señor escudero

8122019 sentildeor escudero

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullsenor-escudero 121



ldquoArrival of the Caravan at Santa Ferdquo illustration in Josiah Gregg Commerce of the Prairies (NewYork 1844) Courtesy of DeGolyer Library Southern Methodist University

This content downloaded from 14823116054 on Thu 20 Feb 2014 174547 PM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions



Western Historical Quarterly 43 (Winter 2012) 417ndash435 Copyright copy 2012 Western HistoryAssociation

S10486779832819831511048690 E98315598313998315798314010486771048690983151 G9831511048677983155 1048692983151 W9831379831559831449831459831509831431048692983151983150D983145983152983148983151983149983137983139983161 I983150983140983145983137983150983155 983137983150983140 10486929831441048677 S9831379831501048692983137 F1048677 T10486909831379831401048677

D983137983158983145983140 J W104867798313810486771048690

I983150 A9831521048690983145983148 983151983142 983089983096983090983093 Sr Licenciado don ManuelSimoacuten de Escudero set out from Chihuahua City on a business trip to Santa Fe NewMexico An attorney and member of the legislature of the state of Chihuahua Escuderointended to travel no farther than Santa Fe to purchase imported goods from the UnitedStates Happenstance however led him to Washington DC on an unorthodox inter-national diplomatic venture for the governor of New Mexico He traveled some 800miles over the recently opened tradersrsquo trail to the nearest American state Missouri

where he presented his credentials to the American superintendent of Indian AffairsFrom there he continued to Washington hoping to meet the American president Thestory of this frontier diplomat reveals much about the chaotic nature of early US-Mexico relations but that story scattered in newspapers and archival sources in twocountries has never been fully told

The Santa Fe Trail was only four years old when Manuel Simoacuten de Escuderomade his journey from a newly independent Mexico Commerce along the trail dur-ing its first years had been an Anglo-American monopoly with Americans bring-ing manufactured goods into New Mexico and returning to Missouri with silver

and mules Previously Chihuahua had monopolized trade with New Mexico but by1824 American merchants had broken the Chihuahua monopoly and New Mexicansbought more goods from Missouri than they did from the south Escudero who wentto Santa Fe the next year to participate in this trade directly became one of the firstMexican merchants to travel the trail in the other direction In recent years thatdistinction has brought him to the attention of scholars interested in exploring thelong-neglected Mexican side of the Santa Fe trade1 Earlier historians had found his

D983137983158983145983140 J W104867798313810486771048690 was the Robert and Nancy Dedman Chair in History at SouthernMethodist University and the director of the William P Clements Center for Southwest StudiesHe was grateful to Mercedes de Vega Armijo of the Acervo Histoacuterico Diplomaacutetico Secretariacutea de

Relaciones Exteriores in Mexico City for facilitating his research in that archive1 David A Sandoval ldquoMontezumarsquos Merchants Mexican Traders on the Santa Fe Trailrdquo in





418 WINTER 2012 Western Historical Quarterly

venture into diplomacy more worthy of mention than his national identity but lim-ited by their sources they told only part of his story2

Escudero went to Washington at a time when relations between the United Statesand newly independent Mexico were in their infancy Then as now the integrity ofthe US-Mexico border was high on the list of problems that the two nations neededto address Then however border problems centered on marking a road betweenMissouri and Santa Fe and defending it against Indians who threatened the secu-rity of the traders who used it Since IndiansmdashPawnees Comanches Kiowasmdashandothers could cross the international border at will Mexican and American borderresidents alike felt a need to cooperate in order to bring these Indians under controleven to the point of themselves crossing the border into one anotherrsquos territory Forofficials in the frontier provinces of New Mexico and Missouri finding a solution tothe problem of Indian raiders was a high priority For officials in Washington andMexico City on the other hand border problems took a backseat to more press-ing issues Although people who lived in the border region understood the natureof their problems and had solutions for them key decisions were usually made indistant centers of power Local initiatives to stop Indians from raiding across theinternational border as Escuderorsquos mission revealed required national approval andwere doomed to fail

Adventure on the Santa Fe Trail ed Leo Oliva (Topeka 1988) 39 and Martiacuten Gonzaacutelez de la VaraldquoMexicanos y norteamericanos en el desarrollo del comercio de Santa Fe (1821ndash1860)rdquo inEncuentro en la frontera Mexicanos y norteamericanos en un espacio comuacuten ed Manuel CeballosRamiacuterez (Mexico City 2001) 144 For a brief account of Escuderorsquos mission that unfortunatelyconfuses him with his relative Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escudero see Susan Calafate Boyle Los

Capitalistas Hispano Merchants and the Santa Fe Trade (Albuquerque 1997) 58ndash9 For a first lookat these Mexican traders and their historical context see Max L Moorhead New Mexicorsquos Royal

Road Trade and Travel on the Chihuahua Trail (Norman 1958) 662 Manuel Simoacuten de Escuderorsquos diplomatic venture gained minor notice in Mexico and the

United States in 1825 but was quickly forgotten Two decades later Josiah Gregg found no reasonto mention Escudero in his classic book on the Santa Fe trade Josiah Gregg Commerce of the

Prairies ed Max L Moorhead (Norman 1954) The first to recount the story appears to havebeen a relative of Escuderorsquos Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escudero who in a book published in 1849 drew

from don Simoacutenrsquos papers Pedro Bautista Pino Antonio Barreiro and Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escudero Noticias historicas y estadiacutest icas de la antigua provincia del Nuevo-Mexico (Mexico City 1849)74ndash7 For this article however I used the more readily available English-language version HBailey Carroll and J Villasana Haggard ed and trans Three New Mexico Chronicles The

Exposicioacuten of Don Pedro Bautista Pino 1812 (Albuquerque 1942) 114ndash5 After thatEscuderorsquos mission seems to have gone unnoticed by historians until Hubert Howe Bancroft gaveit a passing mention in 1889 Bancroftrsquos principal source was Joseacute Agustiacutenrsquos account HubertHowe Bancroft History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530ndash1888 (Albuquerque 1962) 334Mexican historians have written less about the trail than their American counterparts butEscuderorsquos mission was not mentioned by works that specifically treat the Santa Fe Trail For suchan example see Carlos Bosch Garciacutea Historia de las relaciones entre Meacutexico y los Estados Unidos

1819ndash1848 (Mexico City 1961) For a recent work that does mention Escuderorsquos misioacuten but mis-

takenly places it in 1826 instead of 1825 see Angela Moyano Pahissa El comercio de Santa Fe y la

