Settlement and Sustainability in the Polish Sudetes Edited

8/19/2019 Settlement and Sustainability in the Polish Sudetes Edited

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GeoJournal 50: 273–284, 2000.© 2001 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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Settlement and sustainability in the Polish Sudetes

Lesław Czetwertynski-Sytnik, Edward Kozioł & Krzysztof R. Mazurski

Chair of Spatial Management, Faculty of Regional Economics & Tourism, Wrocław University of Economics,ul. Nowowiejska 3, 58-500 Jelenia Gora, Poland (e-mail: [email protected])

Received and accepted 16 June 2000

Key words: agriculture, Poland, pollution, population, rural tourism, Sudetes, sustainability

Abstract

The paper summarises the history of human settlement in the Sudetes from the Bronze Age. A more intensive stage wasreached in the Middle Ages when settlers from the west established new villages deep in the mountain valleys. By thebeginning of the 20th century the Sudetes were already overpopulated but after a near-complete ethnic replacement from aGerman to a Polish population in 1945–8, population continued to grow until the 1980s. However, the economic system washardly sustainable by this time. There were many polluting industries in the region and massive transboundarypollution fromadjacent areas of Czechoslovakia and Germany had a devastating effect on the forests. Moreover, subsidised state agricultureplaced heavy pressure on vulnerable mountain grazings. Since 1989 there has been a process of deindustrialisation in theSudetes and surrounding areas and, with the disappearance of the state farms and the reduction in subsidies, agriculture isnow better adjusted to the naturalpotential and is complemented by a promising start with agrotourism. The population of theregion is growing relatively slowly (0.8% per annum 1956–1999), with the rural areas now in decline. A sustainable futurefor the region is now a possibility, but while there is a consensus for continued environmental reconstruction, supportedby alternative economies, this will have to be carefully managed in the years ahead when EU accession may bring heavierdevelopment pressures than those evident at the moment.

Introduction

Named by the classical geographer and astronomer ClaudiusPtolomaeus who used the label ‘Sudets Mountains’ in a 2ndcentury map of Greater Germany and Switzerland (Walczak,1968), today’s Sudetes form a part of the mountainous south-ern border, rising to 1,602 m at Sniezka on the frontierbetween Poland and the Czech Republic and extending some300–350 kms from the Lusatian Gate in the northwest tothe Moravian Gate in the southeast (Figure 1) (Mazurski,1999). The mountain belt is about 50 kms wide; delimitedon the northern side by the Sudetic fault, extending from

Boleslawiec through Zlotoryja to Zloty Stok. This fault lineseparates the Sudetes from the Sudetic Foreland; two areaswhich are related geologically though they are quite distinctin terms of regional geography. The transition is very gen-tle in the west but is much more spectacular further eastthrough a difference in altitude of some 600 m. The wholemassif has been subjected to great changes through phasesof mountain building and associated volcanic, metamor-phic and erosive processes. The result is a great variety of rocks and minerals expressed in landscape terms through ex-tremely diverse relief. However, in view of their narrownessand the low altitude of the passes, the mountains have longbeen exposed to human settlement and the complexity of

the cultural evolution - frequently dramatic and momentous- fully complements the physical diversity already referredto. The paper tries to summarise the changing patterns of

political and cultural geography and to evaluate the presentsituation in this historical context.

The region in history

There is evidence of human settlement in the Sudetes in thePalaeolithic period before the beginning of Neolithic agri-cultural settlement in the valleys. Danubian ‘ribbon ceram-ics’ have been found in the Jelenia Gora, Klodzko and Wal-brzych areas. Commerce appears to condition the economicand cultural changes of the Bronze Age, dominated by a

Lusatian Culture that was eventually replaced by the arrivalof Celts from the south. This phase of proto-Slavonic settle-ment involved important technological innovations includ-ing the potter’s wheel and quernstones. Contemporaneouswith the Roman Empire were Wendish colonies occurringin the Bobr and Nysa Luzycka valleys. Defensive strong-holds, fortified by earthen and wooden banks and shelteredvillages survived until the 10th century. Farmlands createdby woodland clearance and lime burning can be attributed tothe Slavonic Bobrzanie tribe occupying ‘Slezanie’ (a nameperpetuated by Sleza Mountain) in the upper and middleBobr basin and the Klodzko district. Feudal relations aresymbolised by the castles of Grodziec, Swiny and Wlen,

while higher level political formations were taking shape oneither side of the main watershed from the 9th century: thePiast state in Poland and that of the Przemyslids in Bohemia.


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Figure 1. Location of the region with communal units and the date when the maximum population was reached between 1950 and 1985. Source: Census.

