Upload
andreas-andreou
View
226
Download
3
Tags:
Embed Size (px)
DESCRIPTION
Dissertation
Citation preview
1
Punishing anti-military conscience in the
Republic of Cyprus.
Giving voice to the voiceless.
Andreas Chr. Andreou
supervised by Dr Jane Hindley
2
3
Compulsory military service seems to me
the most disgraceful symptom of that deficiency in personal dignity
from which civilized mankind is suffering to-day
Albert Einstein, source, year
4
5
Index
1. Introduction
2. Conscription
3. Avoiding the army – Conscientious objection VS Fygostratia
4. Punishing antimilitarism – Law regulations and weaknesses
5. Challenging perceptions
6. A European authoritarian state?
7. Conclusion
8. Bibliography
Abbreviations and terminology
Acknowledgments
Appendixes
6
Chapter One
Introduction
Almost two and a half years ago, it was the first time in my life when I felt totally free.
Totally free to experience and feel my life as an independent individual, who can live
his life based on his own expectations, will, decisions and options. That’s not only
because my previously life was determined by the social expectations and
obligations of having to obey the demands of the educational system (as it happens
almost with everybody who lives in civilized societies) but also because in the
country I was growing up, Cyprus, we have another social obligation which is
conscription. In December 2010 it was the time when, after a stressful and
challenging process, I managed to get a discharge from my rest 20 months obligation
to serve in the army - after serving for four months. It was a period in which I felt as
free as a bird to open my wings and freely and independently, with a brand new
peace of mind, fly across the skies of my will and conscience. Yes. In Cyprus we have
conscription which is thought to be a moral duty to this country. A duty in which
everybody is socially, legally, unconsciously and psychologically obliged to fulfill. A
duty which others set upon us without caring about our own morals and conscience.
a duty which others set upon us without bearing in mind that some of us want to
comfort to it and obey or to disobey and be uncompromised.
This experience of conflict with the law, the society, the norms and mainly with
ourselves is the topic of this dissertation. This dissertation is about us, us who
haven’t and who will never conform to the norms and the expected but instead who
have and who will always listen to our values and conscience. We are the cursed
subjects and producers of ‘Fygpstrata’1. We are the cursed ‘Fygostrati’ of the Cypriot
society. We are the small amount of youth who the society blames for the recent
increasing trend of avoiding conscription. We are the ones who our politicians want
1 The word ‘Fygostratia’ derives from the greek words ‘φεύγω’ (fevgo = I leave/quit)
and ‘στρατός’ (stratos = army). It is the noon which terms the act of leaving
from/quitting the army/military service. In English it could be translated as ‘Army-
quit’. The greek singular adjective is ‘fygostratos’ and the plural adjective is
‘fygostrati’ and it could be translated as ’army-quitter(s)’.
7
to punish, confine in psychiatric clinics, deprive our fundamental rights and victimize
our lives.
As the issue is very broad, multilateral and not at all objectively and widely analyzed,
it is unfeasible to limit this paper in a one-dimensional research question. If
demanded to give the most indicative question which defines this paper though, it
would be ‘What ‘Fygostratia’ is and how politicians treat it’. Of course there are
many hidden aspects of the topic and many sub-questions which can be produced
and the more I was researching, the more I was coming across arising important and
challenging questions.
In order to answer to that question and present the whole issue as objectively and
analytically as possible, I will offer a short account on conscription in Cyprus – just to
give an informative background to the readers – and then I will present the most
important findings regarding the ways in which Cypriot male citizens quit their
military obligation, based on press research. After that, I will analyze how politicians
try to regulate this issue, which they address with strong aggression and
determination. All of these are the product of my hypothesis, that Fygostrati are in
fact conscientious objectors who, as they are victims of the authoritarian governance
system, doesn’t claim their objection but instead they avoid military service on
health grounds. This hypothesis will be analyzed in the last chapter, after I offer the
necessary background in the previous ones.
The method I used in order to gain information and findings to present to this paper,
apart from the press research, I curried out interviews with a politician, a
psychologist who is an expert in the court, a lawyer and a social scientist. Moreover,
I curried out a survey research with both fygostrati and people who serve(d) their
military service. In that way I will try to give voice to the voiceless fygostrati, in an as
objective as possible way.
My contribution will not be limited to the previously stated but it will also be unique,
as the issue will be presented and analysed in that way for the very first time. Not
only that, but this dissertation will be the cornerstone for important initiatives and
changes for the society of Cyprus, as, after its completion, I will proceed to further
independent initiatives which will start with the creation of an online informative
and supporting community regarding the right to avoid military service under the
umbrella of the right to conscientious objection. The findings of this paper as well as
the findings of my observation of this issue, after the online community will be
8
launched, will be sent to many organizations, such as the Commissioner for the
Protection of the Citizen in Cyprus, with complaints and recommendations.
Moreover, I intend to use this paper as a helpful tool for organizations which
promote the right to Conscientious Objection such as Amnesty International,
European Bureau for Conscientious Objection, War Resisters International and
others. Apart from that, I will try to promote the topic in the local media, as a Head
of the Online Community which I will build.
9
10
Chapter Two
Conscription
I open the dissertation with this short chapter, through which I give the
most basic information about conscription in Europe as well as in Cyprus –
with accompanying information regarding the composition and distribution
of its population. This can only work as an informative background for the
rest of the paper as the knowledge offered here is not needed for one to
understand the rest of the paper.
A short account on conscription
Levi (2002, p.337, 341) reports that compulsory military service justifying its
imposition with democratic principles and wining the acceptance of citizens was
introduced in 1793 in France and it is (or it was) one of the important obligation of
democratic citizenship, as, since then, many democracies followed the French
example in order to provide military security to their states.
According to the same source though (2002, p.337, 341), a careful examination to
the history of conscription indicates that there are many changes and
11
transformations in the forms of military service, something which lead to a variation
in military formats over time and among states.
Having to do with the today’s general situation, Ajangiz (2002, p.307-308) maintains
that conscription suffers from a very serious crisis, as the latest developments in
Western Europe are framed in the long-term process of the decline of the mass army.
Moreover, he identifies democratic reason and social mobilization as the greater
influence to that. As he stresses, in a few years’ time, the European map of
conscription has radically changed as many states abolished compulsory military
service and he wonders if the days of conscription are really coming to an end.
If we are to examine the European situation briefly, we can say that until 2010, the
only countries in Europe with conscription were: Finland (6-12 months), Estonia (8-
11 months), Denmark (4-12 months), Germany (6 months), Austria (6 months),
Greece (9 months) and Cyprus (24 months). In the rest of the European countries
conscription phased out during the previous two decades (CIA reports)
Conscription in Cyprus
For the matter of clarity, before I proceed to the short history of the enshrine of the
Cypriot army, I believe that it would be helpful to give a short account on the
composition and distribution of the population in Cyprus after its declaration as an
independent state in 1960.
After the independence in 1960, the Constitution defined Cyprus as a country which
was legally inhabited by a big majority of Greek Cypriots (about 70%) and a minority
of Turkish Cypriots (about 30%). The constitution recognized other very small
minorities as well – Armenians, Latins and Maronites. During the first years of the
independence some bi-communal conflicts took place which reached a peak in 1963-
64, when Turkish Cypriots rebelled against the state, abandoned their state powers
and moved in specific areas of the island. REFERENCE
As REFUSING TO informs, Cyprus has been a divided country ever since 1963 when
the federal republic came to an end and a UN ‘peace keeping force’ was established
12
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:NCyprus_districts_named.png
in 1964. After a coup organized by the military junta in Greece, the Turkish army
invaded the northern part of the island in 1974 and the occupation by about 35,000
Turkish armed forces has continued to this day. The invasion resulted in the splitting
of the island in two parts, the north and the south. In 1983 the north part was
declared as ‘The Turkish Republic of the Northern Cyprus’ (TRNC) – an entity
recognized only by Turkey. The republic of Cyprus is globally recognized – with the
exception of Turkey – and after the war, it controls only the south part of the island.
Based on the official website of the National Guard2, we can see that the
establishment of the Cypriot army under the name of National Guard of Cyprus
started after the declaration of the independence of the island. At the beginning of
the independence, the constitutional articles numbered 129-132 were talking about
an army of two thousand men – 60% Greek Cypriots and 40% Turkish Cypriots. The
service wasn’t mandatory but it could be after a common agreement by the
President and the Vice President of the Republic. After the bi-communal conflicts of
1963-64 and bearing in mind the threats thrown by Turkey for a military operation,
the efforts of the governors for the establishment of a stronger army lead in 1964 in
the creation of the ‘National Guard General Staff’ (GEEF) based on the Law 20 «On
National Guard». This law introduced conscription in Cyprus which made all men
aged between 18 and 50 liable for military service.
According to Refusing to bear arms(page 93), the service was initially lasting 26
months while today is 24 months for the vast majority. The National Guard, as we
2 http://www.army.gov.cy/?page_id=60
13
are informed in its website, is constantly at war with the Turkish occupational forces.
From 1974 until today, the National Guard has and continues to perform an
important task’ and ‘it has become a well-trained and measurable deterrent’. The
main aim of it is ‘the defence of our independence and the sovereignty of our
territory as they serve our freedom and dignity; as the ex-Minister of Defence
stated3 while the Head of the Parliament, Mr Omirou stressed in 2007 that it is the
biggest pride to serve your motherland and that ‘there is no better biographical
statement than that’4. Of course there are numerous statements like this in many
articles and TV programs, as well as other media, from many politicians of all the
political parties in Cyprus, as the issue of conscription is indeed very important for
the mainstream sphere.
