Schecter - Infant Development

InfantDevelopment

DavidE.Schecter

e-Book2015InternationalPsychotherapyInstitute

FromAmericanHandbookofPsychiatry:Volume1editedbySilvanoArieti

Copyright1974byBasicBooks

AllRightsReserved

CreatedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica

TableofContents

TheBirthofaFamily

DevelopmentoftheHumanBond

DevelopmentalStagesofSocialAttachment

OriginsofInfantileAnxiety

Bibliography

Notes

InfantDevelopment

Theframeofreferenceofthebehavioralsciences,includingpsychiatry,

is increasingly expanding to include psychohistorical and intergenerational

considerations,especiallywiththerealizationthattheneedsofchild,youth,

andadultare,toalargedegree,mutuallyinterdependenteachgrouphaving

needs toconfirmandbeconfirmedby theother.Wemean toemphasize in

ourdiscussionofinfancyapproximatelythefirstfifteenmonthsoflifethe

reciprocalrelatednessbetweenchildandcaretaker,whetherthecaretakeris

parent, professional, or extended family. With new possibilities in societal

andchildrearingstructures(thedaycarecenter,thekibbutz,thecommune),it

ismore important thanever tounderstand thenatureof the infantandhis

dependencyonhiscaretakers,evenifthechildweretobeconceivedinatest

tube. For practical purposes we will assume that the familyor a variant

thereofisstillviableandstillaratheruniversalmatrixinwhichchildrenare

reared, notwithstanding the influences of other institutions.[1] Traditional

parentalrolesandthesecuritythatcomeswiththeseroleshavealready

broken down to varying degree in the Western nuclear family, with an

ensuing search for new forms of childrearing that may be adaptive to a

relatively unknown and unpredictable futureworld. Hence thewidespread

phenomenonof acute and chronicparental doubting concerning a rangeof

problems connected with child and adolescent rearing, with life style, and

withbasicvalueorientation.

American Handbook of Psychiatry 5

Although traditionally concerned with alleviating symptoms and

altering deviant behavior, psychiatry hasmoved into community concerns,

recognizing its potential contribution to the fostering of mental and

emotionalwell-beingaswellastothepreventionandtreatmentofsuffering

and destructive behavior among the people of the world. If we can

understand the nature of human development in its various sociocultural

forms,we increase thepossibilitiesofknowing the conditionsunderwhich

healthy development can be facilitated. Since the human organism has a

widerangeofadaptability, the issuesof healthandadaptationareclosely

related. Adaptation to what involves matters of human value's and goes

beyond the usual boundaries defined by a narrow scientific approach that

attempts to remain value-free or more accuratelyvalue-blind. For

example,ifafamilyorasocietysgoalistoencourageself-controlinachild,

therearemanyroutestowardthisbehavioralend.Oneendofthespectrum

wouldrelyonprovidingamilieuthatencouragesself-controlbyexampleand

encouragement as well as by a clear setting of limits; the other direction

wouldmake use of techniquesweighingmost heavily on fear, coercion, or

shaming.Althoughthesurfacebehaviorsineachinstancemayhaveasimilar

appearance,thedifferentpsychologicalstructuresinvolvedintheseexamples

would have completely different implications for the childs total

developmentandforthesocialrelationsofwhichhebecomesapart.

Infant Development 6

TheBirthofaFamily

The biological helplessness of the infant demands nurturance from

caretakerswho have a high stake in the infants growth and development.

Traditionallythefamilyhasbeenentrustedwiththefunctionsoffosteringthe

childsbiological,social,andculturaldevelopment.Thisimpliesthatfromthe

time of conception parents will try to influence the new organism in

directions largely dictated by their personal and socially shared values.

However,thefreedomtonurtureoptimallyacompletelydependentfetusand

infantdependsagooddealonthelevelofpsychologicalmaturityattainedby

theparents.

Parenthood canbe regarded as a developmental phase, incorporating

several substages, with stage-specific tasks, stresses, and opportunities for

growth. The young adult usually comes to parenthood while he is still

undergoingaseriesof individuationexperiencesinwhichhehasattempted

to liberate himself psychologically from his family of origin through an

intense inner struggle to establish hisor herown sense of identity.

Simultaneously a need develops for a relatively enduring, intimate

relationship, which often involves the formation of a new social unit, a

couple.[2] In such a setting we can observe fluctuations from states of

relativepsychologicalseparatenesstostatesofgreaterfusionorlooseningof

egoboundaries.Thelatterisexperiencednotonlyduringsexualexcitement


andorgasmbutinthenot infrequentexpectationthattheonepartnerhave

identicalwishes, tastes, and values as the other.With the relative sense of

exclusive possessiveness seen in some new couples, there are temptations

toward regressions, including increased dependency and fusion that evoke

affectsassociatedwithearlierparent-childexperiences.Inpartthisaccounts

for the cyclicalmoving towardandaway fromoneanother in any intimate

relationship.

Againstthisbackgroundofrelativelyexclusivecouplehood,apregnancy

can potentially come to signify an intrusion into the new unit. At the very

least, even when the pregnancy and newborn are consciously and

unconsciouslywelcomed,therewillbeamarkeddisequilibriumandneedfor

newhomeostasis inthenewfamilyunit.The-capacityforthedyadtogrow

intoarelativelyharmonioustriadisoneoftheessentialdevelopmentaltasks

of parenthood, the outcome of which will have enormous impact on the

childsandthefamilysdevelopment.

Weknowfromclinicalaswellas fromdirect familyobservations that

pregnancy and infancy set up new strains in both parents. Aside from the

demandingness of the new infant, there is a shift of emotional investment

(cathexis) in the motherespecially after quickeningwhen she becomes

awareofanewbeingthatisinsideandpartofher.Ifthehusbandneedshis

wife at the same level of intensity as in prepregnancy, hemay experience


some deprivation, which can be overcomeif he is mature enough

especiallywiththefeelingofanewprideinhisroleasfather.Infamilieswe

have studied inweekly observation for the first two years of life,we have

noted in some fathers clear signs of deprivation, jealousy, and feelings of

beingexcluded.[3]

Since there tends to be a social idealization of infancy, demanding an

unambivalentlyblissfulfamilyatmosphereintowhichtheinfantissupposed

tobereceived,ambivalentaffectsaregenerallysuppressedorrepressed,and

investigation of these feelings has been hampered by a sense of taboo

surroundingthisissue.Also,fromclinicalexperiencewithparentsinvarious

settings,onewouldsuspectthattheremaybeawidespreadincidenceofnew

familiessufferinginaquietspiritofdesperation.[4]

Althoughdiscussionof fathersrole isoftenabsent inconsiderationof

early familydevelopment, suchconsiderationsaremanifest inmythology

probablyindicatingtheratheruniversalnatureoftheseproblems.Thereisa

whole other side to theOedipus-typemyths that Freuddidnot emphasize.

Thisperspectiveinvolvespredictionsthatthenewborn(son)wouldpreempt

andperhapskill the fatherof thenew family.Thisprophecyof theDelphic

oracleprovokedLaiusand Jacosta toattempt infanticideby tyingOedipuss

feetand leavinghimtodie inthe fields inordertosavetheirmarriageand

kingdom.[5]


The observations that a fathermay feel that his wife has the inside

trackwiththeirsonandthat themother feelsdespairingabouther lackof

abundancetoprovideforbothchildandhusbandshouldnotobscurethefact

that these conflicts are often resolved in a positive direction; the couple

transcendsitsformerstructuretomakeroomforand,indeed,feelenriched

bythecommonpleasuresandtasksinvolvedinthechildsgrowth.Withthis

capacity of the parent to move from exclusive couplehood to a communal

triad,theredevelopsasenseofgrowingintogenerativeadulthood(Erikson)

inwhichonespotencyandsurplusvitalityisexpressedinthesharingofthe

care and concern for anotherwhose importance is experienced as at least

equaltoonesown.

