Shapiro, Judith . "Ceremonial Distribution in Tapirapé Society". In: Boletim do museo paraense Emilio Goeldi, Antropologia. No 38, Belem, dic.

With the exception of certain communal efforts such fish drugging of joint clearing of gardens, ecomonic activities are usaully peroformed by individual working alone. p. 1

... team formed by husband and wife who cooperate in agricultura work . It's also the case that the central axis in the division of labor is the one which separates the economic roles of husband and wife and which constitute the most fundamental dual organization in America aboriginal societies p 2

As concerns propriety gardens belong to nuclear family groups examine ceremonial exchanges involving food and them proceed to those

concerning the redistribution of private such as weapons, household, utensils, ornaments and the other such item of personal use p. 2

there are also specal ceremonial occasions which are caracterizad by comunal feasting and thus the redistributior od food provided and prepared by individual nuclear family unit.

Se hace la ceremonia: 1).- un gran numero se va a casar. 2) designación de dos familias usualmente del lado opuesto de la villa circular. 3) if a men has a good amount of manioc in his garden at a time when others are running out--- master of the feat.

La ceremonia del Tawã (villa) Esta ceremonia es un ritual de representación de la hostilidad perpetuada contra los tapirapé por sus vecinos los Kayapó y los Caraja... toma lugar en la casa de los hombres

nota al pie 10. The word tawã is translated by the tipirapé into portuguese as "casa grande" or "big face" This term indicate the large masrk worn by two dancer who represent the Kayapó and Carajá. The ceremony , with tajes place in the daytime is as follows: all the men garden in the men's house to dress the masked figures. The two the dance out to house on opposite side of the village (the house of the two "master of the feast" Fallowing this, the two make their way from house to house all around the village circle, fallows by a groups of young men and boys disguised by hammock over their hands and brandishing weapons. This group to house all around the village circle, fallow by the groups of the young men and boys disguised by hammocks over their hands and brandishing weapons. This groups who represent kayapo, simulate an attack against each house . Still another group of men represent the tapirapé these men dress in everyday clothes (shorts and shirts), wall in pair, each man with his ceremonial parther and behave in a generally rastrained manner which is to contrast with the wildness of those representing the enemy. When the tours of the village is completed, all the men returm to the plaza in front of the men's house where there is a formated shooting of the tapirape by the two masked figures. Then the men representing the tapirapé entre the men´s house while those representing the kayapo remain aou in the plaza shouting and running about. One by one, these "kayapo" are abducted and carried into the men's

house, when the last one -usually the yougest boys are permitted to carry on the longest- has been subdued, the communal feat begin. at present the tapirape 's Karaja neighbors are invited to participate in this feast. (p 16-17)

Kawi bebida de yuca, tuberculos mandioca kãwi sopa hecha de mandioca, no es alcoólica pero se fermenta. La ceremonia del Kão que culmina con el festival de kãwio envuelve danzas y

cantores. In which men participe according to moity affiliations and the women acording to the group affiliations of their repective husbanda (p 4)

macirõ o la fiesta comunal de la limpieza del solar. Esta actividad, la cual también incluye a los hombres de las fracciones. Inlcuye una fiesta comunal al terminar el día del trabajo. The women set daw plates of food on a pather leading from the village to the gardens, each women providing food for their husband's group.

Bibliogarfia para buscar Baldus Herbert 1937 "Os grupos de comer e os grupos de trabalho dos tapirapé in Ensaios de etnologia Brasileira, Sao Paublo. 1955 As danzas dos tapirape In anais do 31 congreso internacional de Americanistas. S. Paulo.

During the Kão, the men's moities are facing oa onather, each man dancing arm in arm with his ceremonial parthers. Ideally. the two should be the same moiety, as well as of tej same age level. but in a couple of cases men who had lost their regular partners jorned friends on the opposite side, The woman dance hand in hand behind the men a own of womenin back of each moity. These moities alternate in leading the singing and women, join in when their husband are leading Men and women do not sinh the same melody and the women do not sing all of the word. Baldus 1953 también los describe

El nucleo familiar de distribucion se llama tãtãopãwa p 4. De los grupos Baldus menciona la regla of paralles descediente es determinado

por la afiliación de esos grupos: una niña se une al grupo de su madre y el niño al de su padre p. 5

In any event, since the feast groups have no connections with the regulation of marriege a rule of parallel descent could not influence the kinship structure p 5

Baldus describe two kinds of ocasion on which the feas groups meet. A group will come together for a meal one of its member has supply foor, for exaple a large game animal, which is too large for provider's own family but is not large enough to be distributed amomg the members of the vialleg at large. The feast group provides in such cases the framework for equitable distribution.