Having to do with annual statistics, Refusing mentions that –at least until 1997 – the
armed forces comprised ten thousand troops, which was about 1% of the population
and that every year about 5,600 young men reach conscription age while every year
there are around 8,700 conscripts – as the service lasts for two years5.
3 Ethniki froura kai istoria, teuxos 30, ioul-dek, 2012
4
http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/5E5B181B9FBA5E6CC2257317002CB86B?Opendocument 5 There couldn’t be found any clear and precise source indicating the exact numbers of people who
enlist every year for the latest years, neither of people avoiding the army, as reports are conflicting. One report indicated that every year, five thousand people enlist (http://maki1959.jimdo.com/%CE%B1%CF%81%CF%87%CE%B9%CE%BA%CE%AE/%CE%B1%CF%81%CE%B8%CF%81%CE%BF%CE%B3%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%86%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CE%BC%CE%B5%CE%BB%CF%8E%CE%BD/%CF%86%CF%85%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AF%CE%B1/) while at the same time, in 2007, the estimation of Politis Newspaper was three thousand (http://www.efylakas.com/archives/1064). Another article reports 4,700 conscripts for 2009 (http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/173120).
14
Chapter Three
Avoiding the army Conscientious Objection VS Fygostratia
According to Refusing, at least until 1997, control on draft evasion in
Cyprus was strict and the completion of military service was even a
criterion for admittance to higher education institutes and jobs in the
public sector. Moreover, young men are prevented from leaving Cyprus
without the written permission of the Ministry of Defence as a measure to
minimize every effort of avoiding military service. Despite these, though,
there were known and documented cases of people refusing both military
and unarmed military service at least until 19976.
Levi (2002) argues that ‘As the institutions and norms of democracy develop and
change, so, too, do the conditions under which citizens will consent with or resist
military service’. Based on that, the question which triggers this chapter has to do
with what happens with people who refuse to go to the army and do their service,
despite their legal obligation. As an introductory remark, it can be mentioned that
there are two legal ways for someone to avoid military service; the one is the claim
of Conscientious Objection (C.O.) to military service and the other is commonly
known in Cyprus as ‘Fygostratia’. As these two ways can easily get confused with
each other, in the following pages I will give an account on both, so we can be in a
position to differentiate them as two distinctive methods. The main objective of this
chapter is just that, an account on the two ways in which one can avoid military
service. At the same time, this knowledge will help to build a strong theoretical
background, necessary for the understanding of chapter six, in which I will examine if
those two phenomena have common aspects and in which way they interrelate.
Conscientious Objection in Cyprus
According to ‘Right to C.O. in the United Nations Human Rights Law, 19-21’, the
Commission on Human Rights, based on many organizations and international
bodies, recognizes the right of everyone to have conscientious objection to military
6 Refusing, p.93-94
15
service as a legitimate exercise of their fundamental rights7. Moreover, article 18 of
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and general comment No. 22
of the Human Rights Committee, recognizes that conscientious objection to military
service derives from principles and reasons of conscience, including profound
convictions arising from religious, moral, ethical, humanitarian or similar motives8.
Not only that, but, as an Amnesty International’s statement mentions, "The right to
conscientious objection to military service is not a marginal concern outside the
mainstream of international human rights protection and promotion"9. Moreover,
United Nations constantly focused on the issue of C.O. since its establishment. The
legal basis of the right to C.O. (including to military service) is guaranteed by many
organizations and institutions, including – apart from the previously mentioned – the
European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental
Freedoms (1950) and the American Convention of Human Rights (1969). Even in
Africa, the Charter on Human and People’s Rights (1981) guarantees that
fundamental freedoms and rights will never be subject to law and order.
In short, a conscientious objector (CO) can be an individual who has claimed the
right to refuse to perform military service on the grounds of freedom of thought,
conscience, and/or religion.
Early Measures
Based on Refusing to bear arms, for the case of Cyprus, the first law recognizing the
right to CO to military service passed in 1992, providing two options of unarmed
military service during peacetime for those who object military service. These were:
a) One service lasting 42 months (16 months longer than the then 26 months’
standard service),
b) Another service lasting 32 months (6 months longer)10
7 The Commission on Human Rights also bears in mind that it is recognized in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights that everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person, as well as the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion and that also the right not to be discriminated against. 8 http://ebco-beoc.org/sites/ebco-beoc.org/files/ConscientiousObjection_en.pdf
9
http://web.archive.org/web/20080515005528/http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR010041997?open&of=ENG-2EU 10
The 42 months’ service didn’t require the wearing of uniform and was performed outside military camps while the 34 month’s service was served in uniforms within the military environment, without the use of weapons. REFUSING
16
Despite this 1992 law, it becomes obvious through my research that the Republic of
Cyprus was still very strict with people who wanted to avoid service and the law, the
provisions of which were poor (refusing, 93), wasn’t respected neither was in line
with international standards in a number of crucial respects – as it was falling short
of relevant resolutions and recommendations of the UN and the Council of Europe –
as it is stated in one of the numerous reports by Amnesty International. One of those
reports mentions that the fact that Cyprus didn’t adjust its national legislation to the
international standards has to do with the government’s unwillingness to find a
workable solution11. For example, in 1995 there were 18 Jehovah’s Witnesses / CO in
prison serving sentences of up to 15 months for their refusal to perform military
service or reservist exercises8 and at least until 1997 it wasn’t clear how far the
application procedure (for C.O.) actually worked as there were no known cases of
people applying for unarmed military service. Not only people were imprisoned but
even after their imprisonment they were liable to be called up again and to face
repeated sentencing (refusing).
Even ten years after this law passed, there still were complaints about fines and
imprisonments, as Amnesty International intervened once again, reporting rising
concern about repeated prison sentences of CO’s in Cyprus and urging the state to
amend the legislation and bring it in line with international standards. The right
wasn’t even recognized for reservists and in 2002 there were several trials of
Jehovah’s Witnesses’ reservists whose right to CO wasn’t recognized and they were
accusation for insubordination9.
Recent Measures
The latest regulation passed in 2011 and it has a punishing/discriminatory nature, as
the European Bureau for Conscientious Objection observes, based on the fact that its
length is 37.5% longer than the standard service12. Moreover, the law provides that a
C.O. who serves an alternative service is liable to lose this right and he is sent back to
the military service if the Minister of Defence demands it or if he participate in a
syndicalistic activity or in a strike, something which is familiar with previous
regulations which were providing that a CO can be obliged to serve in the army at
any time regardless if he did an alternative service. (reference the law)
11
http://kypros.org/Documents/AI/171095.html 12
http://ebco-beoc.org/cyprus , (MPs saw that if the length was the same as the standard service, people would prefer it and they wanted to avoid that. It seems that they ignored the warning by the former Minister of Defence who proposed the same length for reasons of security and safety)
17
My research could not provide me with any recent cases of conscientious objection
in the south side of the island and nothing important is known about recent cases
where there was implementation of the right to C.O. Furthermore, by looking at the
press coverage of military issues, nothing much is written about conscientious
objectors apart from the resent law regulations. Even these articles are not very
informative as they only report basic law provisions. Based on my own observation, I
believe that there are no such cases recently with fines or imprisonment of people
who object to the recruitment neither the right C.O. in Cyprus is popular or even
widely known13. It is not known either what happens with Jehovah’s Witnesses
despite the fact that everything shows that the situation is still the same with the
previous decades where the vast majority of CO’s are Jehovah’s Witnesses8.
Fygostratia
Fygostratia is a relatively new phenomenon in Cyprus and it is the term given by the
government and the media to name the method which someone can use in order to
avoid his military service – on health problems’ grounds. With that method, in some
cases someone can go to the military hospital claiming and getting examined for an
illness or disorder which doesn’t let him serve, and ask for a first postponement of
his service, which lasts six months. He can renew it for another six months and if he
doesn't get well or insist for further postponement, then the third time will be a
permanent discharge. In some other cases there is a direct discharging. One
important clarification which must become clear is the fact that, even though it
varies, in most of the cases, when politicians talk about fygostratia, or when articles
talk about it, they refer to and they mean the phenomenon produced by those who
‘without strong reasons, they claim fake (most usually) psychological problems in
order to get a discharge from the military service’14,15. A very serious problem which
arises here, will be mentioned in chapter six.
13
My survey results indicate that only a small proportion of 21.9% of people (Fygostrati with conscripts together) knew about the right to CO at around their 18’s 14
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/500466
15 In one case, DIKO’s MP Mr Constantinou stated that Fygostratia ‘is a frivolous avoidance of the duty
to serve the state. And it is frivolous because it’s achieved by three means: claim of fake psychological
health problems, claiming of fake bodily problems or claiming difficulty to settle in in the military
environment’. He continued by arguing that Fygostrati are ‘cunning exploiters’ with lack of conscience.
(http://www.diko.org.cy/easyconsole.cfm/id/1152).
18
When did it appear?
An early indication of this phenomenon – in a milder form – could be the fact stated
at the beginning of this chapter – that there were cases of people refusing to serve
military service around 1997 when the report studied was published. Based on a
2009 report from an MP (Political Party DIKO), the phenomenon (postponement or
discharging from enlisting because of psychological problems) ‘shows an increasing
trend the last ten years’16. The first state announcement17 and newspaper article18 I
could find which includes the term were released on July 2007, on the occasion of
the then new law regarding C.O. It seems that the phenomenon took the attention
of the politicians at least one to two years before that though, in 2005-2006, as,
based on a newspaper report (July 2010) Political Party DIKO suggested a law
proposal in 2005 in order to deal with the phenomenon ‘effectively and in prober
time’19,20 as they knew that it is increasing year after year21 and they were believing
that this is alarming22.