Parent-ChildDevelopmentalFit:IndividualDifferencesandSocioculturalFactors

Themanyvariablesthatareinvolvedintheadequategrowthofafamily

include the character and maturity of the parents, the constitutional

difficultiesanddemandsposedbyanewborn,andhismatchwithwhathis

parentsand by implication their sociocultural groupcan tolerate and

respond to.TheworkofBridger,Birns,Chess,Thomas,etal., and Escalona

reveals the early appearanceof individual differences in infantile reactivity

and temperament and the complex relation of these factors to parental

expectations and responsiveness. The matter of parental expectations and

hopes for their infant is of paramount importance in determining how the


parents will evaluate the infants progress and their own worth and

goodnessasparents.[6]

Our own observations of infant-parent interaction impressed uswith

theintensityofparentalexpectationandhopefortheirinfantsachievements

inaccordancewithakindofidealizeddevelopmentalschedule.Ifoneofthese

goalsforexample,tobeindependent,toplaybyhimself,toreachandgrasp

was not achieved by a certain age, there could ensue a sense of

disappointmentand failure leading toblameof self, childor spouse, and to

mounting family tensions, whose origins the parents would soon become

unaware of in the complex mesh of secondary interpersonal stress. We

observedatwo-month-oldinfantwithcolicshriekingforrelief,butwhenhis

mothercarriedhimtoolonginordertosoothehimshewasaccusedbyher

husbandandeventuallyaccusedherselfofspoilingthechild.Thefearof

spoiling the infantprovedquiteprominent inanumberofparentsandwas

one of the sources of doubt and dulling of spontaneity in the parents

attitudestowardtheirchild.Behindtheissueofspoilingisafearofinducing

overdependence and an omnipotence of will in the infant. At times these

matters could be amusing, but they also signified a damaging form of

patterningwhenmany spontaneous behaviors in a very young infantwere

assignedthesignificanceofwillfulnessanddefiance.[7]Thus,athree-month-

oldinfantwasspankedbyherfatherbecausesherefusedtogotosleep;on

anotheroccasion,usingunfamiliarstridentvocaltonesandthreateningfacial


gestures,hermotherseverelyreprimandedherwhentheinfantsprotruding

ofhertonguewasinterpretedasasignofdisrespect.Afurtherexampleofthe

fear of giving too much attention was seen in the mothers decision to

withhold bodily contactwith the baby by propping the bottle duringmost

feedings.Wemustemphasizethatalthoughthesewerenotthemostsensitive

ofparents,theywerealsonottoounrepresentativeinmanyrespectsofwhat

wesawinlower-classandlower-middle-classhomes.[8]

Messinessanddirtinessinconnectionwithfeedingprovedtobeanother

source of maternal anxiety and consequent scolding or punishment in the

earlymonthsof life. In thisway importantearlyautonomystrivingsuchas

self-feedingby finger,spoon,orcupcanbediscouragedbyamotherwhose

sensitivity to messing or whose need to control overrides the childs

readiness for certain masteries. Spock has written about how critical the

periodof five to sixmonths is for thedevelopmentof increasingautonomy

andself-reliancethroughthepotentialmasteryofcupfeedingatthistime.

Wesawthebeginningsof thepowerstruggle fromtheparents side

muchearlierthantheclassicautonomyphaseusuallyascribedtotheinfantin

his secondand thirdyearof life.Even thoughwewere impressedwith the

observationsofhowmaternalattitudesandbehaviorswereinfluencedbythe

infantsbehavior,wewereevenmoreimpressedwiththelimitationsofthis

proposition.[9]Parentalcharacterinsomeaspects individuallyunique,but


initsbasicdimensionsdeterminedbysocioculturalpatterningwasseento

exertapowerfulinfluenceonthethreshold,intensity,quality,andflexibility

of parental response in relation to the infants behavior, including the

developmentalchangesinhisbehaviororganization.

Despite thewarpsofdevelopment that can follow from inappropriate

parentalstandardsandexpectations,itisclearthatstandardsareinvarying

degree of flexibilitycommon to all societies. Parental hopes for their

offspringareuniversalandhavebeenexpressedintheformofthemessianic

ideal; this theme runs through various religious, mythological, and artistic

motifs throughout history. The intense affective investment in the child

increases the chances of species and individual survival aswell as cultural

continuity,eventhoughitlaysthegroundworkforpotentialdisappointment,

disillusion, blame, and resentment in family relationships. Even so, despite

theinevitabilityofparentalinnerconflictandguiltinWesternculture,[10]one

canobserveparentswithinthisframeworkwhoshowremarkablesensitivity

andskillinfacilitatingandenablingopportunitiesfortheinfantsmovement

towardanoptimalbalanceofinterdependenceandautonomy.


DevelopmentoftheHumanBond

Ofallthedevelopmentsinthefirstyearoflife,thatofthehumanbond

between the infantandhis caretakerorcaretakersisprobably themost

fatefulforhisfuturelife.Wehavepresumedthattheunfoldingofthechilds

subsequentinterpersonalrelationshipsderivesheavilyfromthepatterningof

the first social relationships. I have avoided the use of the word mother

here,lestweassumethatitisonlywithonesactualmotherthattheprimary

social bonds can be formed. Originally psychological, including

psychoanalytic, formulationsconcerningthemother-childrelationshipwere

largely reconstructive or theoretical. Only in recent years have there been

directandspecifickindsof researches tohelpelucidate theexactnatureof

theunfoldingofthefirsthumanrelationship.

Thereareseveraltypesoftheoriesconcerningtheprocessbywhichthe

childbecomessociallyrelated.One type isconcernedwith the formationof

the social bond, largely through secondary psychological dependency

derivingfromrepeatedcyclesofgratificationthroughthereductionofneed-

tension,primarilyoral.Thistypeoftheorylargelyinvolvingthepreceptsof

social learningis in essence the one formulated by Freud, who properly

emphasized the helpless nature of the newborn infant whose survival

depends on the ministrations and need gratifications by his caretaker.

However,Freudalsopostulatedaprimaryinstinctualsuckingdrivethatwas


anacliticinitsnaturesinceitleanedonwhathethenreferredtoastheself-

preservative ego instincts. The object of the sucking drivewas seen as the

breastthe social bond to mother being developed largely through the

secondarypsychologicaldependencydescribedabove.

Bowlbyandothers(Balint,Fairbairn)haveemphasizedaprimaryobject

seeking tendency in the infant from the time of birth. Bowlby postulates

mechanismsderived from ethological modelsby which the primary

attachment to the mother is mediated. These mechanisms, referred to as

componentinstinctualresponses,aremadeupofspecies-specificbehavior

patterns, determined by heredity and emerging within specific

developmental periods during the first years of life. The five instinctual

responses suggested consist of sucking, clinging, following behavior (both

visualand locomotor), crying,andsmiling.Bowlbyhimself stresses thathis

theoreticalmodelwasintendedtoretainbutupdateFreudsoriginalschema

of component instincts. From an evolutionary point of view, Bowlby

considered the instinctual responses as having evolved with the adaptive

functionofelicitingnurturingbehavioronthepartofthemother.AsYarrow

pointsout,athirdtheoreticalframework,centraltopsychoanalytictheory

that of object relationshipsis probably the broadest one, with a clearly

developmental orientation that takes into account different kinds of social

responsesatdifferentdevelopmentalstages.Thecontroversythathasensued

between primary and secondary attachments (Bowlby) is largely spurious


becauseinhumandevelopmentit is,at leastatthepresenttime,practically

impossible to separate out the primarily innate from the experiential since

early infantile experience tends to become organized and patterned, and

presumably immediately begins to have its effects on later development.

Nevertheless, this does not rule out the fact that certainmaturationsmust

occurbeforecertainkindsofexperiencecanbeundergoneandorganizedby

the infant.Manyethologistshave largely abandoned the ideaof an entirely

innateoriginofinstinct-basedbehavior;Schneirla,forexample,inhisstudies

of cats,has shown the influenceofearly learning in complexmother-kitten

interactionontheeventualbio-psychologicalmother-childrelationship.

OralandFeedingBehavior

Thattheoralandfeedingexperienceoftheinfantconstitutesoneofthe

important basic roots of social attachment is not in question. However,

historically,becauseoftheobviouspowerofthesuckingdriveanditscrucial

connectionwithsatisfactionofhungerandwithsurvivalitself,itwasseenas

the dominating experience that mediated the attachment to the mother.