At the beginning of the 13th century there was consider-able immigration by Germans, from well-settled areas fur-

ther west, who took advantage of the economic potential at atime when climatic conditionswere relatively favourable. Asterritory was contested, the Sudetes together with Silesia asa whole saw bitter struggles for control by Czech, Germanand Polish lords. The first historical Polish duke (MieszkoI) was in control at the end of the 10th century but in the12th century, after the death of Duke Boleslaw Krzywousty,the unity of Silesia was undermined and by the 14th centurymost local dukes had accepted the rule of the Czech king JanLuxemburski. Silesia’s links with the Czech crown lastedtill 1526, but economic development continued. Piast rulebrought monks (Benedictines, Cistercians and Knights of St.John of Jerusalem) who founded abbeys and pioneered new,

more intensive farming methods. There was an expansionof mining: copper at Miedzianka, iron ore at Kowary, silverat Srebrna Gora and gold at Lwowek Slaski, Zlotoryja andZloty Stok. Quartz and beech wood formed the basis of aglass industry throughout the Sudetes, but such was the de-forestation resulting from population and industrial pressure- accelerated under Austrian Habsburg rule in Silesia at thebeginning of the 16th century - that the Bishop of Olomoucstarted to encourage tree planting.

The first mining colonies appeared near Zlotoryja, wheregold production was very important. As well as Germansinvited by the Piasts, Dutch, Flemish, French and Walloon

people were also present. However, the ethnic balance wasnot radically changed and only in the Lwowek and Zloto-ryja areas (later to the southeast as well) were Germans in

the majority at this time (Sielezin 1987–8). German vil-lages were morphologically distinct, reflecting the radical

cultural change taking place while compact street-villagesremained in the early-settled territories (especially in widevalleys and across the foothills), the new settler communitieswere aligned along the mountain valleys following forestclearance. But further woodland clearance provoked heavyerosion due to the lack of vegetation cover and inappropriateploughing methods (using new iron ploughs) which acceler-ated run-off during heavy rain. The setback was accentuatedby the Hussite War and the devastating Thirty Years Warof 1618–48, when there was heavy loss of life throughplague as well as hostilities. But population continued togrow overall (with new clearance settlements in areas likeKarpacz-Ploczki) and new employment was found in shep-

herding while Protestant refugees from Bohemia establishedthe practice of exploiting the wild herbs that were readilyavailable to mountain dwellers. Meanwhile, on the lowerground the linen industry dominated the local economy foralmost two centuries.

Further political upheavals in the 18th century werelinked with Prussian administration and the creation of animperial boundary along the crests of the Sudetes whichproduced a smuggler’s paradise. But business was modestin relation to the further expansion of industry as the newgenerations of entrepreneurs introduced a factory system,sustained by water and electric power, for the production

of cotton and paper. Coal mining and related power sta-tions transformed the landscape especially in the Walbrzycharea. Some new communities were drawn into this ex-


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panding complex: religious refugees from Zillertal (Tirol)came to Myslakowice near Jelenia Gora in 1832 wheretypical Tirolean architecture was implanted. Modern com-munications (roads and railways) to serve what was now animportant part of the Prussian industrial economy encour-aged the development of towns, especially on the mountain

rim (Walbrzych) and in the principal valleys (Jelenia Gora,Kamienna Gora and Klodzko) and also brought tourists tothe Bystrzyca, Iser and Table mountains where the geo-logical features were of much interest. Health resorts andclimatic stations arose, as at Cieplice Slaskie, Karpacz, Ku-dowa, Ladek, Szczawno, Polanica and Szklarska Poreba(though Karpacz and Szklarska Poreba, along with Swier-adow Zdroj, were also connected with glass and paperindustries) and shepherds’ cabins took on new recreationalfunctions, especially in the more accessible areas. The FirstWorld War created a new situation in that Bohemia becameCzechoslovak territory, but the cultural landscape was hardly

affected since the German communities on both sides of themountains were undisturbed. Progress was made with land-scape conservation with the creation of nature reserves in1938 (Mazurski, 1996c). This was very necessary in viewof the severe environmental problems that were already ap-parent through the mining industry at Walbrzych and NowaRuda, through water pollution by industry and through ma-

jor changes in the forest cover. Despite limited data it isclear that the ecological capacity of the Sudetes was beingexceeded.

The Second World War did not have devastating con-sequences until evacuation was organised by the Germanauthorities during the first half of 1945 (Miszewska, 1994).