Generally speaking, since then, the mentioning of Fygostratia in the newspapers
started facing an increasing trend and it started facing a decrease recently, even
though we can see articles about it from time to time. Also, from 2011 onwards,
press reports state that there is a decline in the rates of fygostratia.
How many people quit the army?
Based on the ex-Minister of Defence Mr Papakostas, the exact number of fygostrati
cannot be clear and the annual numbers can be misleading, as they include people
from the previous years as well23 and because the number is limited at the beginning
of the enlisting while it increases later on, during the two years’ service24, 25.
Despite the various numbers given by various politicians and which do not agree
between them or/and they don’t specify if they refer to postponements/discharges
for each year or for many years together, the most accurate source regarding the 16
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/171088 17
http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/5E5B181B9FBA5E6CC2257317002CB86B?Opendocument 18
http://www.efylakas.com/archives/1064 19
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/analiseis/other/285036 20
In his speech for the conference ‘Fygostratia: Propositions for Prevention and Confrontation’ (June 2010), organized by his party, Mr Constnatinou reports that the law proposal was suggested in 2006, when the phenomenon wasn’t as intensive as it was at the time of the conference. http://fytos.blogspot.com/2010/06/blog-post_7152.html 21
http://fytos.blogspot.com/2009/01/blog-post.html 22
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/social/160143 23
http://www.moi.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/D46119FE9AB2F594C22575A500637D63?Opendocument 24
http://fytos.blogspot.com/2009/01/blog-post.html 25
Based on my survey research, 40.9% of my fygostrati responders didn’t serve at all, 27.3% served from one day to two months, 9.1% from two to five months, 13.6% from five to eight months and the rest 9.1% served more than twelve months.
19
number of people who avoided military service seems to have been given in an
article in Simerini Newspaper (July 2009)26, which, apart from specific information
based on a research curried out by the Ministry of Defence, it gives the table on the
next page which shows specific figures regarding permanent discharges and
postponements from 2000 to 2008. According to the article, from 2003 until 2009
the number of people who received a postponement on mental health grounds was
2.779 (8.13% from the total number of people who had to enlist) while 469 (1.37%)
for other reasons. Moreover it mentions the increasing trend of the phenomenon, as
in 2000 the number of discharges on
mental health grounds was just 43 people
while in 2008 it was 995 and the number of
postponements was 436 in 2000 and 1293
in 2008. Not only that but from 1999-2004,
one out of ten (prospective) conscripts got
a postponement and half of them ended up
with a discharge.
As mentioned before, since 2011 there was
a decline in the number of demands for
postponements/discharges. More
particularly, the former Minister of Defence
stated that there was a drastic decline in
2011 and that their effort to face
Fygostratia was successful27. In the January
2012 enlisting28, fygostratia rates were
from zero to extremely low29 while before
the July enlisting the reports showed that
the phenomenon was minimized by 60%30.
Moreover, in February 2013, reports
26
http://www.sigmalive.com/files/filefield/4/7/3/simerini12072009.pdf 27
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/505024
28 It is important to mention here that there are two enlisting periods, one in January – with a very small
number of conscripts – and another one in July. That is to say that a rational hypothesis would be that we have a better picture on fygostratia rates by examining the July enlistment, in which the majority of the press articles refer to. 29
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/454928
30 http://www.cybc.com.cy/sports/live/index.php/local/item/483-
%CE%B4%CE%B7%CE%BC%CE%AE%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B7%CF%82-%CE%B7%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%AC%CE%B4%CE%B7%CF%82-%CF%80%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%B9%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AF%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B7%CE%BA%CE%B5-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AC-60-%CE%B7-%CF%86%CF%85%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CE%BC%CE%B5-%CF%84%CE%B1-%CE%BC%CE%AD%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1-%CF%85%CF%80%CE%BF%CF%85%CF%81%CE%B3%CE%B5%CE%AF%CE%BF%CF%85-%CE%AC%CE%BC%CF%85%CE%BD%CE%B1%CF%82-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CE%B9-%CE%B3%CE%B5%CE%B5%CF%86
20
showed that fygostratia was minimized by a further 25% in comparison to the same
time in the previous year31. Finally, despite the fact that the latest law proposition
(which aims to regulate fygostratia rates) and generally the threatening about
consequences (may have) minimized fygostratia’s proportion, it hasn’t satisfyingly
worked until today, as the former Minister of Defence stated in July 2012 that they
still need to limit further and even eliminate fygostratia32 2013 article
Characterizations by officials
The words used by politicians in order to describe the phenomenon can give a clear
sense of how the issue is approached by the governance system, the media and the
Cypriot society in general. Two of the most indicative quotes are the following:
It's a serious current social problem which injures the militancy of the
National Guard, victimizes the responsible conscripts and erodes the
cohesion of the Cyprus society. It’s an issue which takes the attention of the
whole society33. It’s a carcinoma. It’s a retardant bomb in the foundations
of the National Guard which unfortunately detonated34.
DIKO’S MP Fytos Constantinou, 2010
Fygostratia is a shame and an indication of cowardice35. A morbid
phenomenon and it’s unacceptable36.
Former Minister of Defence, 2012
It is not necessary at all to give further quotes as, after my press review, I realized
that the statements are more or less the same, with the same rhetoric, the same
effort to demonize fygostratia and present it through an atmosphere of danger,
illegality and lack of values from the part of fygostrati.
31
http://www.astra.com.cy/index.php/el/arxeio-eidisewn/26953--25--- 32
http://www.cybc.com.cy/sports/live/index.php/local/item/483-%CE%B4%CE%B7%CE%BC%CE%AE%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B7%CF%82-%CE%B7%CE%BB%CE%B9%CE%AC%CE%B4%CE%B7%CF%82-%CF%80%CE%B5%CF%81%CE%B9%CE%BF%CF%81%CE%AF%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B7%CE%BA%CE%B5-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AC-60-%CE%B7-%CF%86%CF%85%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CE%BC%CE%B5-%CF%84%CE%B1-%CE%BC%CE%AD%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1-%CF%85%CF%80%CE%BF%CF%85%CF%81%CE%B3%CE%B5%CE%AF%CE%BF%CF%85-%CE%AC%CE%BC%CF%85%CE%BD%CE%B1%CF%82-%CE%BA%CE%B1%CE%B9-%CE%B3%CE%B5%CE%B5%CF%86 33
http://fytos.blogspot.com/search/label/%CE%A6%CF%85%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AF%CE%B1 34
http://www.diko.org.cy/easyconsole.cfm/id/1152 35
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/505024 36
http://www.newsnow.gr/article/71265/katadikazei-ti-fygostratia--oso-yparxei-katoxi-tis-kyprou-tha-yparxei-kai-ef-diaminyei-o-ypourgos-amynas.html
21
22
Chapter Four
Punishing antimilitarism
Law regulations and weaknesses
From what has been previously reported, it becomes clear that politicians
are not willing to allow Fygostratia to expand further. Not only that but
they try to minimize it, if not to eliminate it, since the early days when the
phenomenon was observed, as ‘claiming health issues, psychological or
others non existing for avoiding conscription must be avoided’, as the
current Head of the Parliament Mr Omirou stated in 200737. The way in
which they try to regulate this issue can be characterized as provocative –
as they have even tried to deter people with problems from quitting their
service38 – and which shows the determination and passion with which
they address the issue. What makes this issue even more interesting is
the mentality which governs our politicians regarding this issue – for
which an indication was given in the previous chapter. Despite the
continuous political fights taking place since the previous years and
despite the fact that there is not a feasible solution in the horizon,
politicians still insist on measures and provisions which move on the same
lines with previous ones which failed to pass.
In this chapter I will present the most important findings from my press
research regarding legal regulations and I will also try to illuminate the
mentality behind their approach which is vital in order to shape a clearer
picture on the issue in question.
37
http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/5E5B181B9FBA5E6CC2257317002CB86B?Opendocument 38
‘A law proposal is under planning which aims to keep all the people in the military, even with their problems. We will handle in a different way only those who indeed cannot serve’, http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/173120
23
The early measures
2007 - 2009
The first serious effort to address ‘those who claim iconic psychological reasons’, as
an article in the press39 started, took place in 2007, while the first measure under
discussion was about the establishment of the so called ‘Social Work Scheme’.
According to this measure, those who claim psychological health problems and
found to be unable to serve in the military will be obliged to serve an alternative
service in public services for 25 months. Another article40 published in the next
month, mentioned that a law passed which established an alternative service for
CO’s and an alternative service which lasts 30 months for conscripts who, for health
reasons, cannot do the standard service.
Press review shows that in 2009, again, there were ongoing discussions for a new
law – as the previous measure failed – which was expected to be sent to the
parliament for voting at the end of the year. For the purposes of its creation, a board
was established, consisting of recruiters and lawyers41. Based on a Simerini
Newspaper article42, the new law was about new measures to minimize fygostratia.
That period it became clear that even though the issue was difficult, the measures
had to be consistent with the image of a modern and democratic state which works
lawfully and with proper administrative acts, as the then Minister of Defence
reported.
Based on that article, the new measures were providing that:
- Discharge will be temporary and fygostrati must inform the state for their
health condition and improvement on a monthly basis –an idea suggested by
the Group of Conscripts’ Parents43,
- The reasons of the discharge will be stated on the army certificate44, and
- All previous fygostrati will be subject to re-examination and re-enlistment if
found to be capable.