Guerra del rsquo47 (Mexico City 1976) 37





David J Weber 419

Escuderorsquos peculiar attempt at international diplomacy began with a successful exer-cise of local diplomacy in El Paso del Norte (todayrsquos Ciudad Juaacuterez) the northernmost

town in Chihuahua3

In December 1824 an election dispute over filling openings onthe El Paso town council or ayuntamiento had left town leaders badly divided Eachside in the election controversy had complained about the other to the state officialsAware of Escuderorsquos impending journey to Santa Fe the governor of Chihuahua Joseacutede Urquidi asked him to stop en route in El Paso and see if he could end the quarrelUrquidi had every reason to entrust such a mission to Escudero A mature lawyer in hisearly forties and a member of the Chihuahua elite Escudero had experience in publicoffice including service as a militia captain and mayor (alcalde) in his hometown ofParral before his election in July 1824 as a representative (diputados) to an eleven-personlegislature (congreso constituyente local) for the new state of Chihuahua4 Along with hisexperience if Urquidi is to be believed Escudero also possessed remarkable personalqualities to carry out a successful mediation ldquoAn abundance of prudence enlighten-ment patriotism and as much civility as is neededrdquo5

Escudero received Urquidirsquos flattering assignment on 10 April 1825 the same daythat the governor issued a passport to him ldquoto go to the province of New Mexico orwhere it suits yourdquo The passport included permission for him to take his servantsincluding two coachmen6 This open-ended passport did not mention the United Statesand at the outset of his journey Escudero apparently had no plan to go that far Hetook a two-month leave of absence from the state legislaturemdashhardly enough time to

make a round-trip journey to the United States In Santa Fe he could purchase goodsimported from the United States directly from the American merchants who broughtthem into the country and that seems to have been his intention

Escudero may also have had verbal instructions from Urquidi to learn more aboutAmerican activities in New Mexico Nine days after granting Escuderorsquos passportUrquidi offered to send the Mexican secretary of state a report on the advantagesof trade with the United States which he saw as a mixed blessing American goodscame into New Mexico at a third of the price he estimated than goods from Mexico

3 El Paso del Norte had been under the jurisdiction of New Mexico in the Spanish era but

Mexico incorporated it into Chihuahua in 1824 W H Timmons El Paso A Borderlands History(El Paso 1990) 73

4 For a brief biography of Escudero which identifies the year of his birth as 1783 seeFrancisco R Almada ed Diccionario de historia geografiacutea y biografiacutea chihuahuenses (ChihuahuaMX 1968) 193 For the election and the kaleidoscopic political changes of the era see FranciscoR Almada Resumen de historia del estado de Chihuahua (Mexico City 1955) 175ndash7 and David JWeber The Mexican Frontier 1821ndash1846 The American Southwest Under Mexico (Albuquerque1982) 22ndash5

5 Joseacute de Urquidi to don Manuel Simoacuten de Escudero 10 April 1825 original copied inWashington DC expediente 5ndash16 Acervo Histoacuterico Diplomaacutetico Secretariacutea de RelacionesExteriores Mexico City (hereafter AHD)

6 Pasaporte Urquidi to Escudero 10 April 1825 original copied in Washington DC on 3 January 1826 expediente 5-9-8159 AHD






Urquidi feared however that the westering Americans would push several Indianbands toward northern Mexico and they in turn would force Apaches deeper into

northern Mexico where they would wreak havoc The American government had aldquoconsequential reasonrdquo for encouraging its citizens to communicate with New Mexicohe said ominously Trying to halt this trade however would backfire It would causeoutrage in New Mexico and lead to a rift with the United States with which Mexiconeeded to maintain harmonious relations His solution was to fortify the region betweenthe two countries and win Indians over to Mexicorsquos side7 It seems likely that Urquidiwanted Escudero to serve as his ears and eyes in New Mexico

On 3 May Escudero reached El Paso where he wasted no time That day invok-ing his commission from the governor he asked the townrsquos ayuntamiento to convokea public meeting of the townrsquos citizens at sunrise the next day8 As the secretary of thetown council described it later the group formed a committee or junta at Escuderorsquosrequest Escudero presented the secretary with a copy of his orders from the governorand made a speech ldquowith refined elegance prudence and wisdom which are his char-acteristicsrdquo Escudero explained the baneful effects of a people divided and the goodand happiness that comes from ldquopeace and union The orator did this with colors sovivid and expressive that they were enough to make all forget their private resentmentsand flood their faces with tearsrdquo Powerful oratory indeed9

Putting aside their disagreements over the election the town leaders repaired tothe parish church to give thanks for the peaceful outcome and then returned to the

casas consistoriales (town hall) with their ldquosouls inflamed and full of enthusiasm forpeacerdquo They ended the day by gratefully escorting Escudero back to his lodging Missionaccomplished Escudero asked the secretary of the ayuntamiento to make a copy of therecord of his successful mediation to take with him Escudero then continued north toSanta Fe where his skill at conflict resolution may have brought him to the attentionof the governor of that province10

Escudero arrived in New Mexico at a moment when its governor Bartolomeacute Bacarequired the services of an emissary to represent him in the United States Bacarsquosunusual need for a diplomatic envoy apparently had its beginnings with his predeces-

sor Colonel Joseacute Antonio Vizcarra who had opened communication with officialsin the United States two years before At issue were Pawnees who Vizcarra believedraided New Mexico from their bases on US soil high on the Platte and RepublicanRivers Vizcarra asked his counterpart in Missouri Governor Alexander McNair to

7 Urquidi to the Secretario de Estado y del Despacho de Relaciones 13 May 1825 AHD8 Notice of Escuderorsquos request for a junta oral 3 May 1825 libro 191 foja 01060 caja 32

Archivo Histoacuterico Municipal de Ciudad Juaacuterez (translated by Karina Romero)9 4 May 1825 original copied from the archive of El Paso at Escuderorsquos request and pre-

sented to him along with a letter of thanks from the ayuntamiento on 5 May 1825 Both docu-ments copied from their originals in Washington DC on 3 January 1826 expediente 5-16-8613

AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421

inform the Pawnees that he demanded reparations and that further attacks would bemet by war Vizcarra also wanted McNair to know that a war on the Pawnees would

inevitably spill across the international border and he hoped that it would not strainrelations between Mexico and the United States11