Indeed,thewholeperiodofinfancywasconceptualizedastheoralphaseof

libidinaldevelopment.Innature,however,theoralexperienceinvolvesother

sensorymodalitiessuchastactile,auditory,visual,andolfactorystimulation.

Nevertheless,evenwiththeexcitingnewdiscoveriesoftheimportanceofthe

visual modalitydescribed elsewhere in this chapterwe should not


underestimate the critical quality of the feeding experience.We know, for

example,thatmotherswhorespondtotheirchildscryanddiscomfortalmost

exclusivelybyofferingthebreastorthebottleconditiontheirinfantsinsuch

a way that oral craving is experienced and oral satisfaction may be more

usuallysoughtoutwhendistressisfelt.[11]

A number of authors, including Erikson, Sullivan, and Brody, have

emphasized thebuildingupofaqualityof interpersonalmutuality through

thefeedingexperience;anumberoffinemanipulationsandadaptationsmust

bemadebybothpartnersinordertoachieveareciprocallygratifyingfeeding

experience.

Thesignificanceofcontactcomfortandtactilegratificationearly inthe

lifeoftheinfantisdramaticallydemonstratedwhenthecryinginfantquiets

upon being picked up and held, at first by any caretaker, but after a few

months usually by the preferredmother.We assume that tactile, pressure,

thermal, olfactory, and kinesthetic stimulation (Mason) have an ongoing

impactoninfantileexperience.Harlowsworkdramatizedtheimportanceof

tactile experience in infant macaques, who apparently preferred artificial

terry cloth mother surrogates to wire mesh lactating surrogates. Although

Harlow had reason to conclude that contact comfort was more important

than feeding as an antecedent to social attachment, I believe this is a false

kindofdistinctionbecausethistypeofcompetitivechoicebetweenthesetwo


particular modalities does not occur in nature as it does in Harlows

experiments. Also, in general, any inferences to humans from infrahuman

species carry a risk, although the relevance of such inferences for early

infantiledevelopmentmaybeofasomewhathigherorder.Thereis,however,

initial evidence that experimental stimulation of institutional infants

exclusivelyinthetactilemodalitycontributestosignificantdevelopmental

gains.

Theevidencefortheexistenceofimportantindividualdifferencesinthe

intensityoforaldriveandthepleasureexperiencedinclosephysicalcontact

israther impressive.Forexample,SchafferandEmersonstudiedagroupof

infantswho could be differentiated into cuddlers and noncuddlers. The

authors concluded that the noncuddlers were not suffering primarily from

maternal contactdeprivation; rather, asagroup, theyweremoreadvanced

and more active motorically, and at the same time they tended to resist

restraint ofmovement, including the restraint consequent to closephysical

contact.[12]

VisualandAuditoryModalities

In recent years research has revealed that the visual apparatus is

relatively ready to function soon after birth. Tauber demonstrated the

optokinetic nystagmus reaction movement in newborns; Wolff and White


observedvisualpursuitofobjectswithconjugateeyemovementsinthreeto

four day olds; Fantz described more prolonged visual fixation upon more

complexvisualpatternsasagainstsimpleronesintheearlydaysandweeks

ofinfancy.

The normal face is similarly preferred to comparable head shapes

withscrambledfeaturesininfantsfromonetosixmonths.SpitzandAhrens

inseparate,verydetailedanalyseswereabletodemonstratethattheinfant

appearedtosmileinresponsetoasigngestalt,atfirstcenteringaroundthe

two eyes and later becoming more differentiated to include the mouth. A

number of observers, including Wolff and Robson, have noted the

developmentofpreferentialvisualfixationupon,andfollowingof,thehuman

facefromtheearlyweeksoflife.[13]

Wolff, through careful observation and experimentation, discovered

that as early as the third week in the infants life the specifically human

stimulus of a high-pitched voice elicits a smilemore consistently than any

other stimulus at that time. The voice also served to reduce the infants

fussiness as well as evoke a smile. Our own experience, as well as that of

others,indicatesthatamosteffectivewayofevokingasmileinaninfantfrom

thesecondmonthonward isbya socialapproach,consistingofasmiling,

nodding face, with accompanying musical vocalizationsthat is, with the

cumulativepotencyofvariousmodalities.


Researchobservationswouldpointtotheprobabilitythattheinfantis

equippedinnatelywiththecapacityforasmilingresponse,acapacitythatis

evokedbyasetofkeyreleaserstimulusconfigurationssuchasthehuman

facegestaltwhichbecomeeffectiveatcertainphasesofdevelopment.This

pointofviewclearlydoesnotexcludeacomplementaryonethatregardsthe

smiling response, once elicited, as being immediately open to various

influences of learning, including conditioning and the increasing emotional

investmentintherecognitionoffamiliarpersons.[14]

SocialandPlayfulInteraction

There is by now a mounting volume of evidence[15] that the crucial

variables in determining the outcome of social responsiveness in the

potentially healthy infant are the patterned social stimulations and

responsiveness of the significant persons in the environment. Without

adequatesocial(includingperceptual)stimulationas,forexample,inblind

and institutionalized infantsdeficits develop in emotional and social

relationships,inlanguage,inabstractthinking,andininnercontrols.Barring

socialtraumataanddeprivationofvaryingdegree,natureandcultureseemto

guaranteereciprocalresponsivenessbythefactthathealthyadults,especially

thosewhoareintenselyinvestedintheirinfants,findtheinfantssmilesand

vocalizationsirresistible;theyapparentlymustrespondunlessthecaretakers

areparticularlydepressedordisturbed.


Byfivetosevenmonthstheinfantwhoisbeingenjoyedbyhisparents

spendsagoodpartofhisdayinsocialinteractionsinvolvingmutualregard,

sometimes with intense eye-to-eye contact, and mutual smiling and

vocalizations; these may include tactile and kinesthetic stimulations,

modalities thatareall combined invariousongoingpatternsof interaction.

Manyofthesepatternedexchangesbecomeidiosyncraticallypersonaltothe

mother-infantcouple,whileothersrepresenttraditionalsocialplay,suchas

presemantic vocal conversations and repetitive social approaches and

responses,whichmayinvolvenuzzling,jigglingorjouncing,posturalgamesof

liftingandlowering,upsidedownandairplaneandmostdramatically

thegameofpeekaboo.[16]

Bytheendofthefirsthalfyearoflife,motherandinfanthavedeveloped

important patterns of social interaction. In some couples the baby is given

maximalopportunitytoactivelyrespondandinitiate;inothersheiscoerced

into the position of a relatively passive recipient of stimulation that may

excitehimtothepointofpainfulstress.Someofthevariables involvedina

systematic study of the patterns of reciprocity include: the infants and

mothers sensitivity andactivity levels, their initiatory tendencies,mothers

need to dominate rather than facilitate her infant, the nature of her

personificationofherinfant(ishetobedocileoractivelyinitiatory),mothers

anxiety level, her fear of spoiling the child through play, and so on. A

prominent featureofmaternal style includes themotherscapacity to enjoy


andrespondtoherinfantsactivity,includinghisdevelopmentalprogressions.

The maternal variables are stressed here for the moment, since social

reciprocity in the infant is given largely as a potentiality and, to a great

degree,mustbeinducedandsustainedbythesignificantadults.

In the earliestmonths of life, themother responds to physiologically

basedneeds(hunger,cold,sleep).Shefunctionsasaprotectorfromexcessive

innerandouterstimulationaswellasaproviderofperceptualstimulation.As

theinfantdevelopsarepertoireofreciprocalplayfulexperiences,hecomesto

anticipateandlearnthathecanevokeasocialresponseevenwhenheisnot

hungry, cold, wet, or in pain.With this realization develops a new sense of

social potency and trust that is qualitatively different from urgent need

tensionrelief.Thechildcannowobtainnotonlyreductionoftensionbutalso

positivelystimulatingandplayfulpatternsofresponseinrelationtoahuman

partner,aswellaswithobjects.[17]

Socialplayfulness,perhapsmorethananyothermodality,constitutesa

remarkably easy vehicle for the mutual exchange of affectionate and

exuberant affects. Since play is characterized by the quality of continuing

improvisationandhencebytheavailabilityofnovelelementsofexperience,it

operatesasapowerfulmotivatoroflearning.AsPiagethasdemonstrated,the

development of learning structures proceeds by the assimilation of novel

inputs in the infants experience, followedbyappropriate accommodations.