39
Simerini newspaper, 29 june 2007 40
http://www.typos.com.cy/nqcontent.cfm?a_id=72424 41
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/171163
42 http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/200174
43 An online group mainly consisting of parents of conscripts who created a page in a social networking
site. They intervened in the media and the parliament in order to raise awareness regarding this very serious and unfair issue – as they considered it to be – of Fygostratia. Their pages doesn’t work anymore and the group doesn’t intervene in the public sphere. 44
The article which offers those information reports that private organizations already ask to see the
army certificate for purposes of employment.
24
Another suggestion came from a DIKO’s MP (Zacharias Koulias), who suggested
those who demand a discharge, to be sent for 40 days of confinement, accompanied
with medical staff, which will try to offer a proper diagnosis.
2010 - 2011
It seems that the process for the passing of the law was under development even in
201045. The delay caused much disapproval by the Group of Conscripts’ Parents –
who reported the issue in the local media – as well as by parties46. The explanation
given by the then Head of the Parliamentary Board of Defence was explaining that
the new law was reconsidering many aspects of militancy and that’s why it took so
much time. ‘If it was only about Fygostratia, it would have been finished in one or
two sessions of the Board’, as he reported47.
Based on Simerini Newspaper48, a new measure which was under examination was
suggesting the deprivation of the electing rights of deserters while later on, the
parliament decided to discuss only the probability to deprive the right to get elected
and not the right to elect, as they thought that it could lead to appeals to the
Supreme Court. The Attorney General found that this measure is constitutional!
Based on the new measures under discussion, even more public services will change
their regulations in order to ban or limit opportunities and rights for fygostrati. More
measures under discussion for those who didn't finish their service on grounds of
mental health and cognitive disorders were including deprivation of driving
license/gun license, deprivation of the right to work as a firefighter and guard as well
as in the public sector and in semi-public organizations. At the same time, there
were plans for a revised alternative service.
In short, after the new regulations get enforced, fygostrati were not to be given
under the control of the public sector – as happened with the previous regulations –
and they would be split into three categories: a) those who get a postponement, b)
those who are either obliged to serve in special camps with helping duties or obliged
to get borrowed to public services, and c) those who the examiners judge that they
are unable to serve and they will be being called once a year for re-examination until
they get 30 years old49.
45
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/282322 46
http://www.diko.org.cy/easyconsole.cfm/id/1152 47
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/354138
48 http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/280331. As the article mixes up deserters with fygostrati,
we don't know if this measure was about fygostrati as well and the reporter didn’t make it clear. 49
http://filoksenos.blogspot.com/2010/06/blog-post_9154.html
25
Finally, in 2011 the Parliament passed the ‘New United law about the National Guard
2011’. Among others, it established the National Board for Prevention and Dealing
with Fygostratia50 and it brought an end to the previous alternative service for those
who for different reasons avoid conscription. ‘They will be considered as conscripts
in a special military service without a gun, lasting for 32 months’ an article reports51.
It continues by reporting that ‘They will probably participate in shootings, if their
commander judges that it is necessary – based on their improvement. Otherwise,
camps have many works which those special soldiers can do, instead of the normal
soldiers who go with a zeal and passion to serve their country’! The Head of the
Parliamentary Board of Defence confirmed that information in our interview and he
added that those conscripts had to serve from 7am to 7pm daily and after 7am they
would leave the camp. Moreover, he informed me that those who refused it, they
would get a discharge and he concluded that the measure couldn’t work effectively.
Current Measures The New Law Proposition
The proceeding years after 2011 and until today, politicians continued with their
efforts with the law regulations, despite the fact that at that time, press reports
showed a decline in the number of fygostratia. The reason to that it seems to be the
fact that the previous laws were still not workable and effective.
The next step in the effort to deal with fygostratia, which is the latest one, came in
2012 and is a law proposition prepared by the Social Democratic Political Party EDEK’
MP and Head of the Parliamentary Board of Defence, Mr Varnava on behalf of his
party. As he told me in our interview, the exact aim of his proposal is ‘to employ
some disincentives to people who don’t have real reasons to avoid military service
and they claim fake health (psychological) problems in order to get a discharge’. He
recognized that it is a very hard case and for that reason, the Board called all the
relevant public services (e.g. Ministries, the Public Administration and Personnel
Department, the Commissioner of Personal Data Privacy) in order to inform them
about their plans and to ask them to consider the issue and come back with ideas
and suggestions. The process stops here as no new meeting took place between the
Parliamentary Board of Defence and the public sector’s bodies. It is expected to
50
The main duty of the Board was to examine the issue of Fygostratia as well as to propose legislative and administrative measures which can prevent or minimize Fygostratia, http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/480200 51
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/354138
26
happen in the near future. After that, taking into account their suggestions, the
proposal will go to the parliament for voting, as Mr Varnava informed me. A very
recent article reports that the law proposal was accepted by all the political parties
but it doesn’t refer to the expected meeting of the public sector representatives52.
Provisions
This law proposition suggests three draconian measures against fygostrati but they
are subject to consideration and change, based on the outcome of the forthcoming
meeting mentioned above, as Mr Varnava told me. These measures are the following:
a) Deprivation of the right to have a driving license
b) Deprivation of the right to have a license for owning a gun
c) Deprivation of the right to acquire a job in public services, educational
services and in the wider public sector.
Can this proposition effectively work?
Mr Varnava says yes and he bases his positive answer on the following occurrence:
After the public conference and media coverage of that effort to minimize
fygostratia, there were many prospective fygostrati who were calling at relevant
public services (e.g. Ministry of Defence, Enlisting Offices) asking for information
regarding the new law and its measures. Those services were previously asked by
the Parliamentary Board of Defence to misinform people - by hiding the fact that it
was just a proposal which hasn’t yet passed – by saying that it was already enforced
and that fygostrati will face consequences. Varnava stated that the result of this
strategy was a decline in demands for discharges, something which proves that
many of the prospective conscripts who would abandon their service, in fact don’t
have real reasons for that53.
52
http://www.alithia.com.cy/index.php/koinonia/item/10071-2013-04-11-11-28-16 53
Moreover, as he explained to me, he, on purpose, submitted his proposition and made a public
conference to introduce it a short time before the 2012 enlisting – only 7 to 10 days before. As he said to
me, prospective Fygostrati, as they don't know how exactly laws pass and get enforced, when they
heard from the media about the new law and its measures, even though they didn't know if it passed
from the parliament or not, they feared the provisions.
27
Weaknesses of legislations
As stated at the introduction of this chapter, it seems that there is not a
feasible solution in the horizon regarding legal regulations to eliminate
fygostratia. One important proof to that is the statement from the then Minister of
Defence in 2011, through which he confirmed that they tried every possible mean
based on what they were legally allowed to do54 and that also the new law about the
National Guard was expected to work successfully. Two years earlier though, in 2009,
he stated that they cannot eliminate fygostratia only through the law55. This is
something that is probable if we consider the discussion in the previous pages. Even
the last measure, the law proposal by Mr Varnava, is facing obstacles similar with
those of the previously suggested provisions which were unconstitutional or never
passed anyway.
Why do they fail?
An interesting question that is rising at this point is why almost nothing was achieved
the previous years. This question can be partly answered through the ex-Minister of
Defence Mr Papakostas’ statement56 in which he informs about the failure in the
alternative service regulations. One of the reasons to that is the following:
People approved for alternative social service are out of the control of the
Minister of Defence and so they never go to perform their given duties or
they go for only a while and then they leave away, or they even go and create
problems to the other workers or they disobey to perform their duties57.
Another reason which can be hypothesized is the difficulty and inability from the
part of the Minister of Defence to supervise and lead the way, as, based on a very
recent article (11 April 2013)58, the Head of the Parliamentary Board of Defence
stated that the Ministry of Defence, which deals with the coordination of the public
services in order to effectively apply the legislation, in fact didn’t do anything serious
so far.
54
http://www.financialmirror.com/news-greek-details.php?nid=5537 55
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/171163 56
http://www.moi.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/D46119FE9AB2F594C22575A500637D63?Opendocument
57 http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/171163
58 http://www.politis-news.com/cgibin/hweb?-A=232899&-V=articles
28
An amateur political arena
These show even a lack of professionalism from the part of Cypriot politicians and
the governance system in general. By carefully going through these points and facts,
what it seems to me, not only by examining the press year by year but also through
my experience in the Cypriot society, is that we don’t have a reliable political arena
with serious politicians who co-work with technocrats and other professional
agencies in order to produce effective, reliable, and modern legislations. There are
many proofs to that and the previous are just a few. How is it possible to have a
state in which the government consults an informal group of people (Group of
Conscripts’ Parents) in order to produce legislations? Moreover, how can happen, to
discuss these measures over and over again while it is obvious that they are
unconstitutional and they cannot pass. Let’s keep aside their unconstitutionality.
Why do politicians insist? Based on what rational? Isn’t it pointless and an indication
of idiocy? These are just rhetoric questions but at the same time they are another
way to dive into the core of Cypriot mentality which is reflected in our political arena.
The Cypriot mentality
A further food for thought for that point, is given by the LSE
Fellow, Dr Omiros Georgiou, who is a social scientist and he
himself, as a Cypriot, has an important experience not only in
the National Guard but also with the Cypriot mentality. I
interviewed him for the purposes of this research and some of
his remarks can shed a light at this exact point of the paper.