When the German front collapsed under Soviet pressure atthe end of the winter the area was spared heavy fightingand the infrastructure remained largely intact. But the Ger-mans started to leave - indeed the ‘Ostflucht’ had beguneven before 1939 because of the difficulties faced by thefarmers - and following the arrival of the Soviet Red Armyand the Potsdam Treaty (which placed Silesia under Polishadministration) all the remaining Germans were displaced(300–400,000) unless they could prove their Polish origin ortheir participation in anti-Nazi activities. Other nationalities(including Austrian Germans) remained, but neverthelessthe late 1940s was a period of great migratory upheaval

which had a particularly radical impact in the Sudetes whereonly some five percent of the present population can be re-garded as indigenous. The empty spaces were filled to someextent by people who moved west with the army, but mainlyby people displaced from parts of eastern Poland transferredto the USSR (Ciok, 1994). There were also groups of returnemigrants from Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany,Yugoslavia and even Africa, Canada, the Far East and SouthAmerica; though not everybody stayed because there weredifficulties in adapting to the mountain environment andthieving (especially by people from the towns) was quitecommon. There were also Poles arriving from overpopu-lated voivodships like Kielce, Krakow, Lublin, Rzeszowand Warsaw; also other Poles - native to the Sudetes - whowere able to return home as reconstruction got under way.

Another group comprised persons who declared Germannationality during the wartime occupation of Poland, leftwith the Germans and returned only when the rehabilitationof this ‘Third Group’ of ‘Eigendeutschmen’ was envisaged(Czetwertynski-Sytnik, 1981).

As Poles came in to the Sudetes from the east, inten-

sive farming resumed spontaneously for a time along theagro-forest boundary. Villages in the high mountains sur-passed their pre-war population levels. Population continuedto grow until 1960 (Zbieg, 1983), because the settlers weremostly young people and the birth rate far exceeded the na-tional average (Figure 1). Some efforts were made to restorethe environment, but the Sudetes were neglected by commu-nist planners because the region was seen as being relativelyprosperous. The infrastructure had deteriorated badly by theend of the 1960s while the persistence of obsolete technol-ogy in the coal mining and chemical industries (specialismsunder central planning) and the lack of adequate protection

resulted in environmental degradation as air and water pol-lution increased. Meanwhile, the political thaw after 1956and the accelerated development of the poorer regions en-couraged migration by many mountain dwellers, especiallyin the low density areas (below 50 persons/km2) close tothe Czechoslovak and German frontiers: for example theKaczawa Mountains and the southeastern part of Klodzkodistrict. People also moved closer to the urban centres of the region, especially to the valleys of Jelenia Gora andKlodzko, and some managed to emigrate, albeit illegally(Staffa, 1996). Abandonment of farmland in the 1960s -including some entire settlements in the Klodzko area - re-sulted in the gradual return of woodlands to their natural

habitat. At the same time, there was a reconstruction of thespecies structure: spruce accounted for 95% of woodland inthe lower montane zone in 1945 but the proportion is now80%, though this is still high in comparison with the naturalweight of 65–70%.

Further industrial development in the communist periodled to much environmental damage, especially in view of transboundary pollution from adjacent areas of Czechoslo-vakia and the GDR which accounted for an estimated 70% of all pollution affecting the Western Sudetes. 42 conventionalpower stations in the Black Triangle, operating in 1989with a total capacity of 9,770 MW and equipped only with

electrostatic filters up to 30 years old, were responsible forvery heavy sulphur dioxide and dust emissions (Mazurski,1996). Taller chimneys in Germany, built to provide localrelief from pollution, merely increased damage in Poland.Likewise the Czechoslovak decision to build a coking plantat Stonava (only two kilometers from the Polish border)failed to consider the cross-borderimplications. Manufactur-ing industry also paid insufficient attention to environmentalprotection and domestic fires constituted a further hazard.Some 12,000 ha of forest were destroyed (Mazurski, 1990).Meanwhile, local mining generated further ecological haz-ards through the mine tips at Bogatynia, Jelenia Gora andWalbrzych. Arguably the evolution of the region’s economyhad reached a stage where it was plainly unsustainable andsystem change, associated with deindustrialisation and a re-


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duced tempo of business generally, provides a window of opportunity to begin rebuilding in such a way as to safeguardthe natural qualities while offering alternative employmentsand a better quality of life.

The Sudetes at the end of state socialism

Figure 2 covers the West Sudetes - the Karkonosze and IserMountains - where the destabilisation of forest ecosystemswas very evident by the end of the 1970s. Forests have diedover an area exceeding 12 km2, mostly in the Iser Moun-tains and the reconstruction areas provide an indication of the extent and location of the most damaged areas. In addi-tion to transboundary pollution, there was pollution damagefrom local factories, like the glassworks at Piechowice andthe stone crushing mill at Swieradow Spa which generatelarge amounts of dust nearby. At the moment local heatingplants and domestic fireplaces are the main source of suchemission. Modern heating systems are needed, but the highcost means that progress is slow. Pollution hazards are in-creased by temperature inversions in the Jelenia Gora Valley,with a population surpassing 100,000, and in the SwieradowDepression. Meanwhile in agriculture there was quite heavygrazing pressure as a result of activities by highly subsidisedstate farms (Mazurski, 1991b). However a positive featureis the construction of additional reservoirs along the moun-tain foreland partly for defence against floods triggered bydeforestation. Some agricultural land was lost during the1980s as a result of this programme which did go some wayto establish a new equilibrium. Spontaneous development