McNair alerted the superintendent of Indian Affairs at St Louis William Clarkof Vizcarrarsquos concern and Clark in turn alerted his nephew Benjamin OrsquoFallon anIndian agent at Fort Atkinson Built atop Council Bluff on the Missouri River inpresent-day Nebraska in 1819ndash1820 to protect trading parties moving up and downthe river Fort Atkinson was then the most westerly fort in the United States12 Fromthis post OrsquoFallon already knew of the troubles in New Mexico He had received ldquosev-eral messages from the governors or commandants of those [New Mexico] villages orsettlements most exposed to the Panis [Pawnees]rdquo Moreover he reported to Clark hehad taken action He had spoken to the Pawnees and on 1 August 1823 he had writ-ten to the ldquoGovernor of Santa Ferdquo offering to broker a peace treaty between Pawneesand New Mexicans Negotiations for such a treaty OrsquoFallon explained to Vizcarracould best be reached at Fort Atkinson which the Pawnees usually visited ldquoonce ortwice per annumrdquo He invited the governor to come to the fort ldquoor send a respect-able deputation clothed with the necessary authorityrdquo any time in May or June of thenext year Along with his letter OrsquoFallon sent a US flag to serve ldquoas a passportrdquo thatwould allow Vizcarra or his representatives to pass through the lands of ldquosuch tribesas are all subject to my controlrdquo OrsquoFallon offered his invitation under the guise of his

ldquofeelings of humanityrdquo for New Mexicans whose blood had been spilled by ldquothe Panisand other nations of Indians who reside within our Territoryrdquo It also seems likely thatOrsquoFallonrsquos humanitarian impulses had been intensified by the opening of the SantaFe trade in 1821 OrsquoFallon told Vizcarra that Americans had previously received ldquobadtreatmentrdquo from New Mexico officials or else his government might have moved ear-lier to control Indian raiders13

11 Vizcarra sent two letters containing this message to McNair on 2 September and 8September 1823 For full translations of these documents see James W CovingtonldquoCorrespondence between Mexican Officials at Santa Fe and Officials in Missouri 1823ndash1825rdquoMissouri Historical Society Bulletin 16 (October 1959) 23ndash4

12 OrsquoFallon referred to Fort Atkinsonrsquos site as ldquoCouncil Bluffsrdquo but the site was generallyknown as Council Bluff which is the designation used in the text so as to avoid confusion withCouncil Bluffs Iowa

13 William Clark wrote to OrsquoFallon on 24 April 1824 and OrsquoFallon replied on 7 May 1824sending Clark a translated copy of the letter that he sent to the ldquogovernor of Santa Ferdquo on 1August 1823 For full translations of both documents see Covington ldquoCorrespondencerdquo 21ndash5For the original documents see Benjamin OrsquoFallon Letterbook 1823ndash1829 Yale Collection ofWestern Americana Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library Yale University (hereafterOrsquoFallon Letterbook) Clark wrote back to Vizcarra on 10 May sending him a copy of OrsquoFallonrsquosletter of 7 May Vizcarra expressed thanks and explained that he was no longer governor but

retained military command in the province Vizcarra to Clark 1 November 1824 quoted inCovington ldquoCorrespondencerdquo 28ndash9






Although he did not tell this to the New Mexico governor OrsquoFallon reportedto Clark that since winning their independence from Spain the New Mexicans had

treated ldquoenterprisingrdquo Americans with ldquohospitality and friendshiprdquo It would serve theldquointerest of this countryrdquo as well as the ldquomotives of humanityrdquo to end Indian raidingwhich had also taken the lives of Americans ldquoon the confines of New Mexicordquo14

By the time OrsquoFallonrsquos letter reached New Mexico Baca had succeeded Vizcarraas jefe poliacutetico (political leader) and it fell to him to respond to the invitation Writingin February 1824 Baca a former militia captain and a one-time resident of El Pasothanked OrsquoFallon and told him that he had consulted with his government and hadreceived permission to send two commissioners to Fort Atkinson15 The commission-ers would leave New Mexico in May prepared to negotiate with the Indian ldquonationsrdquoTo assure that his letter got through to OrsquoFallon Baca sent it with messengers whocarried the US flag that OrsquoFallon had sent the previous summer16 Although Baca didnot reveal it to OrsquoFallon he also considered sending troops to accompany the commis-sioners to Council Bluff in May but in the end he could not spare them He neededthem to defend New Mexico against Indian raiders17

Meanwhile on the American frontier a translation of Bacarsquos letter arousedinterest and although OrsquoFallon did not believe it rumor expanded Bacarsquos two com-missioners into a full-fledged expedition of 1500 men led by the governor himself18 The source of this baseless but widely circulated story ldquoa gentlemanrdquo from FranklinMissouri reported that Baca intended ldquoto make an impression on the Indiansrdquo in

order to promote trade between Missouri and Santa Fe and would arrive at CouncilBluff on or before 10 June19

In May while in St Louis OrsquoFallon learned that Bacarsquos letter had arrived atFort Atkinson Expecting the New Mexico commissioners to arrive soon he orderedone of his men at the fort to assemble Indians to meet with them The Pawnees wereldquothe most important but it would be desirable to have assembled all the Indians in

14 Benjamin OrsquoFallon to Clark 9 July 1824 OrsquoFallon Letterbook15 For more on Bartolemeacute Baca see Lansing Bartlett Bloom ldquoNew Mexico under Mexican

Administration 1821ndash1846rdquo Old Santa Fe 1 (October 1913) 166

16 Bartolemeacute Baca to OrsquoFallon 24 February 1824 OrsquoFallon Letterbook17 On 13 June 1824 Baca asked New Mexicorsquos Diputacioacuten Provincial to devote a special ses-

sion on 19 June to discuss the matter of sending troops to the ldquoFuerte del Misurirdquo Microfilmframe 208 reel 42 Journal of the Diputacioacuten Provincial Mexican Archives of New MexicoState Records Center and Archives Santa Fe (hereafter Diputacioacuten) If the meeting at CouncilBluff did take place it is not recorded in the minutes and the minutes of the next meeting of theDiputacioacuten Provincial on 18 June do not mention it

18 An English translation of Bacarsquos letter appeared in St Louis (MO) Enquirer 24 May 1824(Franklin) Missouri Intelligencer 5 June 1824 (Little Rock) Arkansas Gazette 15 June 1824 andperhaps other papers as well