Baldus habla of such a feats being held during dry season around the time of the festival of kãuiho (ceremonia de la gran sopa)

head men determina cuando y el día de la fista Es el que llega primero cragando el bow which figures in almost all tapirape

ceremonies. Then the other men began to arrive taking their places in the plaza according to feast group affiliations. The women with the children, arrived after the men, each bringing food for her owns group. Although there was a bit of wandering aound to sample another groups food, The member of each group

tended, for the most part, to remain illustrated around the plates of food provided by and for their owns groups members. It was told that the tãtãopãwa also meet together in this harvest of green corn, towars the end of rainy season, and also when there is abundaghligth by a general redince of honey, at the tame a honey Kãwi is made p. 6

Another form of ritualized bahavior whicv influences the distribution food in tapirapé society consist in a fairly complex system of food taboos, involving game animal and tp a lesser extent fish

armadillo solo lo comen las mujeres jacamim solo los adultos, ambos sexos, los niños no. Tapir y venado solo los hombres algunos alimentos no se comen el mismo día p 8-9 The most important of these echanisms is provided by the festival of kãwio

which occupies a prominent place in the tapire ceremonial cycle an which is highlighted by a general redistribution of property. This festival concludes the ceremonial period of kão

Preparations of kãwio are as fallow: two adolescente girls and their respective families, are appointed "master" of the feast. It is these girls who preparate corn. Kãwi which gives the feat it name and it is their two houses. That the singging anda dancing take place p. 9

pie de página 21: 1996, as well as the which took place the provious year abd which was described to me these two house like thos of the mster of the tawã feast were located opposite one another in the village circle. This seems to be generally the case in festival involving two sponsors (p 18).

On the firts ningth of the festival, the men gather in the men's house, arranging themselves according to moity affiliations. They begins to sing from within the men's house and the women join in from where theya are clusted outside the door. The moieties alternate in leading the singing. Each moiety has a song leader (one of those two men also the village headmen) The me presetly come out, each with his ceremonial partner and reman dancing for a while in the central plaza. Then. still in their ceremonial frouping, the men dance down a path towars the house of one the two sponsoing families. Fallowed by the woman and young children. Upon arival, the men make a circle around the bowl of corn. Kãwi, which has been set dawn in the middle of the house. The two moiety leader stand in front, holding their ceremonial bows. The women and children stand around on the fringes in back of the men. After singing and dancing in this house for a couple of hours, all leave make their way to the other. Sponsor's house the leading and the moity leader, with their dance partners, at the very head of procession. Here the singing and dancing is reaped around the second bowl of kãwi. Subsequent to his, a comunal feast is held for the moieties in the central plaza (p. 9-10).

Early tn ihe following morning singing begins as it does on every morning the kão, led by the two moiety leader who arrive first and build fires on either side of the plaza. Boy and young men begin to gather in the men´s house where they

don't buriti mask representing spirits (ãcina) and run back and forth with long stick held between their legs. These penis are thrust through wall of the men's house. The young men and the boys are the led out by two men. In this case, the village headbread and one of the older men, an ex-shaman. They go first to one the sponsoring house where the young girl is to offer these water to drink. In the ceremony I witnessed, one of the girls was too afraid or embararrades to do so because of the ritual phallic aggression involved in the you men´s dancing. They rush at the young girls, poking them with their penises.

The girl did not offer water to these spirit but kept her skirt carefully tucked between her knees. In addition to giving the spirit water, the girls also offer the same of the corn kãwi the man take in their mouth and spit out again.

A bowl of the corn kãwi is carried around the village fron house to house and those individual of relatively high prestige and wealth (capitan en postugues) wash out their mouths with this bad kãwi. there by constraining themselves to give to any person who swallows some of the kãwi immediately after wards, any personal possesion may reques. If more tham one person drinks after capitan all may ask for thing. Since the corn kãwi is indeed a nauseating beverage, and is in fact quite difficult to keep down and is in fact quite difficult to keep down, it is considerede humiliating to drink it a person in so doing shows himselt or herslt to be inferios to those who only rinse out their mouth. Howe ever, in compensations of this differencial prestige is the fact that the drinker is able to again material wealth from the capitan- p 11

Se hace intercambio, se demanda solo hamacas u otros objetos indispensables The headmen kept his canoe that year, but upon returning the fallowing year. I

learned that he had just lost in that season kãwi a heavy wool blanket which had been give to hm by tourist in return for save particulary well-made artifacts

Al final todos se llaman capitanes... hombre-mujer y al hijo designado. p 12 Anither ceremonial institutins acting to effect a redistribution of prive propiety

is that of formalized fridsshio or aciwãwã p. 12 La transaccion que conecta y formaliza la amaistad es un objeto personal por

comida. The tapirapé are a groups of tupi speaking horticulturaist living at present of the

mouth of the tapirapé river. A tributary of the Araguai, which forms the border between the state of Mato Grosso and Goias. There are all present over 80 Tapirape gathered in one village pie de (pagina 14)