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    DOI: 10.1126/science.1111709, 116 (2005);310Science

    et al.Petter JohanssonSimple Decision TaskFailure to Detect Mismatches Between Intention and Outcome in a

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    to monitor baseline synaptic transmission(Fig. 4A). In wild-type slices, tetanic stimula-tion of pathway S1 (100 Hz, 1 s) evoked homosynaptic LTP together with a hetero-synaptic depression of the neighboring S2 pathway. The addition of an A1 antagonist(DPCPX, 800 nM) prevented heterosynapticdepression (Fig. 4B). To control for effects of enhanced baseline transmission that result inthe presence of DPCPX, we switched fromnormal artificial cerebrospinal fluid (ACSF) toone containing 2.4 mM Ca 2 and 0.6 mMMg 2 , which enhanced synaptic transmissionto 172 T 8.9% (n 0 3 slices) of that in controlmice. We still found heterosynaptic depressionto be intact (64.9 T 8.2%, n 0 3 slices) com- pared to ACSF controls (72.0 T 8.6%, n 0 3slices). To determine whether astrocytes medi-ate adenosine-dependent depression, we re- peated this study using dn-SNARE slices and found a virtual absence of heterosynaptic de- pression (Fig. 4C).

    These studies place the astrocyte at cen-ter stage in the control of adenosine. Glial-released ATP, which is rapidly hydrolyzed toadenosine, leads to a persistent synaptic sup- pression mediated by A1 receptors. Becauseadenosine is implicated in the control of wake-to-sleep transitions ( 26 , 27 ) as well as re-sponses to hypoxia, the identification of thecentral role of the astrocyte in regulatingthis nucleoside offers mechanistic insights intothese processes.

    The kinetics of ATP hydrolysis and aden-osine accumulation provide a synaptic net-work with unique spatiotemporal conditionsto control synaptic transmission. Fast-acting

    synaptic transmitters such as g-aminobutyricacid and glutamate have high-affinity uptakesystems in the vicinity of the synapse thatconstrain the time and distance over which atransmitter acts. Synaptic activation of anastrocyte to release ATP removes these con-straints, because it takes 200 ms beforeadenosine begins to accumulate ( 28). This provides time for ATP diffusion to distantsites, where it depresses synaptic transmissionthrough accumulated adenosine, thereby pro-viding a mechanism for cross-talk to distantsynapses. In addition to activity-dependentactions, astrocytes, by persistently suppressingexcitatory synaptic transmission, enhance thecapability of synapses to express synaptic plasticity. Thus, the integration of synapticactivity by the astrocyte leads to a widespread coordination of synaptic networks. By sup- pressing excitatory transmission, astrocytesregulate the degree to which a synapse may be plastic, and during the induction of LTP,astrocyte-derived adenosine depresses neigh- boring unstimulated pathways.

    References and Notes1. A. H. Cornell-Bell, S. M. Finkbeiner, M. S. Cooper, S. J.

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    Neurosci. 1 , 683 (1998).9. T. A. Fiacco, K. D. McCarthy, J. Neurosci. 24, 722 (2004).

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    Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 100 , 14397 (2003).21. M. A. Ackley et al. , J. Physiol. 548 , 507 (2003).22. S. Coco et al. , J. Biol. Chem. 278 , 1354 (2003).23. O. J. Manzoni, T. Manabe, R. A. Nicoll, Science 2

    2098 (1994).24. J. T. Porter, K. D. McCarthy, J. Neurosci. 16, 5073 (1925. J. M. Zhang et al. , Neuron 40 , 971 (2003).26. T. Porkka-Heiskanen, L. Alanko, A. Kalinch

    Stenberg, Sleep Med. Rev. 6 , 321 (2002).27. R. Basheer, R. E. Strecker, M. M. Thakkar,

    McCarley, Prog. Neurobiol. 73 , 379 (2004).28. T. V. Dunwiddie, L. Diao, W. R. Proctor, J. Neuro