‘We have a problematic governance system in Cyprus. You
don’t have to be an expert to understand that’ Dr Georgiou says
to me in a combination of a sarcastic and puzzled tone. As he
emphasizes, Cypriot politicians misuse their powers and at the end of the day they
‘cut and sew’ policies without any indication of seriousness and professionalism and
that’s an important reason for their failure59. Dr Georgiou gives an example to that
and says that ‘Even recently, a few days ago, they (Cypriot politicians) violated one of
the four basic pillars of the European Union (free movement of capital) because they
couldn’t think of any other way to handle the economic crisis. What would you
expect from them to do with conscription? The exact same thing with different
actions and characters. In the first instance they stole money from people by giving
cheap justifications which present them as the only option, accompanied with
59
This can also be the answer to the crucial question which has arisen earlier, as to why politicians propose such profoundly undemocratic, unconstitutional proposals so easily and repeatedly, without any indication of respect towards basic human rights and international standards.
29
threats and an effort to produce panic in order to manipulate. In the second instance,
they set up the institution of the military service and they keep maintaining it – while
the majority of the rest European countries have abandoned it long ago, responding
to social demands and democratic reason – because they cannot find any other way
to provide security. The justification and the method to achieve it is the same (based
on cheap argumentation regarding the occupational status of Cyprus – refusing to
bear arms). How can someone expect something more from Cypriot politicians?’, he
asks.
Before he concluded, he confirmed that there is a profound lack of respect to human
rights in Cyprus and insists that we must see these issues in a wider angle; in every
aspect of the political and social life in Cyprus. He concluded by reporting a Nobel
prize winner, Krugman, who recently published an article regarding Cypriot economy,
in which he characterized Cyprus as the sum of all ‘FUBAR’ – ‘FUBAR’ as in ‘fucked up
beyond all recognition/repair/reason’ or as in ‘fouled up beyond all recognition’!
‘Even though his accusation was based on the economy, I go further to say that this
characterization, unfortunately but unquestionably, portrays the Cypriot mentality in
general, in every aspect’!
30
Chapter Five
Challenging perceptions
Unfounded accusations against fygostrati and their
discriminatory implications
In the previous chapter I pointed out efforts by politicians to eliminate
fygostratia by suggesting some very hard measures which disrespect the
law, are unconstitutional and violate basic human and civil rights and
which, if passed and enforced, can lead to successful appeals in the
European Court of Human Rights. I have also argued that in Cyprus we
have a problematic governance system which lacks professionalism and
which can be characterized by sketchiness. This makes us reasonable to
hypothesize that there are more problems in the way politicians and
society deals with conscription and especially fygostratia. A question
which might quite reasonably arise is as to where do politicians base this
approach.
In this following chapter I will try to challenge some of the basic
perceptions which society and especially politicians employ, regarding the
military service as well as conscription in Cyprus, in order to justify
everything they try to do. Some of them may have been reported before,
some others are new. This will help us to challenge the reasons politicians
give to justify their punitive approach as I will try to prove that not only
they don’t correspond to reality but also that they are lies.
Justifications
Statement 1
‘The National Guard enjoys the highest respect and trust’
Politicians consider service to the National Guard as the most sacred duty towards
the motherland and the Head of the Parliament believes that the National Guard is
the body which has the highest degree of trust and acceptance among Greek
Cypriots60. This could be used as one important reason why politicians try to
60
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/354138
31
eliminate fygostratia in order to keep the National Guard in the reliable levels they
believe it enjoys and not to let fygostratia harm its reputation and importance.
My survey research can easily reject this statements though, as, even though people
who serve, see the compulsory nature of military service to be a patriotic duty
(42.6%) and necessary to exist (47.9%) at the same time, they believe that it is a
waste of time (47.9%), ineffective (42.6%), useless (28.7%) and a violation of
democratic and humanistic values (19.2%) while only one out of three believes that
the military service in Cyprus promotes/reinforces peace – while one out of three
believes that it promotes nationalism or/and conflict. Not only that but only half of
them (55.3%) responded positively to the question if they would serve if the length
of the conscription was longer. Also, only the vast minority (6.5%) believes that, for
reasons of human rights and efficiency, military security should be provided by
conscripts while the majority of people believe that it must be provided by
professional soldiers (38%) or a combination of both (50%). Moreover, only half of
conscripts state that they serve because it is their duty. 61.7% serve because it is a
legal obligation, or/and because they didn’t want to dissatisfy their family (27.7%)
or/and because ‘all people serve’ (14.9%). Furthermore, if the military service wasn’t
compulsory, 59.6% wouldn't serve and if they had the chance to go back in time,
only 64.3% would serve again while the rest are uncertain or they wouldn’t. Finally,
almost half of them (44.7%) thought to ask for discharge while serving, as during
their service, even though they felt pride (47,9%), at the same time they felt
oppression (47.9%), psychological repression (42.3%) and indignation (42.3%).
We can argue that these figures show that many, if not the majority, among those
who serve(d), don't do so with a real passion and genuine will, neither they agree
with the statement 1. Most importantly, the figures show that there is a huge
disrespect and lack of belief towards the importance and capabilities of the National
Service.
Of course, further reasons which refute that statement can be found in the local
media throughout the latest years. There are many events which happened in the
National Guard which confirm the previously argued. Some examples include the
Statement 2
‘Fygostrati claim fake reasons’
I emphasized in chapter three that in most cases, whenever politicians talk about
fygostratia, they refer to and they mean the phenomenon produced by those who
without strong reasons, they claim fake psychological problems in order to get a
discharge from the military service and these are the people they, politicians, want
32
to punish and deter from continuing to do so, as they exploit the system, as Varnava
told me in our interview. Moreover, Varnava believes that by claiming extreme
reasons (including suicidal ideation and intention), military psychiatrists are unable
to deter them from quitting the army – and that’s another reason why it is hard to
stop fygostratia.
My survey refutes these as well, as more than half of fygostrati (54.6%) reported that
they haven’t claimed fake reasons while 9.1% reported that they gave the true
reasons despite the fact that they used exaggeration. 63.2% mentioned all their
reasons while, as they reported in the open-type question, their reasons include
both psychological and physical problems. For the 36.8% who didn’t mention all their
reasons why they wanted to quit the service, the reason why they hided some had to
do mainly with the fact that they were believing that they knew that the examiners
wouldn’t accept them – in a proportion of 71.4% – or that they wouldn’t understand
them (14.3%). Some of the rest of the reasons reported in the open-type question
include ‘ideological reasons’, ‘I wanted to go to study, ’conscientious objection’,
‘sexual orientation and personal beliefs’.
Apart from my survey, I asked Petridou about this issue and especially if it is easy to
identify whether people claim fake reasons in order to avoid military service. She
replied that no one can identify how they may feel deeply inside them. Moreover,
based on the nature and components of the Cypriot society, she believes that
someone who starts thinking of getting discharged must indeed have valid reasons,
because he knows beforehand that he enters into a struggle with social expectations.
A more specific reply which must be quoted is the following:
I don't believe that someone avoids the military service just because he is bored to
serve, or without deep consideration about it. It’s not feasible to define who have
real problems and who doesn't *…+ All of my patience who faces difficulties in the
military service have real psychological problems. None of them came here asking to
avoid the military service without any problems.
Statement 3
‘They avoid military service because they know it is very easy’
Having to do with the claims of politicians that Fygostrati avoid military service
because they know beforehand that it is very easy to do it, as military psychiatrist
cannot risk a negative decision, it is rejected by fygostrati as well. REFERENCE.
Almost half of them (47.7%) stated that during the process of getting a discharge,
33
they had the impression that it was hard, or very hard to get a discharge, while some
of them had no idea.
Statement 4
‘Fygostratia consists an injustice for conscripts’
Varnava stated in our interview that fygostratia is discriminatory, unfair and
provocative towards those who serve and towards their parents, because it
produces discrimination.
My survey challenge this claim as, despite the fact that only one out of three
conscripts stated that to avoid military service is not unfair towards those who serve
(19.2%) or in a small degree (13.8%), the majority of them believe that it is a
democratic right (60.9%) or a political act which must be respected (45.7%). Only
21.7% replied that it is unacceptable. Further commenting
Statement 5
‘Families are also responsible for Fygostratia’
The Head of the Parliament, Mr Omirou, stated61 that one of the reasons why
fygostratia is increasing is because families don’t educate their children about the
pride to serve our motherland! This shows that Omirou tries to argue that to serve in
the National Guard has to do with your morals and values, which derive from the
nourishment and upbringing of each of the prospective conscripts.
My survey challenges that as well, through a question regarding parental reaction to
the wish of their children to quit military service. Despite the fact that for fygostrati,
their parents were more accepting (35% showed full understanding and 30% partial
understanding while at a degree of 20% didn’t showed understanding), the majority
of conscripts replied that their parents wouldn't have a bad reaction but they would
only insist and try to make them stay (41.1%). Only 31.1% replied that the reaction
would be bad and 22.2% said that they would respect their decision. This shows that
it can’t be certain that the approach of the families can change the will and decision
of a conscript about him joining the army but it has to do with each individual’s inner
wish
Having said this, Petridou reports that it varies because while some parents support
their children to avoid the service, some others force them not to. The reason to the
61
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/354138
34
latter is because they fear bad social reputation, something which was reported in
my survey. More specifically, Petridou mentions that for many parents is an
indication of masculinity to serve in the military, so they feel ashamed if their sons
don’t serve and they even threat the son that they will disown him, or they fear that
their sons won’t be able to find a job without the military certification. Sometimes
there are domestic conflicts on that issue – mothers are supportive, fathers are
against.
