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Unitary Urban Research and Design of Community Urban Action Plan
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Santa Cruz VisibleUnitary Urban Research and Design of Community Urban Action Plan
Parsons, The Newschool of DesignSchool of Design StrategiesGraduate Program in Design and Urban Ecologiesdesignurbanecologies.com@Urban_Ecologies
Partners: URBAM, EAFIT University eafit.edu.co/urbamCorporacion Cultural Nuestra Gente (Casa Amarilla)nuestragente.com.co/organizacion.htmlMedellin, Colombia
Santa Cruz VisibleUnitary Urban Research and Design of Community Urban Action Plan
SPRING SEMESTER 2013
PARSONS TEAM:Studio Professors: -Alessandro Angelini and Quilian Riano.Students:-Alexandra Castillo-Kesper, Sabrina Dorsainvil, Lara Furtado, Troy Hallisey, Cristina Handal, Jonathan Lapalme, Luisa Munera, Aubrey Murdock, Joel Stein, Andrew Tucker, Ane Zadel.Studio Coordinator: Jesseka Mae Emerick.Consultants: William Morrish and Teddy Cruz.Design and Urban Ecologies Director: Miguel Robles-DurnSchool of Design Strategies Dean: Alison MearsParsons The New School for Design Executive Dean, Joel Towers
PARTNERS: URBAM, EAFIT:-Alejandro Echeverri, Natalia Castao and Camilo RestrepoCorporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente (Casa Amarilla)-Jorge Blandn and Erica MurielConsulado General de Colombia en New York
Book Editors: Quilian Riano, Alessandro Angelini with assistance by Jesseka Mae Emerick
designurbanecologies.com eafit.edu.co/urbamnuestragente.com.co/organizacion.html
-Block Ecologies-Trueque de Amor-Mapping Community
Pg. 18-Ecologas de la Manzana-Trueque de Amor -Mapeo de la Comuna
Co-Creation DayDa De Co-Creacin
-Communal Processes -Social Infrastructure -Political Economies
Pg. 30-Procesos Comunales -Infraestructura Social -Economas Polticas
Unitary Urban ResearchInvestigacin Urbana Unitaria
-Knowledge Ecologies -Exchange Ecologies -Power Ecologies
Pg. 62-Ecologas de Conocimiento-Ecologas de Intercambio-Ecologas de Poder
Community Urban Action PlanPlan de Accin Comunitaria
IndexIndice
IntroductionIntroduccin Pg. 4
-Introduction -Project Overview -Contextualization
-Introduccin -Descripcin Del Proyecto -Contextualizacin
54
Introduction Introduccin
76
Studio OverviewDescripcin Del Taller
This book documents the work from Santa Cruz Visible, a Spring 2013 studio offered at the Design and Urban Ecologies program at Parsons, The Newschool for Design (New York) co-taught by anthropologist Alessandro Angelini and architect Quilian Riano. This studio is the first in a series of collaborations with community organization Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente (Casa Amarilla), situated in Comuna Santa Cruz -- a neighborhood in the north of Medelln -- and URBAM, an urban studies program from EAFIT University.
We developed a studio curriculum around research and community engagement with the potential of creating self-sustaining improvements in economic and socio-spatial dimensions of the city of Medellin. We framed our investigations within the mission of Nuestra Gentes Community Development Project (Comuna 2):
Strengthen the social fabric in Comuna 2, Santa Cruz, by promoting existing collective community leadership and support and contribution to the emergence of new leadership groups, based on community participation, solidarity, equity and advocacy, projecting the Commune to the city and to the world.
In the initial phase of the project our team engaged in developing community relationships and commenced exhaustive research of Santa Cruz and surrounding areas. In April 2013, the team also conducted field research to confront the realities that condition the city, experience the sites to be intervened and to reinforce the participative dialogue of all project participants.
During the Unitary Urban Research phase the objective was to develop research and fieldwork frameworks that have a capacity to grasp and operate inside the deep structures of a highly complex urban condition. Here we used design as a tool to uncover and understand the invisible systems that affect Comuna Santa Cruz. In the Design of Community Urban Action Plan phase we defined the necessary components and processes for speculating strategic physical, social, economic and political ruptures to the existing complex, as well as assessing the real impacts of the recommended operation(s). It should be noted that it was not the goal of the studio to develop final designs. Simply put, the overall goal was to understand and speculate on complex urban conditions.
The following thematics formed points of departure for the research teams: Communal Processes, Social Infrastructures, and Political Economies. Students developed lines of research and eventually re-assembled teams and their investigations under new paradigms, or ecologies. These ecologies formed the basis for the design strategies proposed at the end of the studio to a panel of critics in New York and our partners in Medelln.