    17 , 7673 (1997).29. We thank I. Levitan andT. Abel forconstructive criti

    on versions of this manuscript, T. Abel for his conguidance, and R. Thresher, H. Bujard, and M. Brenconstructs used to generate transgenic vectoSupported by funds from the National InstituteNeurological Disorders and Stroke and the NatiInstitute of Mental Health to K.M., S.J.M., and P.G

    Supporting Online Materialwww.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/310/5745/113DC1Materials and MethodsFigs. S1 to S4

    5 July 2005; accepted 7 September 200510.1126/science.1116916

    Failure to Detect MismatchesBetween Intention and Outcome

    in a Simple Decision TaskPetter Johansson, 1 * Lars Hall, 1 *. Sverker Sikstro m,

    1

    Andreas Olsson 2

    A fundamental assumption of theories of decision-making is that we detectmismatches between intention and outcome, adjust our behavior in the face of error, and adapt to changing circumstances. Is this always the case? Weinvestigated the relation between intention, choice, and introspection. Partic-ipants made choices between presented face pairs on the basis of attractiveness,while we covertly manipulated the relationship between choice and outcomethat they experienced. Participants failed to notice conspicuous mismatchesbetween their intended choice and the outcome they were presented with, whilenevertheless offering introspectively derived reasons for why they chose the waythey did. We call this effect choice blindness.

    A fundamental assumption of theories of de-cision making is that intentions and outcomesform a tight loop ( 1). The ability to monitor and to compare the outcome of our choiceswith prior intentions and goals is seen to be

    critical for adaptive behavior ( 24). This typeof cognitive control has been studied ex-tensively, and it has been proposed that in-tentions work by way of forward models ( 5)that enable us to simulate the feedback from

    our choices and actions even beforewe executethem ( 6 , 7 ).

    However, in studies of cognitive control,the intentions are often tightly specified by thetask at hand ( 810 ). Although important iitself, this type of research may not tell umuch about natural environments where in-tentions are plentiful and obscure and wherethe actual need for monitoring is unknown.Despite all its shortcomings, the world is inmany ways a forgiving place in which toimplement our decisions. Mismatches betweenintention and outcome are surely possible, butwhen we reach for a bottle of beer, we very

    seldomly end up with a glass of milk in ouhands. But what if the world were less for-giving? What if it instead conspired to creatediscrepancies between the choices we makeand the feedback we get? Would we always

    1 Lund University Cognitive Science, Lund UnivKungshuset Lundagard, 222 22 Lund, Sweden. 2

    partment of Psychology, New York UniversitWashington Place, New York, NY 10003, USA.

    *These authors contributed equally to this work.. To whom correspondence should be addressE-mail: [email protected]

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    be able to tell if an error were made? And if not, what would we think, and what would we say?

    To examine these questions, we created achoice experiment that permitted us to surrep-titiously manipulate the relationship betweenchoice and outcome that our participants ex- perienced. We showed picture pairs of femalefaces to 120 participants (70 female) and asked them to choose which face in each pair theyfound most attractive. On some trials, imme-diately after their choice, they were asked toverbally describe the reasons for choosing theway they did. Unknown to the participants, oncertain trials, a double-card ploy was used tocovertly exchange one face for the other (Fig.1). Thus, on these trials, the outcome of thechoice became the opposite of what they in-tended. Each subject completed a sequence of 15 face pairs, three of which were manipulated (M). The M face pairs always appeared at thesame position in the sequence, and for each of these pairs, participants were asked to state thereasons behind their choice. Verbal reportswere also solicited for three trials of non-manipulated (NM) pairs ( 11).