19 Missouri Intelligencer 22 May 1824 and Nilesrsquo Weekly Register (Baltimore MD) 19 June

1824 which datelines the story as St Charles Missouri 13 May It probably appeared first in the(St Louis) Missouri Gazette (called to my attention by Bloom ldquoMexican Administrationrdquo 169ndash70)





David J Weber 423

the vicinity of the Bluffs who have been depredating on the Spaniards or consideredat all hostile to themrdquo20 As soon as OrsquoFallon completed his business in St Louis he

hurried back to Council Bluffs to meet the New Mexico delegation Fearing that the New Mexicans might arrive before him he abandoned a slow steamboat fifty milesbelow Fort Atkinson and traveled overland the rest of the way He arrived on 1 Julyand told William Clark ldquoto my astonishment and great disappointment I find that theSpaniards have not been heard of since the departure of the express in April lastrdquo Heremained confident that they would arrive in a few days but at the same time worriedthat if they did not ldquothey will be too late to see the Indians before the latter end ofAugust or 1st of September next as they will be absent on hunting excursions untilthenrdquo He hoped though that the New Mexico commissioners would have learnedthis from ldquoan intelligent french Americanrdquo who accompanied the New Mexico mes-senger back to Santa Fe the previous year and who was ldquowell-acquainted with themovements of the Indians in this quarterrdquo21

Finally in mid-August a group of twenty-six New Mexicans arrived at the white-washed fort atop Council Bluff They had left New Mexico around 7 July22 At FortAtkinson the ldquoSpaniardsrdquo as OrsquoFallon persisted in calling these Mexicans who hadceased to be Spaniards in 1821 waited for three weeks for the Pawnees to show up thenlistened uncomprehendingly while OrsquoFallon made an elegant speech in English to theIndians He explained that one Don Gonzales who was now before them ldquobrought aletter from his Chief on the Subject of making peace with yourdquo The New Mexico gov-

ernor OrsquoFallon said had restrained himself from making war on the Pawnees becauseldquohe knew that the Panis were living in my countrymdashand he was afraid to bring Warinto my Country He had heard that the Panis were my friends and he was afraid toraise his arm against my friendsrdquo He continued

Panismdashthe Spaniards have heard a great deal about me and havegreat confidence in memdashWhat I wish them to domdashthey will domdashandwhat I tell you to do you must domdashNow I shall tell the Spaniards to remainstill and view the Panis hereafter as friends and treat them as such I nowtell you Panis not to disturb the Spaniards but view them as friends and

treat them as such You Panis and Spaniards must be at peacemdashand fromthis day if the Spaniards disturb the Panis unless I tell them to do so theSpaniards will disturb memdashhereafter if the Panis disturb the Spaniardsunless I tell them to do somdashthe Panis disturb me

20 OrsquoFallon to John Dougherty 19 May 1824 OrsquoFallon Letterbook Dougherty had been atthe fort when the messenger arrived from Santa Fe and talked with him

21

OrsquoFallon to Clark 9 July 1824 (italics in original)22 OrsquoFallon to Henry Atkinson 13 August 1824 OrsquoFallon Letterbook






I have no more to say to you about the Spaniards You are at peaceand I will proclaim it to the Spaniardsmdashas you must do (on your return)

to the rest of your people23

A treaty with the Pawnees would soon follow at the end of September but no formaltreaty seems to have come from this mid-August meeting OrsquoFallon however believedhe had established peace and described the event when he descended the Missouri inSeptember and visited with a newspaper editor at the Missouri Intelligencer in the little rivertown of Franklin The ldquoSpaniardsrdquo OrsquoFallon reported ldquowere highly delighted at the atten-tion paid by our government to the request of their governorrdquo The Pawnees whom OrsquoFallondescribed as having 2000 well-armed warriors had been the ldquoterror of the Spaniardsrdquomaking off with horses mules and other property Now OrsquoFallon had ldquoestablished peace

between the belligerants [sic] and this plundering warfare is no longer to be carried onrdquo24

OrsquoFallonrsquos diplomacy notwithstanding the Santa Fe Trail remained a danger-ous place Governor Baca hoped to travel to Fort Atkinson in the spring of 1825 totalk personally with OrsquoFallon but that proved impossible Baca suffered ldquodaily andserious illnessesrdquo and more important he lacked supplies to give customary gifts toIndians Indeed New Mexico was so impoverished he said ldquothat it did not have themeans to equip twenty soldiers for servicerdquo25 So much for the rumor of New Mexicosending 1500 soldiers to Fort Atkinson or defending itself from hostile Indians

Unable to meet with OrsquoFallon himself but eager to find a way to work with hiscounterparts in the United States Baca turned to the legislator from Chihuahua whohad recently arrived in Santa Fe Flattering Escudero Baca observed that he had alreadydemonstrated his ldquooutstanding meritrdquo and ldquolove for the countryrdquo by bringing peace to thequarreling inhabitants of El Paso Now the government of New Mexico sought to enlistEscuderorsquos proven skills and generous spirit on an assignment to bring peace to its territoryldquoThe barbarous nations besieged all the expanse of this territoryrdquo Baca told Escuderoleaving it ldquoin such a state of decline that if the government of the United States does notoffer its help in short order the territory will be totally destroyedrdquo He granted Escuderothe power to negotiate any agreement that would stop the Indians even if it meant theldquoabsolute destructionrdquo of the Indians Moreover Baca gave Escudero ldquofull powersrdquo to treat

with the president or government of the United States26Escudero accepted the governorrsquos commission on the day it was offered 9 June The

task he humbly explained was ldquowithout the least doubt beyond my weak strength andlimited abilitiesrdquo but he selflessly accepted ldquofor the good of the countryrdquo27

23 OrsquoFallon to the Grand Panis Panis Loups and Panis Republics 7 September 1824OrsquoFallon Letterbook

24 Missouri Intelligencer 25 September 182425 Baca to Antonio Narbona 30 January 1826 expediente 5-9-8159 AHD26

Baca to Escudero 9 June 1825 expediente 5-9-8159 AHD27 Ibid





David J Weber 425

The trading caravan to the United States probably left Santa Fe at the end ofMay before Escudero had completed his business with Baca but he overtook the

slow-moving wagons The party included fellow Mexicansmdashamong them RumualdoGarciacutea from Sonora Ramoacuten Garciacutea from Chihuahua and their servantsmdashand Anglo-Americans such as Meredith Miles Marmaduke a future governor of Missouri28 Marmaduke had spent the previous eleven months in Santa Fe and like other Anglo-American merchants had found the New Mexicans friendly and ldquoquite happy andcontented in their miserable priest-ridden situationrdquo New Mexicorsquos lower class hesaid contained ldquothe most miserable wretched poor creatures that I have ever seenrdquo29 Well-to-do Mexicans like Escudero however would have had much in common withthe Anglo-American traders Traveling with Americans for two months Escuderoprobably acquired some command of English and some knowledge of the country hewas about to visit

