SF LTF Letter to ITC June 10 2009 1

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    June 10 2009

    Comrades of the ITC,

    1) Yesterday we sent you the whole internal corespondence of the FLT that we had at hand; in it differentgroups and leading comrades give their positions about your positions as well as about those of the GB.We sent you those internal debates within the FLT that are a collective elaboration so that before thepublication of a an official statement about the abismal differences emerged with many of your positions-you could have the right to correct us, amend our views, etc.

    2) To this fraternal method allowing you to know our discusions and elaborations among leders of the FLTbefore they are stated on official declarations, you have responded as if with that method we would havebeen aiming at stopping any discussion in course between you and the GB. Nothing farther from the truth,comrades! You have the obligation of deepening your discussions and your relationship with theGB, because you are in total agreement with them in very crucial issues about which, instead, we aretotally and absolutely in disagreement with you. We stand very far from wanting to interrupt thatrelationship between both of your groups. Each current that claims to be part of revolutionary Marxism hasto be together with those that agree with them both politically and programmatically.

    3) The method of preventing a political discussion to take place and evolve is tht of yours, comrade gerry.Firsty, because we, with the GB, have not began just now a political discussion. YOU are who have justabegan that discusson with them. We ceased to have any political relationship with the GB as early as in2004, after having exhausted a common political experience starting in 2002. An it was a split caused by

    unsurmountable and very serious political differences.Our differences with the GB are already settled, and you cannot impose on us a ban on having our ownand integral characterization of that group, which is an opportinist current openly adapted to the europeansocial democracy. Moreover, it is an obligation of ours to characterize politically the currents and groupswhich we have exhausted every discussion about our political differences with. In any case, you will haveto complete your own experience.

    4) Properly speaking, who have infected this discussion with STALINIST methods that you now keep quietabout- is the GB; his group has raised moral charges without any evidence, as well as amalgams againstleaders of our current. Our differences with the are POLITICAL. It is the GB leadership, from theircomfortable Paris armchairs, who wage MORAL accusations; it is them who call Trotskyist leaders,gangsters. And this is a problem that deals with principles. YOU OUGHT NOT RESORT TO THE USEOF MORAL ACCUSATIONS IN A POLITICAL DISCUSSION, ABISMAL AS THEY MAY BE THE

    DIFFERENCES EMERGED IN THAT POLITICAL DISCUSSION.You may accuse your opponent of being a capitulator, of having a position that ultimately betrays theproletariat and prove it-; all those accusations are part of the political struggle that is embedded inrevolutionary Marxism. It was Stalinism, instead which accused Trotsky of being agent of the JapaneseMikado or of German Gestapo, with the aim of precisely, preventing any political discussion. It was amidstthe discussions between you and GB that the latter raised that kind of accusations moral accusations-without the least shade of a proof, a typically Stalinist move, so infecting all the discussions and thepolitical struggle.For you and GB that seems to be normal. For us, this is a Stalinist method of substituting amalgams andslanders for political differences and debates. The LT would have denounced immediately any group thatlaunched a slander or a moral accusation without evidences against you; in that case, we would havedemanded the setting of a Moral Tribunal. Lets for a moment imagine that a group discussing with the FLT

    had accused you, specifically, of being a gangster (that is, a kind of Al Capone); we would not haveallow that! We would have stopped immediately the discussion! That is what we did when the GB expelledone of their leaders in Peru accusing him of being insane when the truth was that the comrade had sharppolitical differences with them If this GB people had in their hands the power of a state behind them, asStalin had, it is sure that they would have confined the comrade in the Lubianka, as Stalin used to.

    5) With this Stalinist method of conducting polemics, inherited from the worst traditions of Lambertism, thatyou keep silent about and hide in your shot note of June 10, of course it will be impossible to arrive to anyplausible end with us! Our current is proud to condemn and for that reason we have included that in point20 of our 23 points advanced for any kind of principled gathering together- the method of raising moralaccusations without any evidence, method of which the history of the Trotskyist movement is plagued by,after its complete degeneration ad decomposition in the post 2WW period.The cases abound: the beating with batons and sticks carried by Lambertites on the members of Varga

    current when the latter showed political differences. Guillermo Loras charges on Juan Pablo Bachereraccusing him of being an agent provocateur of the Bolivian police. It is also the disgusting method ofHealyism that infected and decomposed the British Trotskyist movement. We can also mention, as forgiving one more example, the beating and handing out to the police by the Partido Obrero of Argentina ofone of our highest leaders in the middle of the Argentinean revolution of 2001-2002, and the presentationby this same PO of charge witnesses against our comrade before a bourgeois court.