    The experiment employed a 3-by-2, between-group factorial design, with delibera-tion time and similarity of the face pairs asfactors. For time, three choice conditions wereincluded: one with 2 s of deliberation time, onewith 5 s, and one where participants could takeas much time as they liked. Participants gen-erally feel that they are able to form an opiniongiven 2 s of deliberation time (supporting onlinetext). Nevertheless, the opportunity for partic-ipants to enjoy free deliberation time wasincluded to provide an individual criterion of choice. For similarity, we created two sets of

    target faces, a high-similarity (HS) and a low-similarity (LS) set (fig. S1). Using an intervalscale from 1 to 10, where 1 represents Bverydissimilar [ and 10 Bvery similar, [ the HS sethad a mean similarity of 5.7 (SD 0 2.1) and theLS set a mean similarity of 3.4 (SD 0 2.0).

    Detection rates for the manipulated pictureswere measured both concurrently, during theexperimental task, and retrospectively, througha post-experimental interview ( 11) (supportingonline text). There was a very low level of concurrent detection. With a total of 354 Mtrials performed, only 46 (13%) were detected concurrently. Not even when participants were

    given free deliberation time and a set of LSfaces to judge were more than 27% of all trialsdetected this way. There were no significantdifferences in detection rate between the 2-sand 5-s viewing time conditions, but there wasa higher detection rate in the free compared tothe fixed viewing time conditions Et (118) 02.17, P 0 G 0.05). Across all conditions, therewere no differences in detection rate betweenthe HS and the LS sets (Fig. 2A). In addition,there were no significant sex or age differencesin detection rate. Tallying all forms of detec-

    tion across all groups revealed that no morethan 26% of all M trials were exposed.

    However, these figures are inflated even so.The moment a detection is made, the outlook of the participants changes: They becomesuspicious, and more resources are diverted tomonitoring and control. To avoid such cascad-ing detection effects, it is necessary to discard all trials after the first detection is made. Figure2B shows detection rates withthis correction in place. The overall detection rate was signifi-cantly lower Et (118) 0 3.21, P G 0.005 , butnone of our prior conclusions are affected bythe use of this data set (the percentage of participants that detected the manipulation isshown in fig. S2).

    Our experiment indicates that the relation-ship between intentions and outcomes maysometimes be far looser than what current theo-rizing has suggested ( 6 , 9). The detection ratewas not influenced by the similarity of the face pairs, indicating the robustness of the finding.The face pairs of the LS set bore very littleresemblance to each other, and it is hard toimagine how a choice between them could beconfused (fig. S1 and supporting online text).The overall detection rate was higher when participants were given free deliberation time.

    This shows the importance of allowing indi-vidual criteria to govern choice, but it is notlikely to indicate a simple subjective threshold.The great majority of the participants in the 2-sgroups believed themselves to have had enoughtime to make a choice (as determined by post-test interviews), and there was no difference inthe actual distribution of choices among the pairs from fixed to free deliberation time.

    Next, we examined the relationship be-tween choice and introspective report. Onemight suspect that the reports given for NMand M trials would differ in many ways. After all, the former reports stem from a situationcommon to everyday life (revealing thereasons behind a choice), whereas the latter reports stem from a truly anomalous one (re-vealing the reasons behind a choice onemanifestly did not make).

    We classified the verbal reports into anumber of different categories that potentiallycould differentiate between NM and M reports.Forallclassifications,we used three independent blind raters, and interrater reliability wasconsistently high (supporting online text and table S1). We found no differences in the num- ber of empty reports (when participants wereunable to present any reasons at all) or in the

    Fig. 1. A snapshot sequence of the choice procedure during amanipulation trial. (A) Partici-pants are shown two pictures of female faces and asked to choosewhich one they find most at-tractive. Unknown to the partic-ipants, a second card depictingthe opposite face is concealedbehind the visible alternatives.(B) Participants indicate their

    choice by pointing at the facethey prefer the most. (C) Theexperimenter flips down thepictures and slides the hiddenpicture over to the participants,covering the previously shownpicture with the sleeve of hismoving arm. (D) Participants pick up the picture and are immediately asked to explain why thchose the way they did.

    Fig. 2. Percent detection, divided into deliberation time and similarity, for (A) all trials and (Btrials corrected for prior detections. Sim, similar (HS); Dis, dissimilar (LS). Error bars indicastandard deviation of the means.