Reciprocal play appears to involve the utmost of focal attention and

absorption of the two partnersa kind of sacred ritual that one dare not

intrude upon. When the caretakeradult or adolescentexperiences this

with the infant, the latter gains a new degree of human status, now being

perceivedasapsychologicalandsocialaswellasphysiologicalbeing.Atthe

sametimeanewkindofparentalprideappears;themothersself-esteemis

validatedbyherfeelingthatshehassucceededinhelpingherbabybecome

sociallyhuman.It isatthispointindevelopmentthatfathersoftenforthe

first timeexperience themselvesasameaningfulpartof the infant-parent

relationship. Playfulness requires special conditions, for instance, an

appropriatelevelofstimulationandanabsenceofcoercionanddomination.

In thissensewecansee thatmutualplayfulness isamodelof freedomand

spontaneityinhumanrelatedness.Ithelpspreparetheindividualandgroup

for communication, language, and collaboration and provides a means for

overcomingdestructivenessthroughplayfulaggression.[18]

The internalization of good reciprocal relationships comes to be

organizedaspartofgoodmeandgoodmotherandcontributeseventually

to the sense of ones self-esteem.With the confidence that he can evoke a

response, the child is freed to be alone in the presence of mother, as

Winnicottstatesit,aphasethatprepareshimforseparationsfrommothers

physicalpresenceforlongerperiodswithoutundueanxiety.Thisisacrucial

step in the development of the infants autonomy. If parents are depleted


emotionally for any reason (depression, social deprivation, and hardship),

oneofthefirstqualitiesofarelationshiptofallawayisplayfulnesssincethis

dependsonasurplusofemotionalwell-being.Whenwespeakofemotional

deprivation in infancy, thisrefersnotonlytothegrosskindsofdeprivation

seen in such situations as institutionalization and obvious parental

psychopathology but also to the more subtle quality of the interaction

betweenparentandchild.[19]Moreover,wemustkeepinmindnotonlythe

qualityofparentingbutalsothe individualcharacteristicsof the infant that

determinethenatureof thestimulationherequires; forexample,apassive,

low-energy infant who cannot actively send out signals that will bring

responseismoreinneedofstimulationthatisinitiatedbytheparentsthana

moreactive,self-initiatoryinfant.


DevelopmentalStagesofSocialAttachment

When looked at closely the development of social attachment can be

described as a complex series of steps in achieving a meaningful special

relationshiptootherpersons.Becauseofdifferentratesofdevelopmentand

the diversity of research definitions and criteria in studying social

attachment, we cannot expect to find a fixed age at which a given level of

attachment is achieved. Furthermore, the observer canonlyusebehavioral

reactionsandfromthemdrawinferencesaboutqualitiesandlevelsofsocial

attachment. The infant is in no position to verify or contradict these

inferences.

Whatisthesignificancetopsychiatryofdetaileddevelopmentalstudies

of social attachment? It is nothing less than the foundation of all human

relatednessandofpersonalitydevelopment.Tostudycarefullythedifferent

levels of social relationship allows the student of human behavior to

recognize, forexample,atwhat levelof relatednessaparticularpersonor

groupmaybeoperatingatagiventimeandalsoatwhatlevelapersonmay

have been arrested in his development. Such knowledge will allow for a

reconstructive viewpoint in attempts at individual and social change. Ifwe

knowtheretendstobearelativelyinvariantsequenceofstagesA,B,C,Din

theformationofahumanattachment,wewillnotexpectordemandDlevel

behavior if step C has never been achieved. This developmental viewpoint


alters the conception of individual and social therapies that have been

modeled largely on the issue of conflict, without too much regard for the

structural elements of personality that are needed for a certain level of

interpersonalbehaviorandconflict.Forapersonwhohasnotachieved the

capacityforclosespecificsocialattachmentininfancy,onewouldnotexpect

tofindthehigherleveloedipal-typeconflictsthatalreadypresumeacapacity

forspecificsocialattachment.

Fromtheworkofanumberofinvestigators,includingSpitz,Benjamin,

SchafferandEmerson,andYarrowwecansummarizethevariousstagesby

which social attachment between infant and mother is achieved during

infancy.

1. Undifferentiated presocial phase. The infant in the early days orweeksofhislifemayfailtodiscriminatesocialandnonsocialobjects.

2. Indiscriminatesocialresponsiveness. The infantnowdiscriminatessocialandnonsocialobjectsbutrespondswithoutapparentdiscrimination among various social objects. It is at thisstagethatSpitzscommentapplies:themotherisafunctionandnotyetaface.

3.Selectiveresponsiveness to familiar versus unfamiliar people. Onetypeofselectiveresponsivenessinvolvestherecognitionofthe mother as revealed by a series of behavioral signs,includingselectiveconcentrationonthemother,excitement


and approach movements at the sight of her, as well asdifferential crying, smiling, and vocalization. Mother is nolongermerelyafunction;shehasaface.

Thereseemstobeagreementthatperceptualdiscriminationprecedesthepossibilityofrecognitionofthemotherasaspecificperson,andthatrecognition,inturn,isaprerequisiteforstage4.

4.Specificsocialattachment.AccordingtoSchafferandEmerson,[20]

therewas a peak of specific social attachment at 10 to 11months, followed by a slow decline. At 18 months thereseemedtobeanincreaseintheattachmentcurve,reachingits previous peak that had been found at 10 months. It islikely that the development of specific attachments andexpectationstowardthemotherorothersignificantpersonsdependsoncertainperceptualandcognitivedevelopments,including the beginning concept of object permanence(Piaget)the mental representation of objects when theyare outside the infants immediate perceptual field. It isimportant to note that in Piagets experiments on objectpermanence, the child begins to retain an image of thedisappeared object and seeks it out under a napkinbeginning around nine months of age, completing themasteryofthecomplexitiesofobjectpermanencearound18months. In nature, of course, one cannot separate thecognitive from theaffective-socialbonds; thesedimensionsare abstracted from a unified gestalt experience in theinfantslife.

5. The Confidence relationship. This higher level of interpersonalrelationshipderived by Yarrow from Benedekinvolves


thedevelopmentofspecificexpectationstowardthemotherandoverlaps significantlywithErik- sons conceptofbasictrust.However,sincecomplexinferencesaboutthemeaningof behavior are necessary, the development of behavioralcriteria for confidence or trust is extremely difficult.Yarrowchose,asonecriterion,theexpectationofsoothingwhen indistress, andhe found that abouthalf the infantshaddevelopedthisrelationshipofconfidencetothemotherbyagethreemonthsand56percentatagesixmonths.(Hisstudy did not go beyond eightmonths.) Yarrow concludedthat the development of confidence in the mother is notsimply a maturationally determined development, butundoubtedly influenced bymany environmental aswell asidiosyncraticfactors,includingthepatternsofmaternalcare,suchasthedepthof therelationship, theconsistencywithwhichmother responds to the child aswell as the generallevelofpredictabilityoftheenvironmentbasedonrecurringandpredictablesequencesofgratification.

Fromourownandothersobservationsofinfants,weknowthattheincreasingcapacitytoanticipateandwaitforspecificresponsesinthemotherincreaseswithageinagoodrelationshipand,indeed,isanearlysignofwhatismeantpsychoanalyticallybytheconceptofobjectconstancy.

6. Object constancy. As Fraiberg has indicated, the criteria forachievement of object constancy vary a great deal withdifferent authors, so that its achievement is placed at agesrangingfromeightmonthsuntilafterthesecondyear.Inanycasewhat ismeantby thisconcept is thatnotonlycan thechilddiscriminateandselectivelyvaluehismotherbutalsohe has begun to represent her mentally with qualities of


increasing permanence and objectivity. Even in the face offrustration or cruelty or during a limited absence, themotherusuallycontinuestobepreferredandcentraltothechildslife.