    6) Anyhow, you and the GB will have to explain to the international proletarian vanguard why you let runamalgams and slanders without any proof and without convening a Moral tribunal, against revolutionaryleaders. Could it be because for you and for the GB the Stalinist-Lambertite methods are normal in therevolutionary movement? For us, they arent so.We emphatically affirm that to the adaptations and capitulations of the opportunist leadership of the fourthInternational in the 2WW postwar period, there corresponded as the shadow to the body the worst

    methods of Stalinism, to which those leaderships were increasingly adapting themselves.7) If you do not condemn this method of the GBs of raising slanders and amalgams without proofs, wereserve for ourselves the right to condemn the moral slanders of the left political servants to French social-imperialism and those that cover them.

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    8) We insist: our differences with you are POLITICAL, and with the GB they are political differences anddifferences around the proletarian moral principles. It is the GB which has raised slanders and amalgams,and you have allowed them to, because you deny us all a CLEAN political discussion before the eyes ofthe international proletarian vanguard. You refuse to discuss the following positions of the FLT:

    a) Those who support publicly and politically a bourgeois government, be it a left bourgeois one, apopular front, a bourgeois nationalist, a bourgeois-worker government, a social democratic one,etc. is refusing to prepare the throwing out of that government and are selling their souls to theDevil. And you have called publicly to vote critically that is, you gave a political support, albeitcritically- for a bourgeois imperialist government as that of the British Labour to be the

    representative of the British working class to the European Parliament! This is worse thansupporting the reactionary strikes of the British labor aristocracy and bureaucracy. It meansrecognizing the european Parliament, which equals to recognizing the UNO, the OAS, and the restof the imperialistic institutions with which imperialism establishes its regime of domination over theplanet.It is a falsification of the tactics of proletarian United Front, that should never be used when thetreacherous bourgeois-worker party is in the government, save for one exception (and even then,one should not give it the least political support): when it may be defeated by a bonapartist7fascistcoup, as when Kerensky was supported by the Bolsheviks in the same way that the rope supportsthe hanging man in front of the Korniloviad.This policy of United Front with the bourgeois-worker parties in power was carried by Lambert andthe French OCI, and with it this party betrayed the workers in France and submitted itself to the

    Popular front and the government of Mitterand in the 80s; you and the GB are today continuatorsof this policy.You didnt counterpoise to the elections to the European Parliament the Marxist apothegm:Proletarians of all countries, Unite!. You didnt demand to the fighting organizations of the Greekworking class, to the workers that are taking their factories in France, to those that confronted thestriking strikebreakers of the labor aristocracy in your own country to convene to a workercongress alongside those that resist the massacres of the white Russian troops of Putin inChechnya and Georgia, alongside those who revolted in the Rumanian Renault (Dacia) to the cryof we wabt to earn the same wages as the workers in the French Renault! That is, you haverefused to apply a true policy of workers United front to expose the currents that submit theproletariat to their respective imperialist bourgeoisies, or to the great Russian bourgeoisie, or to thegovernments of the banana-republics of eastern Europe. Luckily enough the woring class did not

    follow either your advise or that of the rest of the groups that called for a support to the social-imperialist social democracy, and on the contrary, the working class staged a massive abstention(of around a 60%) to that farcical elections to the European Parliament. and this very highabstention is the form that the impotence of the working class has expressed, because they do notfind a way and a channel to centralize their struggle both at the continental and international level.With your policy of critical support to the government of the bloodthirsty Anglo-Americanimperialists, to the government of Brown (the governments that arm with the state-of-the artweapons and equipment their Zionist hound that massacres the Palestinian masses and have senttroops to Iraq, that now are up to their ears in Afghanistan while the Afghan anti-imperialist fightersare rotting in Gitmo, etc.) you are breaking with whatever principled position and with yourobligation before the British, European and International working class.In this point you have erased in an act your brave position of condemning the strikes of the labor

    aristocracy and bureaucracy in the UK. As very correctly we had alerted you in our letter, now it isclear that what you were doing is supporting the policy of the reformist and regulationist unionbureaucracies in Spain, France, etc., which are as servile and useful to imperialism as their britishcolleagues.As we have said before you are right to deepen your discussion with the GB, as you have athorough agreement with them. A critical support for the Labor Party in UK equals to making theworkers believe the Socialist Worker States of Europe can be conquered by voting for socialdemocracy, that is, for the social-imperialists without the proletarian dictatorship, withouthstruggling for the revolution, without putting as a motion: Down with the 5 th Imperialist FrenchRepublic!, Down with the British monarchy (and when we say the British monarchy we are alsosaying the Spaniard, the Dutch, etc.), its lords and the government of Brown, and the rest of theEuropean imperialist gangs! . A critical vote for the Labor Party equals saying to the Irish workers