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    degree to which reports were phrased in presentor past tense (which might indicate whether thereport is made in response to the present face or the prior context of choice). Neither did thelength of the statements, as measuredby number of characters, differ between the two sets (NM 033, SD 0 45.4; M 0 38, SD 0 44.4), nor theamount of laughter present in the reports (withlaughter being a potential marker of nervousnessor distress). We found significantly more dy-namic self-commentary in the M reportsEt (118) 0 3.31, P G 0.005 . In this type of commentary, participants come to reflectupon their own choice (typically by question-ing their own prior motives). However, evenin the M trials, such reports occurred infre-quently (5% of the M reports).

    We rated thereports along three dimensions:emotionality, specificity, and certainty (using a

    numeric scale from 1 to 5). Emotionality wasdefined as the level of emotional engagement inthe report, specificity as the level of detail in thedescription, and certainty as the level of con-fidence in their choice the participants ex- pressed. There were no differences betweenthe verbal reports elicited from NM and M trialswith respect to these three categories (fig. S3).Seemingly, the M reports were delivered withthe same confidence as the NM ones, and withthe same level of detail and emotionality. One possible explanation is that overall engagementin the task was low, and this created a floor effect for both NM and M reports. However,this is unlikely to be the case. All threemeasures were rated around the midline onour scale (emotionality 0 3.5, SD 0 0.9;specificity 0 3.1, SD 0 1.2; certainty 0 3.3, SD 01.1). Another possibility is that the lack of

    differentiation between NM and M reports is anindication that delivering an M report camenaturally to most of the participants in our task.On a radical reading of this view, a suspicionwould be cast even on the NM reports. Con-fabulation could be seen to be the norm andtruthful reporting something that needs to beargued for.

    To scrutinize these possibilities more close-ly, we conducted a final analysis of the M re- ports, adding a contextual dimension to theclassification previously used. Figure 3 showsthe percentage of M reports falling into eightdifferent categories. The Bspecific confaulation [ category contains reports that refeto features unique to the face participantsended up with in a manipulated trial. As thesereports cannot possibly be about the originalchoice (i.e., BI chose her Ethe blond woma because she had dark hair [ ), this would indee be an indisputable case of Btelling more thawe can know [ (12). Equally interesting is thBoriginal choice [ category. These are reportthat must be about the original choice, becausethey are inconsistent with the face participantsended up with (i.e., BI chose her because shsmiled Esaid about the solemn one ^[ . Hedespite the imposing context of the manipu-lated choice, vestiges of the original inten-tion are revealed in the M reports. Analogousto the earlier example of confabulation, thiswould be an unquestionable case of truthfulreport.

    In summary, when evaluating facial attract-iveness, participants may fail to notice a radicalchange to the outcome of their choice. As anextension of the well-known phenomenon ofchange blindness ( 13), we call this effechoice blindness (supporting online text). This

    finding can be used as an instrument to es-timate the representational detail of the de-cisions that humans make ( 14). We do ndoubt that humans can form very specific anddetailed prior intentions, but as the phenome-non of choice blindness demonstrates, this isnot something that should be taken for grantedin everyday decision tasks. Although the cur-rent experiment warrants no conclusions aboutthe mechanisms behind this effect, we hope itwill lead to an increased scrutiny of the conceptof intention itself. As a strongly counterintuitivefinding, choice blindness warns of the dangersof aligning the technical concept of intention

    too closely with common sense ( 15, 16 ).In addition, we have presented a method for studying the relationship between choice andintrospection. Classic studies of social psy-chology have shown that telling discrepancies between choice and introspection can some-times be discerned in group-level response pat-terns ( 12) but not for each of the individuals ahand. In the current experiment, using choice blindness as a wedge, we were able to B between [ the decisions of the participants andthe outcomes with which they were presented.