is associated with local communities, but not always withenvironment fully taken into account: there must be change,with some reduction of pressure in vulnerable areas. Therivers were heavily polluted and only a limited area in theheadwaters maintained first class quality for pollution beganat quite high levels through discharge of sewage in holidaycentres. Sewage is available for less than half the population;for mechanised waste water treatment installations in thefast-growing towns were getting worn out by 1989, whilesome places had no facilities at all. Less than a fifth of in-dustrial sewage was treated, with severe problems in the caseof some industrial enterprises, like the paper mill at Karpacz.

The cleaning of rivers and lakes is also an important issue,especially for tourism, but there is still a lot of untreatedsewage being discharged: 64.4 hm3 (hectometers) in 1995(108.2 in 1980) in Jelenia Gora voivodship and 54.7 (94in 1980) in Walbrzych (compared with 3019.6 and 4681.3respectively in Poland as a whole). The bulk of the sewageis, of course, generated in the towns but the systems do notwork efficiently and many flats are not connected. The worstsituation arises in Walbrzych voivodship where only 64.5%of flats are connectedto water and sewage installations, com-pared with 78.9% in Jelenia Gora and 85.3% in Poland as awhole. Only 53% of rural houses in Poland are connected tosewage systems but in the Sudetes the proportion is often be-

low 30 (which means that over 70% of rural households aredischarging their waste into the natural river system). Thesituation is particularly unsatisfactory where houses have

piped water (which is relatively cheap to provide) but notmains sewerage because consumption - and therefore wastelevels - will rise without the means for efficient disposal.

Figure 3(a) shows that forests exist mainly in the highmountains and also in some lowland areas (surroundingWegliniec), where there are poor soils developed on sandy

glacial outwash material. Most lightly forested is the SudeticForeland, with fertile clay and loess soils as well as ma-

jor urban developments (Jelenia Gora and Walbrzych) andindustrial zones related to lignite mining and electricity gen-eration (e.g. the 2,000 MW Bogatynia power station). Statefarm ownership of land in Lower Silesia is mainly limited tothe depressions with the best conditions for cropping, whileprivate farms predominate in the mountains proper and in-dividual farms typically comprise many scattered pieces of land, reflecting both the topography and rapid changes inownership (Figure 3(b)). This is very noticeable in the neigh-bourhood of the main urban and industrial centres where

rural dwellers are interested in farming as a source of an-cillary income and domestic food supply. Generally, thefragmented holdings result in a loss of efficiency.

On a Sudetic Foreland, arable lands are more importantthan pasture (Figure 3(c)), with a roughly equal balancein the mountain depressions. As natural conditions becomemore severe with altitude, pasture becomes relatively moreimportant. While state farms took 37% of the land and pri-vate farms 63%, the latter averaged only 3.2 ha and werehighly fragmented (Kopec, 1995). Most farms fall into the2.00–9.99 ha band (the average for Poland being 8.00 ha),but there are many under 2.00 ha near the towns and indus-trial centres where farm work is complementary to the main

job. Agriculture still employs 10–25% of the active popula-tion - and exceeds 25% (sometimes reaching 50%) in areasremote from the larger towns and with especially good soils(e.g. Dzierzoniow, Kamieniec Zabkowicki and Strzelin).The index falls below 10% in heavily industrialised areas(e.g. Bogatynia) or forested zones (Miedzylesie), as wellas tourist centres (Karpacz, Kudowa Zdroj and SzklarskaPoreba). The timber industry and the forest administrationare large employers.

Towards a sustainable future

Ecology

Thanks to efforts made within Poland and also through in-ternational cooperation (including the PHARE programme),the region is now being appreciated for its ecological valuewhich must now be fundamental for sustainable develop-ment (Plate 1) (Kachniarz, 1998). The ecological conditionof the Sudetes has improved because trans-boundary pol-lution from the Czech Republic and Germany has beenreduced by the closure of some power stations and the mod-ernisation of others, while the extension of gas pipelines(e.g. in the Zittau area) has reduced domestic solid fuel

consumption. In Poland, there is also lower industrial out-put and substantial improvements at specific installations.


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Figure 2. Aspects of environment in the Sudetes. Source Korzen et al., 1987.