    that voting to the imperialist government of Labour and Gordon Brown who today commands theBritish occupation of Ulster, the oppression of its people and the enslaving of its working class-means a sure step in the way of defeating British imperialism and its murderous troops, ending theoccupation and the division of Irelnd, and conquering a United, Independent, Socialist WorkerIreland.In 2004, after the slaughter in the Atocha Railway Station, in Madrid, Spain, the Spanish workingclass revolted to the cry of We put the dead, you make the wars! against Aznar and the SpanishPP. A few days later, the social-imperialist party was the expression of the uprising of the Spanishworking class!. What a shame! The electoral victory of the PSOE was the negation and theexpropriation of the anti-imperialist uprising of the Spanish and European working class against thewar and the massacres in Iraq and Afghanistan.

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    b) You have to go on discussing with the GB because you are profoundly united by your recognitionof the counterrevolutionary Zionist State. Your position for a Palestinian-Israeli Bi-national WorkerState under a worker government, leads to a capitulation and adaptation to Zionism as we hadnever seen before. Nobody dared to go further than you, now in agreement with the GB. Ourcomrades of CWG-NZ and HRS-US have already responded correctly to your wholly andabsolutely wrong positions over the Jewish Question.We here want to add that your position of calling to fight for a government that guarantees a bi-

    national state is the same as trying to cover with the proletarian dictatorship the imperialist policy ofObama.Maybe you will say: How hard tongued you are in this discussion!. But let us say frankly what wethink, even as it could be disgusting for you. Because one should call things for their real names.You are saying to the exploited and martyred Palestinian people, to the Palestinian working classthat are hoarded in the refugee camps, those concentration camps built in their own occupied land,in Jordan, in Lebanon and scattered all over Middle East as a slave labor in the oil wells of theimperialist corporations in the region THAT THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTION WILL GUARANTYTHE NATIONAL RIGHTS OF THEIR OPPRESSORS. You are speaking in the name of the socialistrevolution, saying that this revolution guarantees the democratic eights to the oppressor nations.You are smearing socialism!, because socialism is actually an uncompromising enemy of anyoppression and that impels the revolution in the colonial and semi colonial world against the

    oppressor countries, and even more against their gendarmes as the state of Israel!Your position will have a very little echo in the masses of Martyrized and occupied Palestine, ashas already had a very little echo the Fattah leadership when they recognized the Zionist state anddecided to support the imperialist policy of the two states, a policy that is repudiated by themajority of the workers and the exploited masses in Palestine as is shown by the heroic revolutionthat those same masses started in 2000 by taking in the police stations of the PLO and Fattah, tobe later smashed by the Korniloviad of Sharon and Bush in 2002. In any case what could camefrom this mishmash of your position could never be a workers state but a bourgeois-workergovernment that would administrate in the gendarme, occupying state, the interests of imperialismin the region.But the worst of the arguments that you raise is that the occupation has been ther for so manyyears there are already children of those settlers that expelled at gunpoint the Palestinian people

    from their land and their nation. You and the GB are recognizing the bourgeois right of propertylegacy, that is the right of property legacy of the oppressors, of the occupiers of the Palestiniannation. With your program and with your politics not only you smear Marxism, but also you have notyet even noticed that the national sentiment of the martyred Palestinian and Middle East workers isexpressing the hatred of the exploited that cannot have their land or their bread if they do notsweep away the Zionist invader.We know that in the rich middle classes of Europe Zionism has made deep encroachments. Fromthe FLT we have already affirmed that every Jewish worker that wanted honestly fight for theinterests of the working class has no other option that going to the side of the Palestinianresistance, of the unions and organizations of the Palestinian workers against the occupation armyand the Zionist state. And that only with the method of the socialist revolution the Palestinian nationcould be recuperated, that is not leaving the least track of the Zionist state - founded by the US,

    UK and the Stalinist canker in 1947 in the UNO- that you today legitimize historically. Only so,under a worker and peasant Palestinian government, that would set on fire and be a indestructiblepart of one and only revolution in the Middle East will the inhabitants of Jewish religion be able tolive peacefully and democratically as a minority along their class brothers and sisters in the region.Who does not distinguish between oppressor and oppressed does not pass the exam on the ABCof the Marxist program, because as Marx himself would say- a people that oppresses anotherpeople cannot dream to liberate itself.You liquidate in a sole stroke of the pen the theory of Permanent revolution for the colonial andsemi colonial countries, you liquidate the Marxist program and you oppose to them the task ofdefending the oppressors. Let us remind you that that was the program of Stalinism in the USSR,which had also transformed it into a jail for many peoples, by oppressing other nations within it.Your slogan of bi-national worker state is the same that Stalin applied after Lenins death,guaranteeing the oppression of the oppressed nations of the former USSR by the Great Russianand Slavic Stalinist bureaucracy.