35
36
Chapter Six
A European authoritarian state? Misrecognition and disrespect of international and
European laws regarding C.O.
In the previous chapter I managed to prove that politicians in Cyprus can
be characterized with a lack of basic (and deliberate maybe?)
understanding of reality, as I showed an orchestrated effort to justify their
punitive approach towards fygostratia not only by repeatedly trying to
pass hard law regulations but also by employing lies and understatements
about fygostrati which can help them to impose their plans.
This was necessary for a smooth proceeding to this chapter, in which I will
try to prove that politicians’ stance affects people’s conscience and
knowledge of their rights, which in its turn affects the way in which we see
and understand fygostratia. I will begin by the hypothesis that fygostrati,
are in fact conscientious objectors. After I will examine and analyze it, I
will give a further account on how Cypriot politicians treat the issue of
Conscientious Objection in order to identify the problems which arise. I
will continue by arguing that these problems interrelate with the fact that
a big proportion of people who avoid military service (the so called
‘fygostrati’), don’t do it on C.O.’s grounds, while they could very easily do
so in a state which respects basic and fundamental human and individual
rights. I will finish by explaining why I think that all these constitute
Cyprus to be an authoritarian state which orchestrates a punitive
approach and ruthlessly diffuses stereotypes and belittlements, which
promote discrimination towards an opposing group of people.
A hypothesis
In reality, are fygostrati conscientious objectors?
If the desire to enjoy the right to CO has proved itself to be one of the most potent
and contagious political forces the world has ever known62, then why this doesn’t
apply to the case of Cyprus63? Why isn't CO popular in this state but only limited
62
‘Right to C.O. in the United Nations Human Rights Law, 19-21’ 63
An AKEL MP (Aristos Aristotelous) stated in 2009 that the problem with people avoiding the military service doesn’t derive from conscientious objectors. Based on that we can hypothesize that the number of CO’s is limited.
37
mainly among Jehovah’s Witnesses? Aren't there people whose conscience and
beliefs conflict with militarism? Are there a few or many and for some reasons they
don’t claim their right? In order to give an as reliable as possible answer to this
question, we have to examine what fygostrati themselves believe about several
issues concerning, among others, militarism, peace, security and rights. This is one of
the things I tried to do with my survey research, as many of my questions can
illuminate the approach of fygostrati to those issues and the findings – which are
offered below in bullet points – can help us to shape an answer to the question as to
whether fygostrati are in fact CO’s.
In contrast to those who served their military service, the vast majority of
fygostrati (90.9%) believe that being obliged to serve in the army is a
violation of human rights as well as of democratic and humanistic values.
The majority of fygostrati (68.2%) believe that for reasons of human rights
as well as efficiency in the armed forces, military security should be offered
by professional soldiers – while only 38% of people who served believe the
same.
They claim that conscription in Cyprus promotes nationalism (75%) instead
of patriotism (25%) and conflict (50%) instead of peace (15%). Besides, only
4.6% believe that the existence of armed forces in Cyprus empowers peace
and they also believe (72.7%) that conscription in Cyprus is a waste of time.
Half of them believe that those who serve in the military should be
ashamed at some degree, as they empower militarism and most of them
(89.5%) would possibly explain to their friends and relatives the
disadvantages of conscription. Moreover, more than half of them consider
themselves liable to be proud because they don’t empower militarism.
If the length of the conscription was much shorter, 77.3% are not positive
when asked if they would serve. The findings compared with people who
served are conflicting again as 81.9% of conscripts don’t give a negative
reply when asked if they would serve if the conscription was longer.
Despite the fact that only 4.8% fygostrati got a discharge with the official
reason to be ‘conscience’, 55% claim that the reason why they wanted to
get discharged from the military service had to do with their conscience.
These findings show, among the rest, that fygostrati are not pathetic citizens who
uncritically obey the laws or who victimize their critical ability in order to conform to
what’s demanded and what’s presented as the truth. Because of that, they have
considered the issue of militarism and they came to their conclusions about it, which
critically assess rights and values, efficiency of the armed forces, perceptions about
peace and nationalism and others. These are findings which show that indeed, many
38
fygostrati have valid reasons to claim their right to CO as their beliefs and conscience
conflict with the mandatory nature of military service. If that’s the case, then why
don’t they do it and instead, at least the vast majority, try to avoid military service
mainly on psychological health problems’ grounds? In order to give an answer, it is
important to give background information regarding CO regulations in Cyprus.
CO in Cyprus
Further to what was discussed in chapter four regarding legal regulations on The
National Guard Law in order for the governments to deal with fygostratia, one
important thing which needs to be mentioned here is the fact that in that effort,
provisions on alternative services for fygostrati was interrelated with the alternative
services planned for CO’s. One clear evidence to that is the statement of the then
Minister of Defence who, in 2007, on the occasion of the passing of the new law
regarding the alternative service for CO’s, he stated that he is totally satisfied about
it and he continued to say that this law, the phenomenon of Fygostratia will be
addressed64.
Misrecognition of the law
The fact that the state recognizes the right to CO though, doesn't necessarily mean
that it respects it; to the contrary I would say. This is one of the many cases with
Cypriot laws which typically exist only in the papers and never get enforced65.
Moreover, the fact that the state recognizes the right to CO doesn’t necessarily
mean that it does so in order to secure it but as it seems, what happens is the
opposite, as the law punishes CO. There are two strong proofs to what I have just
argued:
a) Lack of information
My survey indicates that the vast majority of both fygostrati (85.7%) and conscripts
(85%) have never received any information from a public body (e.g. The National
Guard) regarding the right to C.O. and only a vast minority of people (19.1%
fygostrati and 24,7% conscripts) knew about their right at the period of their
64
http://www.typos.com.cy/nqcontent.cfm?a_id=72424 65
The same happens with anti-smoking regulations, disabled park places etc… It falls under the umbrella of unreliability of the state to respect and secure the laws.
39
enlistment66, something which clearly shows that the state doesn’t inform about this
right because maybe (or probably?) it tries to hide this information in order to avoid
loses in personnel by sacrificing basic human rights to information and conscience.
b) Disrespect for the right to C.O. from the governance system
I have argued that the law exists just for typical reasons. The proof to that comes
through the words of Mr Varnava, who, when asked in our interview about the right
to CO, he stated and I quote:
We live in a country which has the 40% of its territory under occupation, and it won’t
risk another invasion or threat by Turkey. In such a case we cannot talk about CO.
We cannot say that I feel that I cannot recruit in the army and I am against it67 *…+
Whenever someone joins a community, there are many things for which he is
against but he is obliged to do them. You can object for many aspects in our lives (he
brought as an example the workplace and the relation between employee and his
boss which can be unhealthy but still, the employees must stay to earn their living
despite any discomfort). Yes, this can happen in the army as well but it is something
that we must face. It’s a law.
These clearly show that there is a profound silence as the result of disrespect
towards already passed regulations and to a powerful demanding of many
democratized societies, supported by international laws. Beyond that, I may remind
once again what I argued throughout this paper regarding threatening for hard
consequences and regulating the length of the alternative conscription in such a way
so it will be a punishment and an inhibitor to many to claim their right to CO.
Moreover, I may remind the brainwash and manipulation effort which takes place
from politicians around this issue with the statements regarding military service and
fygostratia and which I tried to refute. This is something very serious which of course
doesn't come as a surprise as I have already mentioned many unacceptable
phenomena regarding respect to laws among politicians. This case is as serious as all
the rest as once again violates basic human rights and goes against suggestions by
many institutions and organizations.
66
Moreover, 38.1% of Fygostrati, didn’t know about any alternative forms of service when their discharging was in process. Regarding conscripts, the number is bigger as 62.8% were unaware at least when they started their service. It seems that 50.7% of conscripts and 53.3% of fygostrati who were unaware, they didn't exclude the possibility to have decided to do an alternative service, if they knew. 67
Mr Varnava referred to lack of economic feasibility to justify that we cannot establish a professional army meaning that he would have recognized the right to C.O. under this circumstance.
40
An important information here is the fact that the UN Human Rights Commission,
the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers, the European Parliament and other
bodies stress the importance of the availability and access to sufficient information
about the right to conscientious objection to military service to persons liable to
conscription. This is obviously another issue on which the Republic of Cyprus falls
short.
I strongly believe that these facts can explain the reasons why in Cyprus CO’s are just
a few and why people who want to avoid military service end up being classified as
‘fygostrati’. Another very strong proof to that is the fact that, according to Amnesty
International, it has been observed that in countries where the concept of CO is
comparatively unknown or little understood – like Cyprus, as I have proven –
individuals who indeed are CO’s are not able to present their objection as being
grounded in conscience or profound conviction68. This makes clear that, indeed,
politicians’ stance towards avoiding of conscription, among the rest severe results,
affects people’s conscience and knowledge of their rights.
An authoritarian state?
In this part of the chapter, I argue that the previously mentioned approach by the
official governments towards people who want to avoid military service is
authoritarian. To elaborate it further, I base my argument to the facts that Cyprus
has a small group of politicians which in most of the cases is recycled in every
electoral period. Political actors are usually the same, at least for many years, in
different positions. The politics and ideas are recycled as well, and legislation is
produced for many issues in a way which opposes individualism and disregards
marginal opinions and needs which end up to be repressed and misrepresented69. In
some cases, like the one under examination, there is punishment covered under a
democratic disguise, justified by unfounded claims which underestimate people’s
intelligence and dignity. One important characteristic of authoritarianism is the
importance which arbitrary law has instead of the rule of law which leads to illogical
and unfair deprivation of human and individual rights and liberties as well as
68
http://web.archive.org/web/20080520010835/http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR170012002?open&of=ENG-CYP 69
Shepard, Jon; Robert W. Greene (2007). Sociology and You. Ohio: Yin Chi Lo-Hill. pp. A–22. ISBN 0-
07-828576-3.