Theevidenceforachievementofobjectconstancyinthepsychoanalytic

sensein contrast to Piagets purely cognitive concept of object

permanenceisnotoncertaingroundsempirically,buttherearebehaviors

that would indicate themother is representedmentally and investedwith

intenseaffect.[21]

Thechild,forexample,willcallforhismotherbywhatevercallsounds

he has developed to summon her to himself; when she is absent he will

verbally refer to her or to her possessions andhewillmiss her grievingly.

Evennonverbally,hisbeginningdramaticplayindicatesthatheisdeveloping

thecapacitytomentallyrepresenthimselfandmotherinamobilesymbolic

actforinstance,whenheplacesadolltosleepduringaplaysequence.His

mental operations have progressed beyond immediate imitation to what

Piaget calls deferred imitation, and then to the formation of more lasting

identifications with the mother. Evidence for these identifications are

revealed in the toddlers play, whose content is in part concerned with

parentalattitudesandtherolesofprovider,helper,protector,andcomforter

(Schecter).


Duringthesecondyearoflife,thechildsveryspecialrelationshiptothe

mother, in a nuclear family, becomes increasingly complex and elaborated.

The child shares his inner and outer world with his mother, verbalizing

fantasies and fears, bringing her objects, naming them, and expecting an

affirmingresponse fromher.Evenas thechild increasingly individuates,he

becomescapableofsharingaratherprivateworldasharedmythology

inthesensethatthereareidiosyncraticwordsforspecialobjects;thereare

frequent recapitulations of memory experiences that both have shared

together;andtheresrepetitiveplayingofgamesthatarebodily,kinesthetic,

verbal,musical,thatis,playinvolvingalmosteverymodality.Thisisprobably

theperiodofblissfrequentlyrepresentedinRenaissanceartintheidealized

version ofmother and cherubformany, a period to remain imbuedwith

paradisicfeeling.

IntensityandBreadthofSocialAttachments

Schaffer and Emerson found that factors increasing the seeking of

proximitytothemotherinclude:

1.Pain,teething,illness,fatigue,andfear

2. A period of themothers absence (which corroborates Bowlbysfinding of greater clinging and demandingness afterseparation)


3. The habituation effect of a period of great stimulation such asoccursduringthevisitofadotingrelative

4.Whentheinfantentersastrangeenvironment

Allthesefactorsarerelevanttolaterdevelopment,includingadulthood.

Wehavealreadyindicatedtheimportanceofunderstandingthefactorsthat

contributetoapredispositiontohabituationandaddictionsofvariouskinds.

More intensive longitudinal study of habituation levels in infancy and

childhood could test their correlation with personality outcomes

characterizedbyneedsforstrongstimulationandinputofvariouskinds.

Animportanttopicunderdiscussioncurrentlyisthatofthebreadthof

attachmentsofinfantstosignificantpersons.Wecaninferfromtheworkof

Schaffer and Emersonas well as from observations of societies with

multiplechildcaretakersthatasinglepersonisnotnecessarilythefirststep

in forming a specific social attachment. In Schaffer andEmersons research

almostone-thirdoftheinfantsshowedattachmentstomultiplepersonsinthe

phaseofspecificsocialattachments.However,theirworkdoesnotdisprove

thepossibilitythatintensiveearlymotheringmayhavebeenaprerequisiteto

the broadening of specific attachment. Inmost cases (62 per cent) fathers

were foundtobespecificobjectsofsocialattachmentafter theonsetof the

phase of specific attachment. In fact, for 4 per cent of the infants in their

sample,thefatherwastheonlyspecificobjectofattachmentatsevenmonths.


Hence we find the possibility of a hierarchy of object persons, the most

intense attachment being shown to the principal object person,who is not

necessarilythemother.[22]


OriginsofInfantileAnxiety

AsBenjaminpointsout, a satisfactorydesign to teaseout the relative

contributionsofhereditary,intrauterine,birth,andearlypostnatalfactorshas

beenimpossibletoactualizeuntilnow.EventhoughGreenacrere-presented

Ranks idea of the birth trauma in a farmore sophisticated form, it is still

usefulmainlyasaconceptofasinglevariableinapredispositiontoanxiety.

Morerecentlythepossibilityoflearningfromexperienceintheearlyweeks

oflifeaddsanewvariablebothtothepredispositionandtotheideaofactual

anlagentoanxietyexperience.Somuchdependsonhowanxietyisdefinedin

infancythatitmaybemorefruitfultodescribethevariouscriticalperiodsof

itsdevelopmentleavingopenthetheoreticalquestionofwhatconstitutes

anxiety,[23] in contrast to infantile fear or undifferentiated negative affect,

whichwesee,forexample,inreactiontooverstimulationofvariouskinds.

Benjaminsobservations ledhimtopostulatea criticalperiodatage

three to four weeks when a rapid rate of neurophysiological maturation

accounts for an increased capacity to register internal and external

stimulation.Benjaminhypothesizedthatintheensuingweeksthequalityof

motheringinprotectingtheinfantfromthisnewsourceofstimulationmight

contribute to the subsequent predisposition to anxiety. The relatively

undifferentiatednegativeaffectexpresseduponbeingleftalonecanbeseen

as a consequence of a form of habituation to a certain level and quality of


stimulation rather than to the experience of loss of a truly discriminated

mother.[24]

Before the appearance of infantile stranger anxiety proper, Benjamin

postulatesaninnatefearofthestrangeasisseeninthetwo-tofour-month-

old infants negative reaction to strange objects or soundsor to being

handledinanunaccustomedmanner.Anapprehensiveresponsemayalsobe

arousedintheyounginfantbyalteringananticipatedgestaltpatternthrough

the addition of unfamiliar elements or by the omission of some apparently

crucial familiar element. We have noted, for example, that some infants

respondwithalookofapprehensionattheappearanceofasmiling,nodding

adult face that is presentedwithout the accustomed vocal accompaniment.

When vocalizations are added the infant relaxes and smiles, giving the

impressionofclosureoftheanticipatedfamiliargestalt.[25]Inasimilarveina

hummingorfalsettovoicelackingvisualpresentationofthehumanfacecould

produce fearful reactions that disappeared once the facewas brought into

view.Theinfantmayrespondwithapprehensiontoavarietyofalterationsof

the facial gestalt, such as the placing of pads over the eyes, the forbidding

expression with verticalin contrast to horizontalforehead creasing, or

changes in themothers appearancewhen shewears anewhat, glasses, or

haircurlers.However,itistheexpressionaroundtheadultseyesthatseems

tohaveparticularsignificancefortheinfant;thisfitswithWolffsobservation

thattheinfanttendstosearchouttheeyeareaandmakeeye-to-eyecontact


before smiling at the presentation of a face.[26] These signs of increasing

perceptual discrimination predate and constitute a necessary precondition

forthedevelopmentofinfantilestrangeranxiety.

The infantile stranger reaction has been properly distinguished from

separationanxietybyBenjamin.FreudandSpitzconsideredtheeight-month

anxietyinreactiontothestrangertobebasedonthesamedynamicfoundin

separation anxiety, namely, the fear of object loss. Benjamin found that

althoughstrangerandseparationanxietiesarerelateddynamicallyandeven

positivelycorrelatestatistically,nevertheless,therearebabiesshowinghigh

levelsofseparationanxietybutlowstrangeranxietyandviceversa.Stranger

anxietycanoccurwhetherornotthemotherispresent,whereasseparation

reactionsoccur in theabsenceof themotherwhetherornotanyoneelse is

present.Moreover,theaverageandpeaktimeofonsetaredifferentforeach

type of anxiety, occurring somewhat earlier for stranger anxiety.[27]

Phenomenologicallythereactiontostrangersrunsagamutfromnoapparent

reaction,visualconcentrationwithoutapparentaffect,reservedfriendliness

afterinitialwarinesstosoberingwithmildapprehension,inhibitionofmotor

behavior (freezing), aversion of visual gaze, clinging, withdrawal, active

protest,screaming,andpaniclikebehavior.

