-2/http://museo.com.sv/2011/07/historia-de-la-guerra-2/http://museo.com.sv/2011/07/historia-de-la-guerra-2/http://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2006eng/elsalvador.10720eng.htmhttp://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/e/elsalvdr/elsalv923.pdfhttp://dagmar.lunarpages.com/~parasc2/articles/0197/el_moz05.htmhttp://dwkcommentaries.wordpress.com/2011/06/11/international-criminal-justice-el-salvadors-general-amnesty-law-and-its-impact-on-the-jesuits-case/http://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp07/graduate/gmj-sp07-grad-cantrell.htmhttp://lass.calumet.purdue.edu/cca/gmj/sp07/graduate/gmj-sp07-grad-cantrell.htmhttp://www.libertadlatina.org/Crisis_Indigenous_LatAm_El_Salvador_Index.htmhttp://books.google.com/books?id=Dv3DvAULQqMC&pg=PA292&lpg=PA292&dq=general+alexander+haig+el+mozote&source=bl&ots=4n9aHTmI7A&sig=XQ4D9p-mB6nnIYjfKqAwz-kYGLY&hl=en&ei=J71_TpDdFs7PiALgvczNBg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=general%20alexander%20haig%20el%20mozote&f=falsehttp://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/publications/elsalvador2/http://benwitte.wordpress.com/2011/09/01/in-el-salvador-leaders-wary-of-civil-war-era-human-rights-probes/http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uugzfJCi9Mwhttp://www.wbur.org/npr/8972597/rufina-amaya-survivor-of-the-el-mozote-massacre#http://www.wbur.org/npr/8972597/rufina-amaya-survivor-of-the-el-mozote-massacrehttp://museo.com.sv/2011/07/historia-de-la-guerra-2/

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