41
intolerance and disrespect to opposition70. Finally, as Duckitt writes,
‘authoritarianism and democracy are not fundamentally opposed to one another, it
is thus perfectly possible for democracies to possess strong authoritarian elements,
for both feature a form of submission to authority’71. These are, in my opinion, the
reasons which constitute it an unbiased conclusion to say that Cyprus is an
authoritarian state, if we take into account at least the way in which the governance
system treats conscription.
There are more specific proofs to those claims, which correlate with the way in
which politicians tried to address the issue of fygostratia and on purpose I didn't
mentioned before, as they much better fit here. As mentioned in chapter four, apart
from the provisions of the Varnava’s Proposition, among the previous law provisions
and suggestions were deprivation of the right to get elected, confinement for 40
days in clinics, monthly report from fygostrati regarding their health progress and
anagrafi tou logou apallagis. They all move on the same lines of exaggeration,
intensive punishment, strict control and disrespect to fundamental human and civil
rights. The strongest examples confirming these are the following:
- For the 2007 propositions, the then ex-Minister of Defence Mr Socrates
Hasikos, sarcastically reported that that law proposition had paradoxical
points which consist a ’global novelty’72.
- The suggestion by Mr Koulias for confinement was rejected as a violation of
human rights73.
- The Privacy Commissioner at first objected for the proposition which
demands the reason of discharging (the nature of the health problem) to be
stated on the army certificate as it was illegal.
- An MP reported that there were constitutional and legal problems74
- Mr Varnava himself admitted in our interview that some of his consultants
supported that his proposition is unconstitutional. Based on an article75
70 "Vestal, Theodore M. Ethiopia: A Post-Cold War African State. Greenwood, 1999, p. 17.
71
Kemmelmeier, M.; Burnstein, E.; Krumov, K.; Genkova, P.; Kanagawa, C.; Hirshberg, M. S.; Erb, H.
P.; Wieczorkowska, G. et al. (2003). "Individualism, Collectivism, and Authoritarianism in Seven Societies". Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 34 (3): 304 72
One of the points which he reported was demanding that those who serve an alternative service and they get punished with more than 100 extra days of service, they will be obliged to serve the standard service. ‘Does that mean that, in a case of a conscientious objector, these people will be forced to serve an armed service’, Mr Hasikos critically asked. ‘The same appeals to mental ill patients. How is it possible to ignore medical opinions of those doctors who decided that some people are unsuitable for the standard service’ as he continued, Simerini newspaper, 29 june 2007
73 http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/200174
74 http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/500466
75 http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/500466
42
though, the Attorney General saw that the measures are not hard in relation
to the unconstitutionality, it just posed ‘the issue of proportionality’ and
accepted the proposal.
These clearly show that, indeed, politicians address the issue with an authoritarian
way without any indication of concern about human rights and international
legislations. Besides, punishment is a further proof to these.
Why is politicians’ approach punitive?
Based on Petridou’s scientific views, we can argue that Varnava’s proposition is not
one which respects ‘the image of a modern and democratic state which works
lawfully, with proper administrative acts’ – something which was indicated by the
Minister of Defence and the Chief of National Guard in 200976 – and one which is
based on careful consideration of the modern societal trends and needs but only
based on anger and sentimentalism which leads in legislations of punitive measures.
And indeed, there are numerous proofs about the punitive nature of the law
provisions. Just to mention the two most indicative:
a) Mr Varnava believes that it is unacceptable some people to provocatively
avoid the military service and still have full rights as citizens of the Republic77,
while in another statement78 he claims that it is wrong those people to enjoy
hyper-privileges – meaning the same privileges as those citizens who fulfill
conscription.
b) The article which reports the first statement by Mr Varnava is entitled ‘They
will get punished’, something which shows an inclination towards
punishment as well as an ongoing speculation about it.
I believe that these clearly prove what I argue and which Petridou supports by saying
about the provisions that:
The state wants to force people to serve, so it punishes those who want to avoid the
military service. Of course it is a punishing stance.
76
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/200174 77
http://elladatora.org/%CF%84%CE%B7-%CF%86%CF%85%CE%B3%CE%BF%CF%83%CF%84%CF%81%CE%B1%CF%84%CE%AF%CE%B1-%CF%83%CF%85%CE%B6%CE%B7%CF%84%CE%AC-%CE%B7-%CE%B5%CF%80%CE%B9%CF%84%CF%81%CE%BF%CF%80%CE%AE-%CE%B1%CE%BC%CF%85%CE%BD/
78 http://www.politis-news.com/cgibin/hweb?-A=222091&-V=articles
43
Another strong and unquestionable proof about the punitive nature of the approach
of the government towards those who refuse to serve the standard service is
confirmed by the European Bureau for Conscientious Objection79 as well as from
various reports by Amnesty International80.
We can see even clearer that they try to punish if we consider the fact that in 2007,
MPs denied to vote in favor of the alternative service (for both C.O.s and Fygpstrati)
which had the same length as the standard service. The reason they gave was their
opinion that the length of it will lead many to prefer it. In the coming years, when a
Law finally passed, the length of the alternative service was indeed longer. An
important problem which arises here is the fact that the Parliament ignored the
opinion by the then Minister of Defence who justified the same length of the two
services by saying that if the alternative service was longer, there may be some
people who would prefer not to mention existing psychological problems in order
not to serve longer. ‘Who can reassure that we won’t have cases with conscripts
having real psychological problems holding guns. In that way (both schemes having
the same length) we don’t risk the safety of those people and those around them’,
he continued.81
But, apart from that, if we are to see the issue more critically, probably it is clear that
even for the latest proposition, Mr Varnava puts aside the scientific nature of the
issue and proposals under question, as, it is obvious that his proposal is
unacceptable if we take an advice and an opinion – among others – by experts in the
field of human behavior and Psychology. For that reason I decided to interview
Thekla Peridou, who is a psychologist, a psychotherapist and who works as an
expert in the criminal and family court. I believe that her experience and knowledge
is valuable if we want to critically assess the proposal in question as well as the
whole issue of conscription, fygostratia, punishment etc.
79
http://ebco-beoc.org/cyprus 80
One example is the following recommendation: ‘The Government of Cyprus should make provision for an alternative civilian service for conscientious objectors which would not be punitive in length. (2002), http://web.archive.org/web/20080520010835/http://asiapacific.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGEUR170012002?open&of=ENG-CYP ’ 81
Simerini newspaper, 29 june 2007
44
Criticism by a Psychologist / expert in court
Petridou stresses that there is no scientific evidence to suggest
that those who have psychological problems or those who are
under psychotropic treatment are unable to drive or dangerous
to have a hunting license, or even unsuitable to work. This is
something which clearly confirms my assertions that Cypriot
politicians misuse their powers and produce legislations
without the slightest indication of professionalism in their work.
Varnava doesn’t hold this opinion of course as in our interview,
he insists that for someone who has psychological problems it is
suspicious to see him being perfectly fine and ‘normal’ in his social and professional
life outside the military camp. Moreover, Varnava believes that it is also suspicious if
someone acquires health problems immediately after his enlistment. His punitive
approach towards fygostrati is justified in the following quote:
‘We see that about 95-99% of those who claim fake reasons, have never before
visited a psychologist/psychiatrist or went through medical treatment. My personal
opinion is that someone who has problems of depression/anxiety etc must have
been under the examination of a doctor some time ago. This is a proof that those
people indeed have problems’ (Varnava, January 2013).
Petridou makes clear that his justification is unfounded and invalid as she maintains
that the military service is a particularly strenuous and peculiar situation and not an
everyday situation like driving, working, and schooling. The fact that people never
before their recruitment visited a doctor to discuss psychological problems is not an
indication of production of fake problems as, a predisposition for anxiety – which
could be handled before – can come onto the surface under a hard period in life, like
the period when someone has to join the army. She concludes that the period in
which someone goes to the army is a crucial period, because both of people’s age –
at the end of puberty – as well as because military service itself is a ‘test’, which
some people cannot handle. Based on that, the comparisons made by Varnava are
invalid and cannot be compared.
Criticism by a Lawyer
Further to what was argued earlier regarding the disrespect for human rights and
national/international legislations in general, I offer the legal opinion of Dr Marios
Costa (now, on Varnava’s Proposition), who is a Law lecturer at the City University
45
London and an expert in European Law. I interviewed him in order to
gain some further advice and to avoid being limited only on
interpretations by politicians and journalists.
Costa maintains that Varnava’s provisions violate basic principles of
Law and deprive human and civil rights which is something totally
unacceptable to be happening in a modern state, especially when it’s
a European member state. Moreover, they are against European
legislations, as he emphasizes.
Varnava, as well as the Republic of Cyprus have the duty to respect international
conventions. It is not up to his jurisdiction to respect the laws. He MUST respect
those conventions. This proposition is a clear and an illegal violation.
Moreover, Dr Costa remarks that conscription in a European country is unacceptable
and it’s only an indication of a non-developed state. He also reports that he believes
that after the proposition pass to the legislative services, it will be rejected. If not
and if it passes from the parliament, every affected person will have the right to sue
the Republic of Cyprus to the European Court of Human Rights as it will obviously
contradict European acquit and jurisprudence as well as to decisions of European
bodies.
http://boards.straightdope.com/sdmb/archive/index.php/t-439289.html
Implications
Throughout the paper I referred to many practices and instances by politicians which
are unacceptable, e.g. their statements about fygostrati and conscription (which
proved to be wrong or at least problematic which show that politicians, very easily
make unsound and unreliable statements as they are not evident neither based on
research, reports etc.), their effort to punish fygostrati, their misinformation and
disrespect regarding laws and human rights and their authoritarian approach in
general.