Asidefromitsownintrinsicsignificance,thisdescriptionofthereaction

tostrangersisalsoofferedtohelpelucidateanotherpoorlyunderstoodform


ofanxietycentraltoH.S.Sullivanstheoryofinterpersonalrelationsthatis,

theanxietyinducedintheinfantbytheanxietyofthemotheringonethrough

asyetunknownmechanismsthatSullivanreferredtoasempathiclinkage.

Variousobservershavenoted,forexample,thatababywouldsufferfeeding

disturbanceswhenfedbymotherswhowerehigh-strungandexcitablewhile

accepting the same formula from another feeder. It is our hypothesis that

when themother is anxious or distressed, she can be experienced as both

familiar and strange by her infant. We assume that from his very early

discriminations of familiar persons as well as from familiar ways of being

handled thebabycomes to learnandanticipatebehavioral signs connected

with good mothering. These signs probably include cues from all the

varioussensemodalities.Whenthemotherisanxiousherfacialconfiguration

is altered by a frown or tight lips, her vocalizations become tense and

strident,herhandlingbecomeslessgracefulandsmooth,anditisconceivable

that there may be olfactory- sensitive changes in her odors as well. We

suggest that there is a shock of strangeness in such a situation after the

infanthaslearnedtoanticipateapleasurablygoodgestaltofexperience.We

would also speculate that the anxious smilewhich we have observed in

seven- and eight-month-old infantsmay represent in effect a smile of

recognitioncontaminatedwiththeexpressionofthetensionofanxiety.Once

infants become mobileby crawling or walking, or by the early use of

mechanicalwalkerstheyarecommonlysubjectedtoamultitudeofanxiety-


riddennos.Atsuchtimesparentsbecomeawareofamomentouschangein

the previously innocent relationship, once the socially disapproving

modalities come into operationespecially when there are conflict and

anxietyinclashingwiththechildsrealorimaginedwill.Sullivanandother

analystssuggestthatgoodandbadfeelingexperiencesbecomeorganized

andgroupedinapolarizedway,leadingtothesymbolformationsassociated

with good-me and bad-me and with good-mother and bad-mother.

Learningthroughtheexperiencingandavoidanceofanxietybecomesoneofthe

mostpowerfulmeansthroughwhichsocializationmaythentakeplace.

Oneof themothersandthe fathersmajor functions in facilitating

separationand individuation is tohelprender theoutsideunfamiliarworld

available for exploration. Aside from the practical aspects involved in this

function, the parent mediates for her child the new and strange objects,

sounds,andpeopleintheenvironment.Weseetheoriginsofwhatmightbe

calledthemagicalblessingwhenmother,forexample,allaysthechildsfear

ofreceivingandexploringanewtoyfromastrangerbysimplyhandlingthe

toyandoffering it to thechildherself.Onehas the impression thatbysuch

mediationsthemotheringonecandetoxifystrange,anxiety-ladenelementsof

the environment. She does this, in part, by helping the child copewith the

frighteningly strange aspects of his world in ways that allow them to be

experiencedasengaginglynovelorevenaspartlyfamiliar.[28]


SeparationandIndividuation[29]

Separation anxiety would seem to be a ubiquitous phenomenon in

infancy and remains a lifelong vulnerability at any stage of the life cycle.

Yarrowfoundthatbytheageofeightmonths100percentofhissampleof

infants suffered both mild and severe signs of separation anxiety. He also

foundthatthegreaterthediscrepancyinpatternsofmaternalcarebetween

the first and second caretaker the greater was the postseparation

disturbance. Spitzs and Bowlbys pioneeringwork in this area has already

greatlychangedoursensitivitytotheproblemsofseparationininfancyand

childhoodtothepointofemphasizingtheimportanceofparentalpresence,if

feasible,duringachildshospitalization.

In his studies of attachment, loss, and grief in childhood, Bowlby has

revealed what appears to be a frequent sequential pattern of reaction to

separation,especially in childrenover sixmonthsandunder threeyearsof

age.Atfirstthechildespeciallyifhehashadacloserelationtothemother

reactswithprotest, crying and searching for themissingmother as if he

expects her return. This reaction is followed by a phase of despair

characterized by intermittent crying, inactivity, and withdrawal, indicating

increasinghopelessnessandwhatBowlbybelievestobeequivalenttoastate

ofmourning.Athirdstageofdetachmentfollowswhichisoftenwelcomedas

asignofrecovery,althoughwhenthemothervisitsthereisastrikinglackof


attachmentbehaviortowardherasifthechildhadselectivelylostinterest

inthemother.Ifthereisaseriesoflossesofmotheringfigures,thechildwill

commit himself less and less to each succeeding figure and will develop

rather superficial relationships inwhich people come to be experienced as

sources of supplies rather than as special people in their own right. In the

extreme of the neglected institutionalized child, one can observe the

deteriorationofalmosteveryareaoffunctioning,includingthedevelopment

oflanguage,cognition,motoriccontrol,autoeroticactivityaswellasadequate

affective interpersonal relationships.[30] Hence the enormously important

publichealthissueofprovidinganadequatestablenurturingenvironmentfor

achildwhodoesnothavethisenvironmentavailableinthetraditionalfamily

setting.Thepropagationofdefectsofearlydevelopmentconstitutesoneofthe

widespreadhumancrisesofourtimesincetherelationbetweensuchdefects

and subsequent personal and social pathology is more than merely

speculativeatthisstageinourknowledge.

FromtheworkofSpitz,Bowlby,andmorerecentlyTennesandLampl,

one can postulate that a number of reactions to separation represent

prototypical precursors of major human defensive and coping systems

throughoutlife.Theinfantsreactionstoseparationincludevisualavoidance

(ofthestrangesubstitutecaretaker),inhibitionofactivity,andwithdrawalas

wellasactiveattemptsatmastery,forexample,attemptingtofollowamother

whoisdisappearingthroughthedoor.Whenactiveattemptsatmasteryarc


thwarted, the experience of futility and affects of hopelessness and

helplessness ensue. Although we are only referring to research involving

overtseparation,onecanpostulatetheimportanceofthesereactionpatterns

to character development in less obvious experiential patterns, involving

whatmightbecalledaffectiveseparationormaskeddeprivationwhich

canoccurwhenamothering figure isphysicallypresentbutnotadequately

stimulatingorresponsive.[31]

In so-called disadvantaged children, defensive character detachment

andprecociouspseudoindividuation,with an implicit loss of hope for good

relationships, are frequently observable; theypartly account for the lackof

richness of experience and the failure of adequate cognitive-affective

development when enriched environments are subsequently made

available.Eventhoughhumandevelopmentdoesnotseemtoproceedinthe

rather rigidly defined critical periods seen in various other animals,

nevertheless, therewouldseemtobeoptimalperiodsduringwhichcertain

experiences are most productive to the cognitive and social-affective

development of the growing child. Deficits in the various stages of infancy

describedherecanbemadeuporcompensatedforonlytoalimiteddegree.

This statement is certainly no argument for not attempting later

developmentalcompensations;quitethereverse.Nevertheless,itisclearthat

oursocialfocusshouldbeonpreventionofdeficitaswellasonattemptsto

findadequatemethodsofcompensation.[32]


The direction of psychic development in infancy is from symbiotic

fusiontoindividuationwithincreasingdifferentiationandstructuralizationof

theego; this, in turn,permits interpersonalrelationshipsonan increasingly

higher levelofreciprocity.Therearesignsofadawningsenseofself in the

first year of life as the infant remembers and anticipates experience and

comes to discriminate his self, his mother, and others. As maturation and

experienceincluding environmental facilitationmake this possible, the

childbeginstodoforhimselfandforotherswhathadbeendoneforhim:he

feedshimself,hemanipulatesobjectsandtoys,hetransportshimself,finally

in theuprightposture.Hedecideson a courseof action even if thismeans

opposingornegatingthoseclosesttohim.Helearns,largelybyidentification,

a gesture and wordnoto express semantically his autonomous

strivings.Itisthroughdecisionmaking,goalsetting,andgoalmasterythatthe

senseofselfisexperiencedinitsmostheightenedintensity.