When the caravan reached the United States a St Louis newspaper reported thatit contained seventeen Americans and twenty-three Mexicans the latter from El PasoChihuahua and Sonora Among the Mexicans the newspaper reported in a clear ref-erence to Escudero was ldquoa gentleman of wealth and distinction in his own country amember of the Mexican Congress [the paper mistook the Chihuahua Congress for thenational Congress] but whose name we cannot undertake to write from the pronun-ciation we have heard of itrdquo30

The traders had started out from Santa Fe with over 600 mules and horses it would

appear and one of the Mexicans had brought 8000 sheep One hundred miles fromthe New Mexico settlements however the Mexican sent his sheep back to Santa FeAmericans traveling with the caravan had argued that the rigors of traveling througha dry country ldquoinfested with treacherous and thievish Indiansrdquo made it impractical topush on to Missouri with the livestock ldquoThe Mexicanrdquo the paper said ldquoyielded to theserepresentations so far as to send back his sheep but not to admit the impracticabilityof his enterprise His argument was that sheep were driven annually from Santa Feto Mexico City a distance of fifteen hundred miles often crossing mountains some-times traversing arid deserts whole days without water and passing numerous tribes of

28 Narbona to the Secretariacutea de Relaciones Exteriores (responding to an inquiry about thetrading caravan of 1825) 4 March 1826 original copied from AHD box 2-22-617 ManningTranscripts Texas State Archives and Library Austin

29 Meredith Miles Marmaduke ldquoExtracts from a Journal of a Tour from Boonrsquos Lick inMissouri to the Province of New Mexico in the Republic of Mexicordquo (St Louis) Missouri

Republican 19 September 1824 Marmaduke said that he left Santa Fe for the United States on 31May 1825 His presence on the same caravan with Escudero is confirmed by an entry in Kate LGregg ed The Road to Santa Fe The Journal and Diaries of George Champlin Sibley (Albuquerque 1952) 54

30 ldquoFrom the Internal Provincesrdquo Washington (DC) Gazette 16 September 1825 reprintedfrom an article that appeared in a St Louis newspaper 12 September 1825 The article reported

that the forty-person caravan left Santa Fe on 27 May Pablo Obregoacuten sent a Spanish translationof this article to the Secretariacutea de Relaciones Exteriores on 9 December 1825






Indians in a state of permanent hostility to all Mexicansrdquo31 The unnamed Mexicanwas right Since the Spanish colonial era New Mexicans had sent sheep southward

over the Chihuahua Trail through dangerous and dry country32

Traveling another fifty miles or so after the sheep turned back toward Santa Fethe forty-person caravan caught up with a group of thirty-five men from TennesseeIncreased numbers however did not mean increased safety On 14 July in the middleof todayrsquos Kansas the combined caravans encountered a large group of Osages return-ing from a buffalo hunt The Osages according to a newspaper account robbed theparty of 120 to 150 horses and mules (accounts varied) and ldquomany of the party espe-cially the Mexicans were beat with sticks apparently to provoke hostilities to serve asa pretext for a general robbery and massacrerdquo33 Outnumbered by the Osages the menendured the beating and avoided further bloodshed

Ten days later on 24 July Escuderorsquos party encountered a group of Americans sentout by the US government to survey the new trail to Santa Fe Thinking the surveyorswere Indians the traders began to flee Meanwhile some of the surveying party suppos-ing the traders were Indians fled in the opposite direction The mutual flight stoppedonly when a small group from the surveying party who had been sent to pursue the sup-posed Indians gained ground on the traders The two groups in the words of one of thesurveyors ldquosoon discovered their mistake and halted Mutual explanations took placeamp the affair turned out to be a matter of amusementrdquo34 When the surveyors learnedthat one of the traders Escudero was ldquoan agent of the Mexican Governmentrdquo they

were eager to talk with him They supposed he represented the national governmentrather than the governor of New Mexico and understood that ldquohis business was relativeto the intercourse between the two countriesrdquo If so perhaps he had been authorizedto negotiate an agreement that would enable the Americans to continue their surveyin Mexican territory all the way to Santa Fe Permission had not arrived from Mexicobefore the surveyors left the Missouri settlements and Escudero quickly disabused themof the notion that his government had authorized him to make such arrangements35

The Osage attack on the caravan led an anonymous member of the party to opinehyperbolically in the pages of the Missouri Intelligencer that ldquo[p]erhaps in no instance

whatever has there ever been such a violent and unprovoked outrage committed byIndians under the control of the government against its citizensrdquo He demanded thatthe government take action to stop further raiding by Indians ldquoAll legislating on thesubject of the traderdquo would be ldquouseless unless security and protection is given to it

31 Ibid32 John O Baxter Las Carneradas Sheep Trade in New Mexico 1700ndash1860 (Albuquerque

1987)33 ldquoInternal Provincesrdquo34 Entry for 24 July 1825 diary of Thomas Mather Thomas Mather Papers Everett D Graff

Collection Newberry Library (reference courtesy of Marc Simmons)35 Ibid








Governor Urquidi of Chihuahua and his commission from New Mexicorsquos GovernorBaca to seek cooperation in suppressing Indian attacks in the borderlands between

Mexico and the United States42

Clark replied by assuring Escudero that the USgovernment also wanted to end Indian depredations on the ldquofrontiers of both coun-triesrdquo and secure commerce along the Santa Fe Trail He thought it ldquoprobable thatan arrangement will be made between the governments [of Mexico and the UnitedStates] through their ambassadors for either party to pursue the Indians on the ter-ritories of the others when they commit robberies or other crimesrdquo Clark expressedregret however that he lacked authority to deal with foreign countries ldquoThe businessof treating with foreign nations belongs exclusively to the President of the UnitedStatesrdquo he told Escudero43

If it occurred to Escudero that in his country treating with foreign nations mightreside exclusively with the president of Mexico from whom he had no authorization it didnot deter him The beginning of the new year found him in Washington DC where heapparently hoped to fulfill his mission by meeting with President John Quincy Adams44 One of the cityrsquos newspapers misidentified him as ldquoa member of the Mexican Congressrdquoand another newspaper reported that he was ldquoallowed the privilege of entrance into theHalls of both Houses of Congress which is allowed to functionaries of Foreign Powersrdquo45