Rebuilding of the burning system for lignite in fluidal boil-

ers at Turoszow has cut emissions of sulphur dioxide atDzialoszyn village from 221 microgram/m3 in 1989 to 139in 1991 and 89 in 1993 (comparable figures for the IserMountains being 45, 29 and 23, respectively). Referenceshould also be made to the liquidation of the artificial fi-bre ‘Celwiskoza’ plant in Jelenia Gora in the mid-1980s:in the Solidarity era pollution levels became better under-stood and a local committee arranged for an expert studyled by Tadeusz Borys of Wrocław University of Economics’Regional Economics & Tourism Faculty based in JeleniaGora. The ecological threat and also the inefficiency of the enterprise was demonstrated, leading to a drastic re-

structuring beginning with closure in 1988. ‘Celwiskoza’ isnow divided into several smaller units including a heatingplant which supplies much of the town. The new manufac-turing units produce plastic bags and other goods throughan environmentally-friendly technology using intermediateswhich are now brought into the area from outside.

Meanwhile, heavy financial losses caused the closureof coke plants in Walbrzych following a press campaignwhich highlighted the obsolete technology. It was decidedthat modernisation would be too expensive, especially inview of the high cost of coal production from local mineswhich eventually closed in the early 1990s. Gas is nowimported from Russia. As a result of action against air pollu-

tion, dust emissions in Jelenia Gora voivodship were reducedfrom 35.5 Mg/km2 in 1980 to 8.0 in 1995 and in Walbrzych

voivodship from 13.4 to 1.5, respectively (in Poland as a

whole from 7.5 to 1.4). But there is still a great problem oversulphur dioxide in Jelenia Gora: down from 45.5 Mg/km2 in1980 and 30.2 in 1995 but very high compared with 5.1 and2.3 respectively in Walbrzych and 8.8 and 5.3 in Poland asa whole - mainly due to emissions from Turoszow powerstation. However, this huge complex (10 units of 200 MWwere built during 1958–1971) has been modernised from1992 with new boilers, desulphurisation and high efficiencyelectrostatic precipitations. Heating systems are being mod-ernised especially in health resorts: Ladek Zdroj installed agas heating system in 1999 while Swieradow Zdroj has builta new ‘green’ settlement based on gas heating. Jelenia Gora

is also introducing cleaner heating using oil or gas stoves.Septic tanks are now being installed, especially in the caseof new holiday homes and boarding houses, with heightenedpriority where properties are situated within the KarkonoszeNational Park.

The mountains themselves are being managed to a con-siderable degree as national parks or protected landscapeareas. The Karkonosze National Park, established in 1959,covers 56 km2 and (along with the adjoining Czech portiondesignated in 1992) is also a biosphere reserve. Increasedwoodland can be expected through the downward shift infarming and the older forests of the region are graduallybeing reconstructed. The Western Sudetes, which were the

first to show signs of heavy forest damage, are now greenagain after years of replanting. In the process there has been


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Figure 3. Aspects of land use in the Sudetes (a) forests; (b) farming; (c) population and employment. Source: Stelmach et al., 1990.

a restoration of natural proportions between deciduous andconiferous trees; thereby modifying the spruce monoculturesand providing a secure habitat for many rare plants and forthe reintroduction of endangered species. Such work is nowgoing ahead in the Eastern Sudetes; largely bypassing the

Middle Sudetes which are generally lower in altitude andconsequently less affected by air pollution. Forests remainlargely in state ownership, which is an important consid-

eration at a time when many private owners are seekingimmediate profits by cutting their trees. In the Sudetes thecurrent priority is to improve management by providingbetter access through new forest roads, even in the highmountains. This will open the way for cutting and extrac-

tion by heavy trucks, although areas of clear felling will bereduced and much of the woodland will be only lightly cutby the removal of individually marked trees. Erosion will


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Plate 1. The Sudetes landscape around Maly Staw, above Karpacz.

Plate 2. Pheromone traps on the lower slopes of Sulica Mountain aboveKowary.

also be tackled through better water management and theconstruction of further dams and sluices. And insect pestsare being controlled by pheromone traps which are tubularin shape and emit an odour to attract male insects (Plate 2).