Withthedevelopmentof languageand locomotion inthesecondyear,

webegintoconsidertheinfantasenteringanewphaseofdevelopment,the

toddleror autonomous stage,which isushered in around15monthsof

age.Bythistimetheinfanthasbeguntosharehisexperiencewithhisparents

whoareifallisgoingwelldelightedwithhishumanoidcapacitiestowalk,

talk,andbegintocommunicatehisneedsandexperience.

Theveryachievementofasenseofselfexposes theyoungchild toan


awareness of being observed and evaluated, giving rise to a self-

consciousness and a fateful subject-object split in the self that lays the

groundwork for shame and doubt. The infant and toddler becomes all too

awarethatasociallydisapprovedactwillbringadisapprovingsignalormore

subtly,butnotlesspotently,awithdrawalofparentalbehaviorsthathavethe

power to reduce anxiety and induce security. In the childs new stage of

awareness of his separateness and vulnerability to loss of self-esteem, it

becomescrucial thathis induction into thesocialworldproceedwithanet

balance allowing for zestful enjoyment of activity,mastery, autonomy, and

initiative since this is a time when there are increasingly necessary

limitationsphysicalandsocialonthechildsspontaneousactivities.


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Notes

[1]SeeMurdockontheissueoftheuniversalityofthefamily.

[2]Fordiscussionsofparenthoodthatincludedevelopmentalandintergenerationalpointsofview,seeEriksonseightstagesofman,Lidz,andR.BlanckandG.Blanck.

[3] The observations referred to above have beenwritten up in an unpublishedmanuscript, SomeEarlyDevelopmentsinParent-ChildInteraction.TheundertakingwaspartofaprojectStudiesinEgoDevelopmentattheAlbertEinsteinCollegeofMedicine(NewYork)andwasmadepossiblebyGrant#HD01155-01providedbytheNationalInstituteofChildHealthandHumanDevelopment.

[4] The public health possibilities in helping newly developing families are enormous, althoughcomplex.Onecanimagineparentandchildcaretakergroupsbeingformedunderskilledleadership on awidespread basiswith the function of helping parentswith problemsthathavebeenconsideredunique,unshareable,andtaboo.Ifwecanfurtherdeveloptheprofessionalknowledgeandskills inthisareaof familydevelopment,suchfeelingscanemergestepbystepfromconsiderationsofthepracticalmattersofinfantrearingtothemorepersonalissuesthatbesetallparents.

[5]Wepresume that commonmyths arepart dramatization andpart answer to certainuniversalhuman concerns. Although Laiuss action can be linked to his jealous, immature,authoritariancharacter,thereisyetanothersidetohismythicactionthatfunctionsasacultural expression of the incest taboo. In ontogenetic terms this taboo expresses thesuperegoimperativethatderives,inpart,fromLaiussownboyhoodoedipalstrivings.

This type of analysis of the Oedipusmyth reveals anothermotive for Oedipussdeathwish,namely,oneofrevengeagainstthefatherauthoritywhosesonsgrowthwasviewedasanunpardonablethreattothefathersexclusivepowerandpossessions.Forafurther discussion of the triangular parental affects in the preoedipal phase, seeFromm's presentation of the issue of authority in the oedipal complex and my owndiscussionofthesematters.

[6]Thereismorethananalogytotheabovemodelinthemajortransferenceelementsthatarebroughtintothepsychotherapeuticsituation.Thetherapistisfrequentlycastintheroleofmagic

helperbythepatient,buthehasalsobeencastintothisroleinvaryingdegreebyhisown motivations in becoming a therapist. Understanding and working through thesemutual needs between therapist and patient constitute a major part of the work ofintensivepsychoanalyticpsychotherapy. Ifwecontinue to follow theensuing issuesoffamilydevelopmentininfancy,wewillseethatthereisprobablynotasingledimensionwhether it be attachment behavior, separation or stranger anxietythat fails to berepresentedinthepsychotherapeuticsituation,especiallyifthissituationisanalyzedinsome depth. Hence an understanding of infancy and its salient developmental issuesenrichesthepsychotherapistsworkwithanyagegroup.

[7]Thewholeproblemofchildabuse(includingthebatteredchildsyndrome)canonlybementionedhere.The rage leading toviolencehasbeen connectedby theattackingparents to theinabilityastheyperceiveittobendthewillofthechildtoobedience.Itisnotonlythechildsactual autonomous, defiant, or negativistic behavior that provokes attack butspontaneousbehaviorsincludingcryingthatareexperiencedbytheparentaswillfulanddefiant.

[8]Wehadlessopportunitytoobserveupper-middle-classandupper-classfamilies.

[9]Coleman,Kris,andProvencehavedescribedinsomedetailhowparentalattitudesandunconsciousfantasies are continuously influenced by the childs growth and development. Morerecent research, for example, Moss, has been even more specific about the fact thatdifferent variables such as sex, age, and state contribute to the shaping ofmaternalresponse.

[10] See R. Levys exposition of the proposition of the inevitability of guilt provocation inWesterncultures,which are constantly aspiring to new standards, thusmaking it very unclearwhatatanygivenmomentmaybegoodorbad.

[11]Psychoanalysishassystematizedthepositiveandnegativeoralcharactertraitsthatpresumablyderivefromtheperiodofinfancy.Oraloptimismisseenasaconsequenceofhavingbeenadequatelygratifiedinthisarea.Ontheotherhand,suchtraitsasexcessivelongingandacompulsive need for acquisition and intake of various kinds have been seen asconsequencesofeitheroverlyorunderlygratifiedoralexperience.Thereareasyetnodefinitivestudies(whichwouldhavetobeofadirectobservationallongitudinalnature)to indicatewhether there is a definite relationship between oral patterning and suchproblemsasobesity (Bruch), vulnerability todrugaddiction, alcoholism, and cigarette

smoking.

J.Brunersworkwithinfantshastaughtusthatfourtosixweekoldscanlearntoaltertheirrateofsucking(forexample, tosuck in longerburststoproduceaclearerfocusinaprojectedpicture).Moreover,byreversingtheconditionstheinfantcanevenlearn to desist from sucking on his nipple in order to obtain a consequently clearerpicture.Thiskindofworkisindicativeofthetremendousrangeoflearningthatbeginstotakeplaceintheearlyweeksoflifeeveninanareaasdrive-orientedastheoralzone.

[12]Thisisthekindofindividualdifferencethatismostimportanttopsychiatryandpsychotherapybecausewetendtoassumethatpeoplehavemoreorlessthesamedegreeandqualityofneed in variousmodalities, be they oral or contact stimulation. The fact of individualdifferencebynomeansdiminishesthefundamentalimportanceofthetactilemodalitytotheformationandmaintenanceofthesocialbondthroughoutthelifecycle.Witnesstheemphasis on the use of touch and kinesthetic experienceas attempts to overcomeindividual alienationin the encounter group phenomena and the human potentialmovement.

[13]D.Sterndiscoveredthroughafilmmicroanalysisthatbytheageofthreemonthsstablepatternsofeye-to-eye contact and eye aversion between mother and infant have already beendevelopedandtendtoremainstableforanumberofmonthsthereafter.Ifthisworkisvalidated,theimplicationsseemfar-reachingfortheunderstandingofthepatterningofinterpersonal relationships. Such poorly understood, but crucial, phenomena asempathic communication (Sullivan )MI and contagion of affect (Escalona) may bebetter understood through the microsignaling visual ballet that Stern describes asoccurringbetweenmotherandchild.Morespeculatively,patternsofvisualaversionmayalso constituteoneof the first anlagenof later classical egodefenses, includingdenialandpossiblyrepression.Sternslaterworkappearedafterthischapterwaswritten.

[14] Severalworkers have experimentally demonstrated that one can reinforce the infants smilingresponse by responding to his smile with a smile, or tend to extinguish the smile byfailingtorespondtoit.RheingoldandWeisbergsimilarlydemonstratedthataninfantsvocalizationscanbemarkedlyincreasedbytheadultssocialresponsiveness,incontrasttoconditioningbycontingentnonsocialresponsessuchasadoorchime.