Escuderorsquos diplomatic mission did not please Mexicorsquos minister plenipotentiary inWashington Pablo Obregoacuten Three months earlier Obregoacuten had read of Escuderorsquosarrival in St Louis with authorization from the governor of New Mexico ldquoto take mea-

sures of security against the deaths and robberies that savage Indians commitrdquo Obregoacutenreported the arrival of Escudero to the Mexican secretary of state who immediatelyordered that Baca explain the reason for this expedition46

In mid-January 1826 Obregoacuten heard Escuderorsquos story firsthand and read Bacarsquosinstructions47 Annoyed that the governor of New Mexico Territory would send a

42 Clark transmitted an English translation of the Chihuahua passport to his superior James Barbour the Secretary of War with a letter dated 4 October 1825 CovingtonldquoCorrespondencerdquo 30 32

43 Ibid

44 For more on Escuderorsquos arrival in Washington see Daily National Journal (WashingtonDC) 5 January 1826

45 Baltimore (MD) Gazette and Daily Advert iser 6 January 1826 and Baltimore (MD) Patriot6 January 1826 both articles reprinted from the National Intelligencer (Washington DC) Thisarticle was also picked up by the Richmond (VA) Enquirer on 12 January 1826 and perhaps otherpapers as well

46 Pablo Obregoacuten to the Secretario de Estado 1 October 1825 expediente 5-9-8159 AHDScratched onto Obregoacutenrsquos letter is the notation ldquoque a la mayor brevedad le informe circumstancial-

mente sobre los motivos de tal expedicioacutenrdquo For a more accessible version of this document seeWilliam R Manning Early Diplomatic Relations between the United States and Mexico (Baltimore1916) 24ndash30

47 Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escudero observed that his relative met with Obregoacuten ldquoto insure the suc-cess of his missionrdquo Carroll and Haggard ed and trans Three New Mexico Chronicles 115





David J Weber 429

merchant to negotiate with American officials Obregoacuten explained to Escudero thatit would be inappropriate for him or Baca to treat with a foreign government He was

right Under Mexicorsquos 1824 constitution only the central government had power toenter into agreements with other countries48 The conversation ended well nonethe-less Escudero Obregoacuten reported to his government was ldquoeasily convinced that theauthority he brought from the governor of New Mexico was insufficient to negotiatewith the President and he has resolved to return to his countryrdquo49

Obregoacuten also drew a larger lesson The whole affair he told his superiors inMexico suggested the need to instruct governors of frontier territories ldquoconcerningthe manner of dealing with foreign authoritiesrdquo This would discourage governors fromldquobegging helprdquo as Baca had done and prevent sending ldquoinexpert people althoughmotivated by the best intentions from undertaking costly journeys without achiev-ing their objectiverdquo Obregoacuten went on to explain to his government that he did notbelieve that it would have sent an agent without informing him despite what heread in the newspapers and that he did what he could to prevent any ldquodiscreditrdquo thatEscudero might cause50

While Escudero received Obregoacutenrsquos unpleasant news in Washington Baca hadreceived his governmentrsquos request to justify sending Escudero to the United StatesBaca repeated the story of OrsquoFallonrsquos overture and how illness prevented him frommaking the journey himself He had asked Escudero to take his place and Escuderohad agreed to do so at his own expense thus costing the government nothing Baca

also claimed that he had received official permission to meet OrsquoFallon and enter intoan agreement with the ldquosavage Indiansrdquo51 Baca may indeed have received permissionfrom Mexico City to sign a joint treaty with OrsquoFallon Officials came and went in theministries of the new government in Mexico City and the memory of granting thatpermission may have disappeared

Escudero spent late 1825 and early 1826 in the United States before heading homeHis wagons loaded with merchandise Escudero arrived in Franklin on 5 June wherethe newspaper reported

48 Constitucioacuten de 1824 tiacutetulo 6 seccioacuten tercera no 162 iv49 Obregoacuten to the Secretario de Estado 16 January 1826 expediente 5-9-8159 AHD and

Manning Diplomatic Relations 178 Don Manuel ldquocommunicated his plans to Sentildeor Obregoacutenand exhibited to him all the documents he had in his possession concerning the matterrdquoObregoacuten replied on 5 January in writing and don Manuel then sent a report of his activities tothe Mexican government through Obregoacuten who acknowledged receipt of it on 12 January ldquoWehave copies of these documents before usrdquo Carroll and Haggard ed and trans Three New

Mexico Chronicles 11550 Obregoacuten to the Secretario de Estado 16 January 1826 AHD51 The Mexican governmentrsquos query to the governor of New Mexico 9 December 1825

reached Bacarsquos successor Antonio Narbona who asked Baca for an explanation Baca replied to

Narbona on 30 January 1826 and Narbona forwarded Bacarsquos reply to the government on 4February 1826 expediente 5-9-8159 AHD (italics in original)






Six or seven new and substantial[ly] built waggons arrived in this placeon Tuesday last heavily laden with merchandise on their way to New

Mexico owned exclusively we believe by Mr Escudero a native of thatcountry and who accompanies his valuable adventure This gentleman hasexpended a very large sum in the purchase of goods waggons and equip-ments This may be considered as a new era in the commerce betweenMexico and this country and it is probable the example of Mr E will befollowed by others of his rich countrymen who will bring hither largeportions of their surplus wealth for the same purpose52

The week before Escuderorsquos arrival a party of eighty to one hundred men had leftFranklin and Escudero may have caught up with them The local paper touted their

prospects suggesting that some of them would return to the states with the ldquofounda-tions of many fortunesrdquo The newspaper also caught the spirit of the Santa Fe tradethat has come down to us today in popular literature ldquoIt has the air of romance to seesplendid pleasure carriages with elegant horses journeying to the Republic of Mexicoyet it is sober reality In fact the obstacles exist rather in the imagination than in real-ity Nature has made a fine road the whole distancerdquo 53

When Escudero returned from the United States is not clear One of his country-men who traveled with him Ramoacuten Garciacutea left Santa Fe for El Paso and Sonora inSeptember 182654 By mid-October 1826 however it appears that Escudero had yet toreturn home to Chihuahua55