Population

The population is growing only slowly, by 0.8% per an-num on average from 965,000 in 1956 to 1,112,000 in 1968

and 1,300,000 in 1999. But this can only be an estimatebecause the district units taken for the 1968 census haveexperienced repeated boundary changes. However, given theurban growth from 196.4th in 1946 to 285.5 in 1960, 383.1in 1985 and 391.4 in 1997, it is clear that the rural populationhas grown only slightly and it almost certainly in decline

at the present time on the higher ground, despite some in-migration. Unemployment has emerged as a serious problemfollowing the closure of coal mines in Walbrzych and NowaRuda, while the textile industry has been undermined bycheap production from the Far East and second-hand cloth-ing sent from the West on top of the collapse of the Russianmarket which Polish manufacturers have traditionally sup-plied. Some 20,000 miners have left the coal industry inrecent years, pushing the unemployment rate to 20–30% inthe Walbrzych area in 1995 compared with 14.9% for Poland(falling to around 15% in the region and 12.0 in Poland in1999). Poverty has also resulted in reduced patronage of the

resorts of the region and retailing has been threatened by thegrowth of casual street trading by itinerant merchants fromother parts of Poland and from other post-socialist countries.They are especially prominent at the border crossings of Kudowa Zdroj, Sieniawka and Zgorzelec. Some criminal-ity and mafia activity is associated with the business whichprovides goods cheaply for consumers but reduces employ-ment opportunities for the less assertive local populationand provides virtually no income to government. Many of the younger people have left for the cities, especially Poz-nan, Wrocław and Warsaw. Out-migration from Walbrzychvoivodship was −2.3 per 1000 inhabitants in 1995, withoverall change running at −0.5 per thousand (+1.2 in the

Lower Silesian Legnica growth area and also in Poland as awhole), compared with +12.0 in 1975 (+14.9 for Legnicaand +10.2 for Poland). Jelenia Gora voivodship is in a morepositive demographic situation with a growth of +0.6 perthousand in 1995 compared with +12.8 in 1975, while mi-gration is only slightly negative at−0.6 compared with −6.6in 1975; an improvement arises from the better businessprospects close to the German border.

There is however a redistribution within the region aspeople move to the urban areas, especially the valleys of Jelenia Gora, Klodzko and Walbrzych. Even some of thetowns are losing population (due to deindustrialisation asso-

ciated with the transition) and those that have grown between1985 and 1997 have registered only modest increases (Ta-ble 1). However there are exceptions like Kamienna Gora,Piechowice, Stronie Slaskie and, especially, Bogatynia, sit-uated in the west on the mountain rim, which has beenexpanding because of the lignite mining of the TuroszowBasin and the large local power station in the locality. Kami-enna Gora’s growth will probably continue because of itsadministrative status as a district (‘powiat’) centre in thenew administrative order introduced in 1999 (Klodzko, Je-lenia Gora and Walbrzych have similar status). All the localauthorities are now obliged to prepare strategies for sustain-able development in line with the Polish constitution. Ruralsettlement densities are approaching the national average of 123 persons/km2 in the vicinity of large towns: e.g. Mys-


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Table 1. Population of selected towns in the Sudetes and foothills (th)

1880 1910 1939 1946 1960 1985 1997

Bogatynia n.a. n.a. n.a. 2.8 10.5 17.0 20.3

Bystrzyca Klodzka 5.5 6.2 7.0 9.5 7.9 11.9 11.8

Jelenia Gora 14.4 20.5 35.3 39.0 49.6 91.0 93.4

Karpacz n.a. n.a. 2.2 2.9 4.5 6.0 5.8

Kamienna Gora 6.7 13.5 13.6 12.7 17.4 23.0 23.2Kudowa Zdroj n.a. n.a. n.a. 2.3 7.9 10.5 10.8

Klodzko 13.3 17.1 22.0 22.8 23.3 29.5 30.5

Kowary 4.3 5.9 6.6 6.9 11.4 12.5 12.8

Lubawka 4.9 4.8 5.2 6.3 6.0 7.2 6.9

Piechowice 2.4 3.5 4.4 3.2 5.4 7.0 8.0

Szklarska Poreba n.a. n.a. 7.6 4.1 6.8 8.4 8.1

Stronie Slaskie n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. 4.9 5.6 7.2

Swieradow Zdroj n.a. n.a. n.a. 2.9 2.9 4.7 4.9

Walbrzych 12.1 19.6 64.2 72.9 117.2 138.7 137.8

Ziebice 5.8 8.6 8.9 8.1 9.8 10.1 9.9

Source: Jelonek, 1967; Ciok, 1994.

lakowice near Jelenia Gora and Nowa Ruda near Walbrzych.But there are still strong local variations in rates of naturalincrease from−6.0 per thousand in Bardo communeto morethan +2.0 in Lubawka. Women are generally in a majority(with the index of feminisation ranging from 102 in StaraKamienica and Zawidow communes to 115 in Karpacz) withthe exception of some villages situated in the most moun-tainous parts of Kamienna Gora district. This relates to theprominence of tourism and the growth of accommodationand catering establishments.