    Fig. 3. Frequency distribution of the contents of the M reports aligned along a rough continuum fromconfabulatory to truthful report. Sample sentences (translated from Swedish) are drawn from the setof reports for the displayed face pair. Letters in brackets indicate whether the report was given by amale (M) or a female (F) participant. The specific confabulation (Conf.) category contains reports thatrefer to features unique to the face participants ended up with in an M trial. The detailed andemotional confabulation categories contain reports that rank exceptionally high on detail and emo-tionality (94.0 on a scale from 1 to 5). The simple and relational confabulation categories includereports where the generality of the face descriptions precluded us from conclusively associating themwith either of the two faces (i.e., everybody has a nose, and a personality). The category of uncertaintycontains reports dominated by uncertainty (G2 on a scale from 1 to 5). The dynamic reports arereports in which participants reflect upon their own choice, and the final category contains reportsthat refer to the original context of choice.

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    This allowed us to show, unequivocally, thatnormal participants may produce confabula-tory reports when asked to describe the reasons behind their choices. More importantly, thecurrent experiment contains a seed of system-aticity for the study of choice and subjectivereport. The possibility of detailing the proper-ties of confabulation that choice blindnessaffords could give researchers an increased foothold in the quest to understand the pro-cesses behind truthful report.

    References and Notes1. K. R. Ridderinkhof, W. P. M. van den Wildenberg, S. J.

    Segalowitz, C. S. Carter, Brain Cogn. 56 , 129 (2004).2. K. R. Ridderinkhof, M. Ullsberger, E. A. Crone, S.

    Nieuwenhuis, Science 306 , 443 (2004).

    3. M. Ullsperger, D. Y. Cramon, Cortex 40 , 593 (2004).4. M. E. Walton, J. T. Devlin, M. F. S. Rushworth, Nat.

    Neurosci. 7 , 1259 (2004).5. P. Haggard, S. Clark, Conscious. Cogn. 12 , 695 (2003).6. R. Grush, Behav. Brain Sci. 27 , 377 (2004).7. D. M. Wolpert, K. Doya, M. Kawato, Philos. Trans. R.

    Soc. London Ser. B. 358 , 593 (2003).8. J. G. Kerns et al. , Science 303 , 1023 (2004).9. R. Hester, C. Fassbender, H. Garavan, Cereb. Cortex

    14 , 986 (2004).10. H. C. Lau, R. D. Rogers, P. Haggard, R. E. Passingham,

    Science 303 , 1208 (2004).11. Materials and methods are available as supporting

    material on Science Online.

    12. R. E. Nisbett, T. D. Wilson, Psychol. Rev. 84, 231 (1977).13. R. A. Rensink, Annu. Rev. Psychol. 53 , 245 (2002).14. D. J. Simons, R. A. Rensink, Trends Cogn. Sci. 9, 16 (2005).15. D. C. Dennett, The Intentional Stance (MIT Press,

    Cambridge, MA, 1987).16. D. M. Wegner, The Illusion of Conscious Will (MIT

    Press, Cambridge, MA, 2003).

    17. We thank D. de Le on, K. Holmqvist, P. BjorneGardenfors, T. Dickins, N. Humphrey, A. MarceRahman, E. Adams, N. Bolger, B. Cohen, and E. Pfor useful comments and discussions. We also thankBalkenius for providing the illustrations for the artiand P. Rosengren for invaluable advice concerning use of card magic techniques. Supported by The NSociety of Letters at Lund (P.J.), The KnowlFoundation, The Erik Philip-So rensen Foundatio(L.H.), and the Swedish Research Council (S.S.).

    Supporting Online Materialwww.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/310/5745/116/DC1

    Materials and MethodsSOM TextFigs. S1 to S3Table S1

    2 March 2005; accepted 23 August 200510.1126/science.1111709

    Sexual Selection Can ResolveSex-Linked Sexual Antagonism

    Arianne Y. K. Albert * and Sarah P. Otto

    Sexual selection is a potent evolutionary force. However, very few modelshave considered the evolution of female preferences for traits expressed inboth sexes. Here we explore how female preferences coevolve with sexuallyantagonistic traits, which involve alleles that are beneficial to one sex butharmful to the other. We show that with a sexually antagonistic trait on the Xchromosome (males XY, females XX), females evolve to prefer mates carryingalleles beneficial to daughters. In contrast, with a Z-linked trait (males ZZ,females ZW), females more often evolve mating preferences for mates car-rying alleles beneficial to sons (that is, flashy displays).