Meanwhile he had become the object of suspicion in New Mexico On 10 April1826 while Escudero was still in Missouri New Mexico governor Antonio Narbonahad asked the parish priest at Taos Padre Antonio Joseacute Martiacutenez to intercept any let-ters that Americans returning to their countrymdashor their servants or friends of theAmericansmdashmight be carrying to Escudero Escudero went from enjoying the trust ofGovernor Baca to the distrust of Governor Narbona What Narbona expected to findis not clear but he told Martiacutenez that his success would depend on his ability to carryout his mission quietly He should keep his instructions secret and not reveal them toanyone not even the local alcalde However if he needed the alcaldersquos assistance to

52 Missouri Intelligencer 9 June 1826 (italics in original) On his outward journey Escuderodid have other Mexican companions

53 Missouri Intelligencer 2 June 1826

54 ldquoBook of Guiacuteas Santa Fe 1826ndash1828rdquo in David J Weber ed and trans The Extranjeros

Selected Documents from the Mexican Side of the Santa Fe Trail 1825ndash1828 (Santa Fe 1967) 3155 I infer this because Dr Rowland Willard then practicing in Chihuahua knew Escuderorsquos

family and knew he was in the United States on 16 October 1826 For example Willard dinedwith Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escudero without mentioning that don Manuel had returned Entries for 15February and 17 October 1826 Rowland Willardrsquos diary 1825ndash1827 Rowland Willard-ElizabethS Willard Papers 1822ndash1921 Yale Collection of Western Americana Beinecke Rare Book and

Manuscript Library Yale University I am grateful to Joy Poole deputy state librarian of NewMexico for sharing her transcription of this difficult-to-read diary








At this point the archival paper trail in this case runs out but not before revealingthat Escudero had a fiery temper59

Escuderorsquos eruption in court and his ploy of questioning the alcaldersquos creden-tials rather than paying his debt to de Thier probably reflected his anxiety about hisfinancial circumstances He had purchased a considerable amount of merchandisein the United States to ship to Mexico and he bought some of that merchandiseon credit In Philadelphia he borrowed $3000 from the Quaker mercantile firm ofWistar Siter amp Price ldquoto relieve him from the difficulties of pressing debtsrdquo as thefirm later explained Escudero had also persuaded the firm to serve as guarantors forat least one debt of $800 that the firm paid for him All in all Escuderorsquos bill at thefirm totaled $477443 By the spring of 1827 Wistar Siter amp Price had given up tryingto collect from Escudero and it tried to get the Mexican government to pay his billfrom customs revenues at the port of Tampico In March 1828 the firm also appealeddirectly to Joel Roberts Poinsett who then served as Americarsquos minister to Mexicoto help them recover the money ldquoHowever imprudent we may have beenrdquo the threepartners told Poinsett ldquo[h]e has been guilty of an ingratitude which we could hardlyhave anticipatedrdquo60

For his part Escudero blamed his troubles on the Osage Indians who stole hisproperty in July of 1825 Along with others of his party he pressed a claim againstthe US government since the robbery had occurred on US soil The governmentas Secretary of State Henry Clay told Poinsett ldquocaused ample redress to be made to

himrdquo although it seems unlikely that Escudero had received payment at the time thatde Thier took him to court61 Poinsett influenced by Wistar Siter amp Price did notbelieve that the Osage had taken valuable property from Escudero but that he haddeceived the US government ldquoHis countrymenrdquo Poinsett wrote in a ldquoprivate letterrdquoto Clay in April 1827

do not believe a word of his having been plundered by the Osage Indiansand he is in other respects a man so utterly worthless that I doubt hisstory altogether I have had occasion to enquire and know somethingof this manrsquos character from the circumstance of his having obtained

money and goods to a large amount from some of our most respectablemerchants in Philadelphia who have applied to me to endeavour torecover the amount From all I can learn this will prove a fruitless task

59 Baca to Narbona with accompanying documents describing the events of 9 January and10 January 1824 frames 161ndash72 reel 7 Diputacioacuten

60 Wistar Siter amp Price to Joel Roberts Poinsett 11 March 1828 box 1 folder 3 PoinsettPapers United States Legation in Mexico Papers 1821ndash1843 Howard Tilton Memorial LibraryTulane University (hereafter Poinsett Papers) (authorrsquos emphasis) As is clear from Poinsettrsquos let-ter to Clay (cited in footnote 61) the firm began appealing to him sometime before 13 April 1827

61 Henry Clay to Poinsett 5 January 1827 in Carlos Bosch Garciacutea ed Documentos de la

relaciacuteon de Meacutexico con los Estados Unidos (Noviembre de 1824ndashdiciembre de 1829) vol 1 El mester

polit ico de Poinsett (Mexico City 1983) 219ndash20





David J Weber 433

and I much fear they have been defrauded by a man who I understandwas well recommended62

Escudero continued in the Santa Fe trade in 1827 On 1 July of that year a relativeand fellow member of the Chihuahua elite Sr Licenciado don Joseacute Agustiacuten de Escuderoreceived a permit in don Manuelrsquos name from the customs house in Santa Fe to send346 pesos worth of foreign merchandise to Chihuahua There a Luis Escudero wouldreceive them Whether don Manuel was still in Santa Fe that July is not clear but JoseacuteAgustiacuten was63 Perhaps one of the more enduring results of don Manuelrsquos failed diplo-macy was that he introduced Joseacute Agustiacuten to New Mexico and the Santa Fe trade JoseacuteAgustiacuten went on to produce an important book on New Mexico Noticias histoacutericas y

estadisticas de la Antigua provincia del Nuevo-Meacutexico published in 184964 He also wrote

a ringing condemnation of the ways that American traders avoided paying tariffs tothe Mexican governmentmdashan exposeacute that led to the reform of the Santa Fe customshouse and the appointment of a new administrator65

Although we do not know when don Manuel came home to Chihuahua from hisvisits to New Mexico and the United States it is clear that he returned to trouble ratherthan laurels On 19 October 1825 even before he reached Washington the Chihuahualegislature having learned of his trip to St Louis censured him in no uncertain terms

The honorable Congreso Constituyente of the free State of Chihuahuahaving taken in consideration the abuse that Deputy Don Manuel Simon

de Escudero committed by having gone off to a foreign power without asuitable license and overstaying the two months that the Congress gavehim for a trip to the territory of New Mexico has found it well to decree