Apart from the above five refuted statements though, Varnava’s statement, who
claimed that a proof that the majority of Fygostrati don’t have real reasons to avoid
conscription is the fact that many feared the provisions of his proposal and many of
them (prospective Fygostrati) stayed in the National Guard, can very easily be
46
rejected as well. My survey research refutes it, as only 25% of fygostrati know
something about the law proposal and its consequences. After I explained the
proposition, respondents didn't seem to have taken them seriously or to show high
indication of fear. Despite the fact that 45% said that they provisions make them
worry, at the same time, 45% are indifferent to it and 40% feel anger. Only 10% feel
panicked and 5% feel afraid. Moreover, none of them believes that these
propositions will apply to all fygostrati. 30% believe that they will not get applied at
all, 30% believe that they will be applied to many but not all and 40% believe that
they will be applied only to a few fygostrati.
Are fygostrati the ones who are discriminated?
A further serious implication which I identify through my research is the fact that
fygostrati are subject to discrimination, bullying and harassment. For these, I blame
the politicians and the way they handle the whole thing.
The fact that they try to punish antimilitarism is on its own problematic.
The effort to stigmatize fygostrati is profound and can be proven through a 2010
article82, which clearly states that ‘provisions in the law proposal which ‘stigmatizes
fygostrati’.
Moreover, the rhetoric which politicians use in order to describe fygostrati is
unacceptable. Among the words and phrases I have collected are the following:
‘those smart people who go earlier to study*…+ and laugh at the rest who stay*…+
and who will find a job earlier’83, ‘fygostratia shows cowardice and lack of real
personality’84, ‘they will come with ‘madness-reports’ in their hands’85, ‘Those who
serve are ENSEINIDITOI’ and so the rest are not.
An effortless and obvious conclusion here is that fygostrati are subject to profound
discrimination, an issue which I will analyze in the following paragraphs by offering
the specific opinions by Dr Costa, as well as the opinions of conscripts (through their
responses to my questionnaire) about fygostrati, and fygostrati’s vews as well. For
the conclusion of this chapter, I will offer the opinion of a journalist regarding media
representation of fygostratia and a final remark by Varnava, from our interview, in
which we talk exclusively on the issue of discrimination.
82
http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/282322
83 http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/local/173120
84 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WvRZ7i87D3Q
85 http://www.sigmalive.com/simerini/news/social/160143
47
Legal opinion
As Dr Costa states, the whole way in which politicians treat and depict the issue of
fygostratia with the continuous characterizations which were mentioned before, is
problematic as it demonizes fygostratia and so it produces hatred, discrimination
and promotes harassment and bullying towards fygostrati. He confirms that this
produces further consequences to the lives of fygostrati.
Conscripts’ opinion
Having to do with general opinion between people who serve, despite the facts that
a) 58.2% of conscripts believe that someone who doesn’t want to serve has to
listen to his conscience and avoid military service and,
b) 63.4% wouldn’t feel ashamed if a relative of them was a fygostratos,
at the same time, 45.2% of conscripts believe that serving in the National Guard is an
indication of patriotism at a rate of 71.3% and so, 63.8% believe that fygostrati don't
respect their motherland while 51% believe that fygostrati don't have strong values
like patriotism. As 54.8% of conscripts believe that serving in the National Guard is
an indication of masculinity, 36.6% believe that fygostrati are not real men. For
reasons like these, 52.6% of conscripts believe that fygostrati should feel ashamed.
Conscripts themselves confirm that there is a general bad image for fygostrati in the
society, as only 12.8% refused it, while the rest gave various positive answers and
74.4% said that they believe that it is rational and fair to be happening.
Fygostrati’s reports
Having to do with fygostrati’s reports, despite the fact that 63.6% believe that
fygostratia is not unfair at all towards those who serve, all of them reported that
there is a general disrespect at some degree towards their decision to abandon
military service. Moreover, half of them became victims of discrimination/abuse
(verbal or bodily) due to the fact that they abandoned military service86.
The role of Mass Media
Mass Media is the main source and producer of discrimination, as they are the mean
through which politicians make their statements. Based on my survey findings, the 86
10% experienced discrimination/abuse from their families, 20% from employers, 30% from their friends, and 50% from elsewhere, including conscripts.
48
majority of fygostrati report that the way in which Mass Media project fygostratia is
subjective, as it represents only those who are against it. Moreover, 55% believe that
it is negative and offensive towards fygostrati while 35% believe that it’s unfair and
harmful as well. For these reasons, despite the fact that 36.8% of fygostrati are
indifferent to that, 42.1% feel offended and 36% underprivileged or indignant.
In my effort to illuminate this issue more extensively, I interviewed Mr Giorgos Kakouris, a young journalist who writes for Politis Newspaper. His opinion about the approach of Mass Media is that they avoid the issue’s human rights side. Moreover, he believes that:
It’s all about presenting a transgressive behavior by people who avoid an obligation. The solutions proposed focus on discouraging fygostratia or on giving incentives to people to stay in the army [as in "stay in school!" campaigns for underprivileged youths in the USA] by, for example, reducing service time.
He continues by saying that the aspect of conscientious objectors seems not to be touched at all and generally, he admits that he would not even know that there is the option for non-military alternative service if he hadn't looked into it. He confirms that there are no private interests determining the coverage of this issue but if we could talk about an interest, this would be the perceived national interest. Moreover, he confirms that the coverage is the same in all newspapers. More specifically, «I haven't really seen much differentiation between newspapers and media in how it's covered, when it ever is». This is not to say that there is a specific censorship in the Cypriot media, as the journalist informs me that he believes that anyone can critically assess the approach of the government towards fygostratia, like what’s happening with other issues. He concludes that:
The reason why they are only a few criticisms is because, I think, there’s self-censorship and ingrained conservatism, or perhaps, less conservatism and more of an inclination to not consider it (the issue in question) as an important issue beyond the transgressive angle.
This picture was taken by me in January 2013. It’s a wall on the pavement by Kosti Palama Street in the center of Nicosia. It reads ‘Dirty Fygostrati’ or more specifically it implies that Fygostrati don’t take shower!
49
I believe that all the previously mentioned facts, show clearly that fygostrati are in fact those who suffer from discrimination and not the ones who serve.
Varnava on discriminating fygostrati
In my interview with Varnava, I asked him directly about the issue of discrimination
and I told him that, even if we accept that by fygostratia we only mean those who
claim fake reasons and not those who have valid reasons87, as it is not easy to draw
distinctive lines between the two, people with valid reasons become victims of
discrimination. He avoided replying directly in my question and I asked him if he
believes that this distinction becomes clear to the public, when politicians make
statements about fygostratia. He replied by saying that, ‘If someone (from the
audience) understands Greek language very well, then he analyses the word
‘fygostratos’ and he understands that it refers to what it really refers. We don’t try
to force people with real problems to serve’, he stressed.
This is unacceptable as it obviously shows that he doesn’t care to emphasize the
clear distinction which he sees as well as he doesn’t care to avoid discrimination; he
only leaves it on the people’s ‘very well’ knowledge of Greek language. Not only that,
but, if we look at a dictionary, the Greek term doesn’t specify the means through
which someone who avoids military service do so neither it does make any
distinction. It only indicated the intention (to avoid). Literally, figostratos is the one
who avoids to serve in the army in his own initiative and decision. Just that. This is
something which not only Varnava ignores, but he ignores that he ignores and he
prefers to give a cheap answer and handle the issue of discrimination in that simple
way. Even if we compare his reply to my question with two of his public statements,
it becomes obvious that he contradicts himself. More specifically,
a) When he referred to fygostratia, he made the distinction, by saying that ‘our
proposal aims to create inhibitors not to those who are indeed patients but
to those who exploit the system and get discharged without special
problems’88.
b) In a TV appearance, he clearly said: ‘By trying to avoid military service
through Fygostratia, and especially with reasons which are not real…’.
If what he replied to me was the case, then why he made that distinction – if the
word itself indicated that fygostratos is one who avoids the army without strong
reasons? As I already said, the clarification can be seen in only a small amount of
reports and articles and that the Greek word itself doesn’t make that distinction.
That means that it is not evident who, among those who avoided military service on 87
The problematic nature of this argumentation was analysed elsewhere in this paper. 88
http://www.sigmalive.com/news/local/500466
50
health grounds, have good and real reasons and who don’t. Apart from that,
politicians base their distinction (we can sarcastically say between ‘good fygostrati’
and ‘bad fygostrati’) not in strong evidence and studies but only on the fact that
while the proportion of people who avoid service on physical health grounds is
steady through the years, the proportion of those who avoid service on mental
health grounds is increasing89.
89
http://www.diko.org.cy/easyconsole.cfm/id/1152
51
52
Chapter Seven
Conclusion
53
Bibliography
REFUSING TO bear arms
The comparative study of conscription
Civil disobedience and cibil deviance
International human rights to CO
Conscientious objection
Masculinities in confict – Kypros Savva
54
Abbreviations and Terminology
GEEF Geniko Epiteleio Ethnikis Frouras (National Guard General Staff)
55
Acknowledgments
56
Appendices
The law
Surveys
Interviews