Business

The slump in business, first experienced at the end of the1970s but more strongly felt since 1989 has created anopportunity for economic reconstruction, given the goodtechnical infrastructure and skilled labour available throughredundancies in the textile and engineering industries; notto mention the graduates of the Jelenia Gora Faculty of theWrocław University of Economics. The ‘Jelfa’ pharmaceu-tical plant in Jelenia Gora is an established producer whichhas been reprofiled and now maintains a high standard of environmental protection. The Kowary carpet industry has

found new markets for its quality products (Plate 3). Theemerging economic structure gives much more importanceto the tertiary sector (wholesaling and retailing). In October1999 there were almost 11,000 businesses or ‘economic sub-

jects’ of which 75% were small and medium-sized enterprise(with fewer than ten employees) in trade and other serviceslocated in the towns and villages. This is a good indicator of local initiative which can be welcomed as sustainable devel-opment because the environmental impact is minimal andnatural resources are not being exploited. Meanwhile un-employment in the Walbrzych area has been eased throughthe establishment of special economic zones under 1994legislation which allows fiscal concessions for licensed man-

ufacturers. Within the Walbrzych zone (256.4 ha distributedbetween Dzierzoniow, Klodzko and Nowa Ruda as well asWalbrzych itself) a third of the land has been developed and

4,000 jobs created. There are now over twenty different en-terprises, with American, Belgian, Czech, Dutch, German,Japanese, Russian and Turkish capital represented. Car partsare a prominent element, with investments by BTR Auto-motive and Toyota car transmissions, along with wholesalewarehouses and small engineering and textile factories em-ploying 20–50 workers. Firms pay no taxes and only a lowpayment for land for the first ten (sometimes 15) years. An-other zone was established for a 20 year period in 1997 andfinally opened in 1999 at Kamienna Gora (119.4 ha) andNowogrodziec, north of Jelenia Gora (107.0 ha). The capital

threshold for entry into the zone has been deliberately setquite low at ECU 0.40 mln or a minimum workforce of 40.Developers will be exempt from tax for the first ten yearswith a 50% reduction thereafter.

Many communities are now seeing tourism as a good po-tential business, though this may conflict with environmentalprotection, as in the case of the ski lobby’s desire to investin the mountains. The infrastructure is being overhauled: aski centre was opened in 1998 on the slopes of Czarna Gorain the Klodzko Land (an area where unemployment is rela-tively low, thanks to the tourist industry), but the pressure onthe Karkonosze National Park is much more controversial

(Plates 4–6). There is already a ski lift at Szklarska Porebaand a similar facility is sought at Karpacz, although the re-vised national park plan seeks to limit such pressure. Lesscontroversial are holiday centres on the lower ground, likethe ‘Wild West’ village at Karpacz opened in 1997 (completewith its ‘bank robbery’ performances) and other develop-ments at Bukowka and Miszkowice (villages situated to thewest of Lubawka) where local reservoirs provide for water-based recreation. Another development is planned for StaraMorawa, southeast of Klodzko where facilities have alsobeen improved by the opening of marked cycle routes andfootpaths around Ladek Zdroj. Some local authorities andlandscape park administrations have prepared educationalpaths, backed by special publications (papers, booklets and


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Plate 3. The carpet factory at Kowary.

Plate 4. Modern tourist buildings at Karpacz.

advertising), as part of a campaign to change the image of the Sudetes from black to green one.

The 1999 season brought good results with more visi-tors than in previous years, though higher occupancy rateswere more evident in private boarding houses than in theformer state rest houses which are not so active in marketing.Tourism has been assisted by a considerable improvement

in local services (banks, garages and telephones) and byadditional border crossings, including some in the high

Plate 5. Sign post at Kopa (1375 m) above Karpacz.

mountains for walkers. Some industrial buildings are usedfor tourism (e.g. mine adits) and it is good that this as-pect of heritage should be turned to advantage. Businessin the Sudetes has not been helped by the fact that manyPoles who settled after 1945 came from areas without atourism tradition. In addition there was little encouragementfrom the communist government, while local authoritiesprovided token support only. But help now comes from re-gional development agencies set up in 1991 for Jelenia Goravoivodship (‘Karkonoska Agencja Rozwoju Regionalnego’)and Walbrzyska (‘Walbrzyska Agencja Rozwoju Regional-nego’). They train small businessmen in the workings of the market economy, offer loans and credits on preferentialterms and distribute information and promotional materials.Former state rest houses are being refurbished followingprivatisation; providing jobs and good prospects for youngpeople in particular. However there remains a threat fromnew transport projects like the Szczecin-Prague motorway(via Kamienna Gora) which was not included in the govern-ment programme of 1995 but is still being supported by thelocal authorities concerned.


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other regions are acquiring spacious but run-down propertiesto use as a base for rural tourism and ecofarming. As thetourist industry recovers, there is scope for the opening of new pensions and the provision of other tourist services withtrained labour available through modified education profilesin some schools. Information is being provided by the Euro-

pean Centre for Ecological Agriculture & Tourism (ECEATPoland) and the publication ‘Holidays on Organic Farms inPoland’ is distributed in foreign languages.