62 Poinsett to Clay 13 April 1827 in ibid 25 For the original copy of this document seebox 1 folder 3 Poinsett Papers

63 ldquoGuiacuteasrdquo in Weber ed and trans Extranjeros 32 Joseacute Agustiacuten later wrote that he was inSanta Fe that year Carroll and Haggard ed and trans Three New Mexico Chronicles 2 I havenot been able to identify the relationship between Joseacute Agustiacuten and don Manuel Born 22 June1801 in Parral Mexico Joseacute Agustiacuten could have been a younger brother of don Manuel who wasborn in 1783 or perhaps a nephew He studied law in Mexico City and Guadalajara and moved toChihuahua in 1824 about the same time that don Manuel did There beginning in 1825 whenhe was elected a member of the city council he occupied a number of city and state officesBeginning in 1833 he represented Chihuahua in the Mexican Senate for five terms and was adeputy to the Mexican Congress for two terms Learned and scholarly he published books aboutChihuahua Durango Sonora and Sinaloa as well as New Mexico For more biographical infor-mation on Joseacute Agustiacuten see Rafael Espinosa ldquoBiografiacutea del sentildeor licenciado don Joseacute AgustiacutenEscuderordquo Boletiacuten de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografiacutea y Estadiacutestica 10 no 6 (1863) 37ndash9Francisco Sosa Biografiacuteas de mexicanos distinguidos (Mexico City 1884) 351ndash4 and Almada bio-

grafiacutea chihuahuenses 192ndash364 Carroll and Haggard ed and trans Three New Mexico Chronicles 265 Joseacute Agustiacuten to Joseacute Antonio Chaacutevez 1 April 1839 is referenced and transcribed in

Albert William Bork ldquoNuevos aspectos del comercio entre Nuevo Meacutexico y Misurirdquo (MexicoCity PhD diss Universidad Nacional Autoacutenoma de Meacutexico 1944) 75 124ndash7






1deg that the Deputy Don Manuel de Escudero has been unworthy of thepublic trust 2deg That his daily salary [as a deputy] will be paid for the term

of the expressed license [to visit New Mexico] and not for more66

Escudero asked the legislature to repeal its censure and it did so in September1827 ordering that the repeal be printed and distributed in Chihuahua67 The case thatEscudero made to clear himself can only be imagined but it apparently consisted ofthe presentation of the documents that demonstrated that he had acted on behalf ofGovernor Baca of New Mexico Joseacute Agustiacuten had these and other documents relatedto don Manuelrsquos journey to Washington in his possession when he prepared his bookon New Mexico Don Manuel Joseacute Agustiacuten wrote ldquomade the trip from Mexico to theUnited States at his own expense and in a grievous journey sustained a great financial

lossrdquo Don Manuel Joseacute Agustiacuten argued had no plans to engage in diplomacy untilasked to do so by Baca68

Sr Licenciado don Manuel Simoacuten de Escudero overcame his financial difficultiesand his censure by his fellow deputies to become a mine owner and a judge He died in184069 Beyond that we know little about him His venture into international commerceand diplomacy however opens a window on a brief hopeful moment in early US-Mexico relations In 1825 officials in New Mexico and Missouri thought that Indiansmight be brought under control along the Santa Fe Trail making it safe for commerceIf Escudero believed that too his hopes must have been dashed when Osages robbedhis party and when his countryrsquos minister to the United States Pablo Obregoacuten toldhim that his commission from the governor of New Mexico did not empower him torepresent Mexico in Washington

Obregoacuten himself did no better at securing the Santa Fe Trail He had reachedWashington in November of 1824 the fourth minister appointed to that post andthe second to actually arrive Four years later ill and lacking sufficient funds from hisgovernment to live in comfort he ended his life by hanging himself in the Mexicanlegation in Washington DC70 National diplomacy did no better than frontier diplo-macy Comanches Kiowas and Pawnees continued to attack traders on the roadbetween New Mexico and Missouri and US-Mexico relations deteriorated into what

66 Copia de las leyes y decretos expedidos por el Honorable Congreso de ChihuahuaGobernacioacuten legajo 41-A expediente 23 foja 5 reverso Archivo General de la Nacioacuten MexicoCity (hereafter Gobernacioacuten) I read and took notes on this document years ago and I am grate-ful to Alan Omar Aacutevila for relocating both this and the following document after the archivalnumbers had changed

67 A decreto reporting on the decision of the Congreso Constitutional de Chihuahua 15September 1827 printed and circulated by order of Joseacute Antonio de Bustamante legajo 41-Aexpediente 9 foja 21 Gobernacioacuten

68 Almada biografiacutea chihuahuenses 19369

Carroll and Haggard ed and trans Three New Mexico Chronicles 11470 Manning Diplomatic Relations 24ndash30 166ndash89





David J Weber 435

one specialist in this era called the ldquoquibblings and misunderstandingsrdquo that poisonedrelations between the United States and Mexico in the years leading up to the war

of 1846ndash184771

71 Ibid ix For a discussion of the continuing Indian raiding see Stephen G Hyslop

ldquoConflict at the Crossingrdquo chap 10 in Bound for Santa Fe The Road to New Mexico and the

American Conquest 1806ndash1848 (Norman 2002) 162ndash80



ldquoArrival of the Caravan at Santa Ferdquo illustration in Josiah Gregg Commerce of the Prairies (NewYork 1844) Courtesy of DeGolyer Library Southern Methodist University






S10486779832819831511048690 E98315598313998315798314010486771048690983151 G9831511048677983155 1048692983151 W9831379831559831449831459831509831431048692983151983150D983145983152983148983151983149983137983139983161 I983150983140983145983137983150983155 983137983150983140 10486929831441048677 S9831379831501048692983137 F1048677 T10486909831379831401048677

D983137983158983145983140 J W104867798313810486771048690




























David J Weber 419


town in Chihuahua3

























AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771







S10486779832819831511048690 E98315598313998315798314010486771048690983151 G9831511048677983155 1048692983151 W9831379831559831449831459831509831431048692983151983150D983145983152983148983151983149983137983139983161 I983150983140983145983137983150983155 983137983150983140 10486929831441048677 S9831379831501048692983137 F1048677 T10486909831379831401048677

D983137983158983145983140 J W104867798313810486771048690




























David J Weber 419


town in Chihuahua3

























AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771























David J Weber 419


town in Chihuahua3

























AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 419


town in Chihuahua3

























AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771

















AHD10 Ibid





David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 421































David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771
























David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 423








21






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






















David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 425









































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771
































43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771

















43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771















43 Ibid










David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 429



















































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771









































David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771
























David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






















David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 433































David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771





















David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771






David J Weber 435


of 1846ndash184771