    9) The regime of a party has to do with the character of its politics, its program and its orientation, as thethesis of the Permanent revolution tell us. The regime of launching moral accusations without proofsbefore the public discussion has started that the GB has adopted and that you let happily be, it no otherthing that the refraction of the adaptation to the social imperialist social democratic parties.We are not receiving now an agreeable breeze or a fresh gale from the UK but a filthy, deoxygenated air,

    perhaps from honest revolutionaries that due to the crisis of the Fourth International are perhapsinvoluntarily?- adapting openly to social democracy, just in a moment when the latter has entered one of itshistoric collapses and when the Trotskyist renegades, inventing their new anti-capitalist parties areobliged to hurry up and run to occupy its vacant place. Will the ITC choose to be another outpost playingthis role that today imperialism in crisis has assigned the Trotskyist renegades? You have to opt.

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    10)This is not a letter as the one we sent before, which was informal, so you could know our elaborations onour positions. This is the official position of the International Action and Coordination Secretariat of theLeninist Trotskyist Fraction.Without any doubt, in the acid tests of class struggle, and in the matter of proletarian principles and moral,it is defined who can speak in the name of Trotskyism and who cant; who is seeking honestly for arevolutionary path, and who is seeking a path to reformism. Centrism oscillates between the revolutionaryprogram and the counter-revolutionary program. It gets nervous in an open and loyal political discussionthat seeks the truth and the best program for our class to win. It looks forward to establish diplomaticrelations and, as Trotsky said, it is less careful when looking for its international allies than when it looks for

    them in its own country.From our political struggle we call ITC to choose sides, because it will not be the first time, as Trotsky saidon centrism, that the centrist hen hatches duckling eggs, and then, very frightened, balks at its baby duckssailing in the lake of reformism. We were expecting today an interesting political response and aninteresting debate. In comrade Gerrys note, you are refusing to that. From our part, we put clear ourposition publicly before the masses, which will have definitively, the last word.

    11)Today CWG has given your note a response which is fully taken as ours, by the SCAI of the LTF

    12)Clearly, GB either then in 2004 when it endorsed the expulsion of a Peruvian Lucha Marxistas leader ornow, launching moral accusations without proof against leaders of the LTF- has broken with the oldprogram of the 21 points of the Collective, that in its point number 19 said Socialdemocracy, Stalinism

    and union bureaucracy have liquidated the most elementary class principles and moral. Centrists,revisionists and liquidators of the Fourth International are following them in this path. The Proletariat isthirsty for frankness, honesty, devotion and the widest workers democracy. To discuss and resolve andact, workers and youth must sweep from the workers organizations the method introduced by theseleaderships who try to silence the political differences inside the workers movement by slanders,amalgams, and physical violence.On the contrary, from the LTF, we have incorporated the defence of the proletarian principles and moral asa Marxist apothegm, as it is said in point number 20 of our program of 23 points, e.g.: In defence of class

    principles and moral, and the condemnation of the infamous methods of Stalinism, Socialdemocracy andthe renegades of Trotskyism of chasing, beating, calumniating and attacking workers and revolutionarycurrents in the mass organizations they lead. We have seen the Lambertite current calumniate theHungarian leader Varga, wrongfully accusing him of being a CIA agent in the middle of the revolution of

    the worker councils in 1956, seeking with this to settle their political differences. We have seen also thiscurrent to do the same against Ricardo Napur. We have seen Loras POR in Bolivia accuse Juan PabloBacherer, a leader of its own current that had political differences, of being an agent provocateur of the

    police, using this campaign to expel him. And finally, we have seen in Argentina 2002, the Partido Obreroof Altamira and company to beat with clubs and taking Juan Pico Muzzio leader of the LOI-CIDemocracia Obrera- to the police and to the bosses justice. All of these are just a few examples that therenegades of Trotskyism have broken with the most elementary class moral and principles, and they havebecome in continuators of Stalinism also in this field.

    Comrade Gerry, comrades from ITC: are you or are you not endorsing this apothegm? Because in the matter ofproletarian principles and moral, there are only two paths: either you are with Trotskyist tradition, or you are withthe tradition of Stalinism and Lambertism.

    On Behalf of the International Action and Coordination Secretariat of the Leninist Trotskyist Fraction

    Quique Negro and Silvia NovakLaura Snchez from LTI of BoliviaRoque Snchez from LTI of PeruJoaqun Villanueva from POI-CI of ChileJulin Jurez of the LOI-CI of Argentina

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