Institutions

Green politics emerged out of the civil protests of August1980 and local groups started to fight for a better envi-ronment. And since parliament has not fully responded,ecological education has now become the preoccupation of some local newspapers and journals: notably the monthly‘Ziemia Klodzka’. There are around a dozen NGOs con-cerned with environmental protection in the Sudetes and themost important are the two oldest organisations: PolskieTowarzystwo Turystyczno-Krajoznawcze - PTTK (PolishSociety of Tourism and Country-Study), and Liga OchronyPrzyrody - LOP (League for Nature Protection), as well asthe national organisation Polski Klub Ekologiczny - PKE(Polish Ecological Club) established in 1980. These groupsoperate in the towns and some of the larger villages. WhilePTTK promotes interest in nature among tourists, througheducational meetings, LOP acts in more practical waysthrough tree planting and publishing with the support of theyounger people while PKE has its own experts to monitorenvironmental threats and it also active in educational and

publishing. Smaller NGOs generally operate as local soci-eties like ‘Stacja Edukacji Ekologicznej’ (Station of Eco-logical Education) at Swieradow Zdroj or ‘StowarzyszenieGrupa Reakcji A.Eko-Front’ (Association Group of Reac-tion A.Eko-Front) at Szczawno Zdroj: both places beinghealth resorts where environment is of major concern. Mean-while ‘Towarzystwo Dzialan dla Samorozwoju: Baza Eko-logiczna OIKOS’ (Society for the promotion of Self-Help- Ecological Base OIKOS) at Ponikwa in the BystrzyckieMountains and ‘Fundacja na rzecz Wspierania Kultur Alter-natywnych i Ekologicznych’ (Foundation for the Promotionof Alternative and Ecological Cultures) at Pobiedna in the

Iser Mountains deal broadly with ecological, cultural andsocial problems.Often activity is spasmodic and concerned with lo-

cal problems as they arise and the perceptions of theleading activists, though all seek greater social aware-ness and improved performance by local authorities withregard to infrastructure (especially water, sewage androads). Polish NGO Websites (http://free.ngo.pl/otzo andhttp://gemini.most.org. pl/ katalog_poe)can be consulted forfurther details in both Polish and English. Finally, referenceshould be made to Euroregions first proposed by the Germanpresident in a visit to Zittau in 1991. Some coordinationof tourism development occurs in Nysa Euroregion for the

western sector (1991) and Glacensis for the Klodzko Land(1996), while a ‘Sudetes Euroregion’ for the central area isstill awaited. An increasing number of transfrontier organi-

sations are now functioning, such as the ‘Fundacja KulturyEkologicznej’ (Foundation of Ecological Culture) which hasrefurbished a renaissance manor house at Czarne in JeleniaGora in order to open a centre of ecological education for theNysa Euroregion. It organises ecological meetings and func-tions, prepares a natural inventory for the Pijawnik valley

which should be specially protected as a facility for practicalenvironmental education.

Conclusion

The Sudetes have experienced many traumatic demographicchanges and the 20th century shows this only too wellthrough the rural-urban transfer and the substantial replace-ment of the entire population following the Second WorldWar. And whereas the long-term demographic trend hasbeen upwards, there is now quite pronounced depopulation

although in the context of historical time scales it is probablytoo early to say if this really marks a critical ‘turnaround’.The decline through deindustrialisation is reinforced by alack of building activity and new environmental policieswith implications for the intensity of agriculture; and it isall the more striking because of the surge in natural increaseduring the early post-war years. If inappropriate policieshave been adopted in the past it is important now thatthe concept of sustainability should apply not only to thephysical landscape of the region but also to the communitystructure.

Reconstruction in the Sudetes offers the possibility of change to a more sustainable future for both landscape and

community. Although there are no instruments which explic-itly encourage the adoption of ‘clean’ technology, the morestringent regime of environmental protection in the run-upto EU accession is exerting a positive influence. There is ageneral consensus that market forces will have to establishthe most viable operations, but always in the context of theenvironmental conditions and the legal framework requiringa sustainable approach. The local resources should in anycase be safeguarded to allow the maximum developmentof leisure and tourism commensurate with preserving thequality of the countryside. Many communes see tourism asthe key, especially in the context of proximity to Germany,

but the landscape will need protection and there should becoordination to avoid wasteful duplication of facilities.

Acknowledgement

The authors acknowledge the input of the Guest Editor inrewriting the original paper; constructing the second half of the present work from submitted notes and providing allmaps and plates apart from Figure 1.

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Settlement and Sustainability in the Polish Sudetes Edited