[15]SeetheclassicstudiesofSpitz,Bowlby,Goldfarb,andthemorerecentobservationsofProvenceandLipton,SchafferandEmerson,andRheingold.

[16]SeeKleemansexcellentdescriptionandanalysisofthisparticularformofplay.Kleemandoesnotreducepeekabootothemasteryofseparationanxietyortotensionreduction,butseesitalso in itsownrightasaformof interaction,play,asocialgamepleasurable to infantandadult.Thiskindofplayful interpersonalexchangecanoftentakeprecedenceovertheactivityofnursing.

[17] We suggest the hypothesis that with deprivation of relatively enduring reciprocal socialrelationships, includingplayfulness,childrenandadultswillappealforresponsebyre-creating and communicating the urgent need tensions that had been successful inbringingaboutaresponse.Hence,hunger,pain,andlater in lifevariousexpressionsofanxiety, hypochondriac fears, psychosomatic conditions, acting out, and compulsiveactivitycanbeunderstood,atleastinpart,asanappealforresponsivenessthathashailnoalternativelystableandsuccessfulinterpersonalpathway.

[18]Genuineplay,whetherwithwords,metaphors,ideas,sounds,ordesign,isanimportantbasisfortheformationofculture.Ihaveelaboratedonthethemeofsocialplayfulnesselsewhere,stressing the quality of lack of immediate purposiveness, which frees the partners toimproviseandexplorenewformsofaction,symbolism,andrelatedness.Thestructuraldevelopment of play in infancy has been studied by Piaget, and more recently astimulatingreviewofthesubjecthasbeenofferedbyGalenson.

[19] A fuller discussion of masked deprivation is included in the section of this chapter titledSeparationandIndividuation.

[20] The criterion used by these authors to assess the level of achievement of specific socialattachmenttothemotherwasthatofprotestuponseparationfromher.Theassumptionherewas that the infant had a need for proximity, at least on a visual level;whenhesufferedacutoffofsuchvisualcontact,heexpressedhisprotestinaffecto-motorsoundsandmovements,includingcrying.

[21] Reconstructive data derived from psychiatric and psychoanalytic histories indicate that theachievementofobjectconstancyinthemeaningsdescribedaboveisessentialtolatermentalhealth.Whetherthereisacriticalperiodforitsachievementandwhetherthereis the possibility for compensation are discussed under the topic Separation andIndividuation.Manypsychiatricdisturbancesareassociatedwiththefailuretodevelopstable interpersonal relationships; schizophrenic, schizoid, and sociopathic persons

particularly suffer such incapacity. These warps of interpersonal developmentasSullivanrefers to themderive in largepart froma failure toachievea levelofobjectconstancywith one ormore significant persons early in life, for a complex variety ofreasons.Theachievementofobject constancycanbeunstableandasweknow fromworkwithallagegroupssubjecttobreakdownunderstress.

[22]Someotherimportantfindingsthatarerelevanttocontemporaryissuesinvolvingnewformsofchild-rearingincludethefollowing:(l).Highintensityofattachmentcorrelatedwiththedegree of stimulation by themother. However, such a conclusion poses a problem ofwhat is cause and what is effect, since certain individual differences in babies maydemand higher levels of stimulation. (2). High intensity of attachment also correlatedwithmotherswhorespondquicklytodemands.Again,thenatureandintensityofinfantdemandingnessprobablyinnateinpartmayinfluencethemothersbehavioraswellasviceversa.(3).Highintensityofattachmentwasfoundmostlyinfamilieswithfewercaretakers.

Theselectionoftheinfantsprincipalobjectofattachmentcorrelatedcloselywiththe particular adults responsiveness to the infants crying and with the amount ofinteractionbetweenthesignificantadultandthechild.Theauthorsconcludedthatthebreadth of social attachments is related to the opportunity of interactingwith peoplewho will offer relevant stimuli, especially socializing and caretaking functions in thewidestsense.

Foradiscussionoftheseissuesfromaculturalanthropologicalpointofview,seeMead Spiro, and Bettelheim,who have studied new forms ofmultiple caretaking; thelattertwoauthorshaveexaminedthekibbutziminIsrael.

[23]S.BrodyandS.Axelradhaveattemptedtodescribethedevelopmentofinfantileanxietyinrelationtoegoformationfromapsychoanalyticframeofreference,usingdirectobservationsofinfants.

[24]Morerecentwork is revealing thatperceptualdiscriminationof themotherifnot thespecificsocial attachment to heris developed in the early months of life. The fact thatcaretakerswouldappeartobeinterchangeabledoesnotcontradicttheobservationsthatcertainsignsofdiscriminationareappearingconcurrentlyveryearlyinlife.

[25] The experimental observations noted here have not been carried out systematically on a

sufficiently significant number of infants to allow any solid conclusion about howcharacteristicthesereactionsmaybe.

[26]H.S.Sullivantookpainstopointouttheunderstandablymagicalsignificancethatmanypeoplemostparticularlyschizophrenicsattributetothepoweroftheeyes,tobeinglookedat,and, we would add, to intense eye-to-eye contact. One of the most comprehensivereviewsofthesignificanceofearlyeye-to-eyecontacthasbeenwrittenbyRobson.Themost thoroughexplorationofcommunicationby facialsignswillprobablybeachievedthroughintensivefilmstudiesofinterpersonalbehavior.

[27]CompareSchafferandEmersonsapparentlyoppositebutdifferentiatingresults,presumablyduetotheuseofslightlydifferentcriteriaforeachformofanxiety.Yarrowreservesthetermstrangeranxietyforthoseinfantswhomanifestactiveprotestorwithdrawal.

[28]Thepsychotherapisthasasimilartaskinfosteringthepatientsmovementfromthefamiliarandembedded(Schachtel)intonewareasofexperiencethathadbeenavoidedbecauseoftheirassociationwithanxiousaffect.Thetherapistinthissenseisalsoamediatorwholookswiththepatientintodark,unknown,dissociatedareasandthroughthetherapeuticalliancegraduallyhelpstodetoxifyboththetraumaticanduntriedareasofliving.

[29]M.S.Mahlerhasmadeasignificantcontributiontotheprocessofseparation-individuation.

[30]SeetheclassicworkofSpitzandProvenceandLipton.Thelatterauthorsfoundthatsomeoftheinstitutionalized children subsequently placed in families, despite some improvement,still revealed serious ego deficiencies such as an incapacity for delay, failure ingeneralizationfromlearning,overlyconcretethinking,andacontinuingsuperficialityinsocialrelationships.

[31]We note in our discussion that hypotheses concerning character development have proceededlargelyfromresearchconnectedwithtraumaandpsychopathology.Thisisdue,inpart,tothefactthatasyettherearefewdirectobservationallongitudinalstudiesreportedindepthtoconnectpatternsofexperiencewithcharacterformation.Moreover,wewishtoemphasize that with deprivational and traumatic experience, defensive patterns areevoked in an unbalanced or extreme form, whereas the relatively normal range ofexperienceof frustrationorperiodic separation iswhen inproperdosageandat theappropriatestageofdevelopmentassumedtocontributetotheformationofhealthy

coping capacities and ego strength. There are, of course, many other sources ofcharacter development considered in detail in the psychoanalytic literature, includingidentification and awhole range of copingmechanisms and egodefenses. SeeNagera,Murphy, and Schecter. Learningin all its formsand cognitive styles contributeheavilytoegodevelopment.ThewholetopicoflearningandcognitionwillbeconsideredformallyinChapter14ofthisvolume.

[32]Foradiscussionofattemptsatcompensatoryworkwithdeprivedchildren,seeLichtenbergandNortonsreviewoftheresearchliteratureandDeutschsTheDisadvantagedChild.Foramore extensive review of the effects of maternal deprivation, see Ainsworths work.Birch has carefully studied the devastating consequences on development of earlymalnutrition.

Caldwelloffersanexcellentbroadlyrangingreviewoftheentiresubjectof infantcare.

The Birth of a FamilyDevelopment of the Human BondDevelopmental Stages of Social AttachmentOrigins of Infantile AnxietyBibliographyNotes

Documents

Schecter - Infant Development