    Evolutionary biologists have long puzzled over how and why female preferences drive theevolution of exaggerated male traits. General-ly, female preferences are thought to enhance afemale _s long-term fitness by increasing her

    offspring _s fitness, either directly or throughgenetic associations between preference and trait loci ( 1, 2). Nearly all models assume thatfemales do not initially express the male dis- play trait, or else they assume that the fitnesseffects are the same in males and females ( 3).However, traits subject to sexual selection willoften be sexually antagonistic, for example,with Bsexy [ male traits benefiting males butreducing female fitness ( 46 ). If a trait in-creases male reproductive success at the costof female viability, females must then choose between having attractive sons (and unfitdaughters) and having ugly sons (but un-

    encumbered daughters). As long as femalescan detect the genotypic differences amongmales at sexually antagonistic loci, we expectmating preferences to evolve as described bythe models explored here.

    Theory predicts that sexually antagonisticloci are more likely to remain polymorphic on

    the sex chromosomes ( 4, 5). Furthermore, re-cent empirical work suggests that many sex-ually selected traits in animals are located onthe X chromosome ( 7 , 8) and that most poly-morphic sexually antagonistic traits are located

    on the X chromosome in Drosophila (5, 9).There is also evidence to suggest that a female _smate choice may result in a tradeoff in thefitness between her daughters and sons ( 10).Several recent theoretical examinations of the evolution of female preferences haveexplored sex linkage of the trait and/or pref-erence ( 1114 ). However, these models, withthe exception of Reeve and Pfennig _s (12),

    assume that sexually selected traits have male-limited expression and therefore no fitnessconsequences when in females, and none hasaddressed sexual antagonism. Here we addressthe question of how female preferences evolvefor traits that have contrasting fitness effects ineach sex.

    With sexual antagonism, chromosomal loca-tion should strongly affect the evolution of female preferences. Simply put, an X-linked male trait is never passed on from an attractivefather to his sons, whereas his daughters suffer the cost of carrying the display trait ( 5, 9Offspring in XY species therefore do not gaina fitness benefit from females preferring maleswith a more extreme X-linked display trait. Incontrast, both males and females contribute aZ chromosome to sons in ZW species. Thus,females preferring a Z-linked display traitreceive the fitness benefit of sexy sons, eventhough their daughters suffer a fitness cost

    (5, 9). This cost is lessened by the fact thatdaughters inherit only one of their father _s chromosomes. With autosomal inheritance,these asymmetries in inheritance are absent.

    To verifythe verbalargument laid outabove,we present the results of two-locus models thatfollow the fate of a newly arisen preferenceallele p in a population that is at a polymorphicequilibrium at a trait locus. We assume that

    Table 1. Male and female fitness components in male heterogametic (XY) and female heterogame(ZW) species.

    X-linked trait Z-linked trait

    Male trait T t TT Tt tt

    Female preference PP 1 1 aPP P 1 1 da P 1 aPp 1 1 aPp p 1 1 da p 1 a pp 1 1 a pp

    Male viability 1 s y

    1 1 sz

    1 hsz

    1Female trait

    TT Tt tt T tFemale viability 1 1 hs

    x 1 s

    x 1 1 s

    w

    Female preferencePP Pp pp P p

    Female cost 1 kaPP kk 1 kaPp kk 1 ka pp kk 1 kaPkk 1 ka p

    Department of Zoology, University of British Colum-bia, Vancouver, British Columbia V6T 1Z4, Canada.

    *To whom correspondence should be addressed.E-mail: [email protected]

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