Este libro documenta el trabajo de Santa Cruz Visible, un taller de Primavera 2013 ofrecido en el programa de Diseo y Ecologias Urbanas en Parsons, The Newschool for Design (Nueva York) impartido por el antroplogo Alessandro Angelini y el arquitecto Quilian Riano. Este taller es el primero de una serie de colaboraciones con la organizacin comunitaria Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente ( Casa Amarilla ) -- situada en Comuna Santa Cruz en Medelln -- y URBAM un programa de estudios urbanos de la Universidad EAFIT .
Hemos desarrollado un currculo de investigacin y co-creacin con la comunidad, creando el potencial de crear mejoras autosostenibles en las dimensiones econmicas y socio-espacial de la ciudad de Medelln. Enmarcamos nuestras investigaciones dentro de la misin del plan de Desarrollo Local Comuna 2: Un Mapa Abierto a Las Propuestas de Vida de la Gente 2007-2009 liderado por la Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente:
Fortalecer el tejido social en la Comuna 2, Santa Cruz, promoviendo el liderazgo comunitario colectivo existente y el apoyo y la contribucin a la aparicin de nuevos grupos de liderazgo, basado en participacin comunitaria, la solidaridad, la equidad y la promocin, la proyeccin de la Comuna a la ciudad y al mundo.
En la fase inicial del proyecto, el equipo cre relaciones en la comunidad y comenz la investigacin exhaustiva de Santa Cruz y sus alrededores. En abril 2013, el equipo tambin llev a cabo investigacin de campo para hacer frente a las realidades que condicionan la ciudad, la experiencia de los sitios a intervenir y reforzar el dilogo participativo de todos los participantes del proyecto.
Durante la fase de Investigacin Urbana Unitaria el objetivo fue desarrollar marcos de investigacin y trabajo de campo que tienen capacidad para entender y operar dentro de las estructuras profundas de la condicin urbana muy compleja. En la fase del Plan de Accin de la Comunidad Urbana hemos definido los componentes y procesos necesarios para especular rupturas estratgicas fsicas, sociales, econmicas y polticas al complejo existente, as como la evaluacin de los impactos reales de la(s) operacin(es) recomendada(s). Debe tenerse en cuenta que no era el objetivo del estudio a desarrollar diseos finales. En pocas palabras, el objetivo general fue conocer y especular sobre las condiciones urbanas complejas.
Las siguientes temticas forman puntos de partida para los equipos de investigacin: Procesos comunales, Infraestructuras Sociales y Economas Polticas. Los estudiantes desarrollan lneas de investigacin y, finalmente, los equipos fueron re-ensamblados bajo nuevos paradigmas, o ecologas. Estas ecologas constituyeron la base de las estrategias de diseo de propuestas al final del estudio a un grupo de crticos de Nueva York y nuestros socios en Medelln.
98
Rendering Visible: From Theater To DesignCorporacin Cultural Nuestra Gentes way of engaging the community is a deeply sensory one, utilizing theatrical performance to encourage inhabitants to reimagine their surroundings. This studio took inspiration and developed exercises and methodological insights from this dynamic, embodied, and inclusive approach to representing the city. Through exposure to the dramaturgical forms developed by Augusto Boal in Brazil and Europe for the Theater of the Oppressed, we elaborated connections between performance and design practice for social justice. The notion of spect-actors, or an active audience, presented a method not only for participation, especially among young residents, but also opened the realm of possibility for expressing urban space as a matter of embodied affect and memory.
Research Processes: Home-stays Several families, coordinated through Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, offered to host the visiting Parsons students for the duration of their stay in Medellin. For several students this was their first voyage outside of their home country, and for most it was their first exposure to a Latin American society. The generosity and warmth of the host families was a vital part of the students positive experience during this studio. Students forged immediate personal ties to the community through their host families. Homestays also held immense value as part of urban research: first hand observation and participation of domestic life, leisure activities, and daily routines formed part of the studios scope. The families who opened their homes to visiting students became indispensable to the ethnographic and humanistic aspect of the studios work.
Representacines Visibles: Del Teatro Al Diseo La Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente involucra a la comunidad en sus procesos en una manera profundamente sensorial, utilizando representacin teatral para fomentar habitantes a reimaginar sus alrededores. Este taller se ha inspirado y desarrollo ejercicios usando esta dinmica con enfoque integrador para representar a la ciudad. A travs de la exposicin a las formas dramticas desarrolladas por Augusto Boal en Brasil y Europa para el Teatro del Oprimido, elaboramos conexiones entre el rendimiento y la prctica del diseo por la justicia social. La nocin de espect-actores, o un pblico activo, present un mtodo no slo para la participacin, especialmente entre los jvenes residentes, sino que tambin abri el reino de la posibilidad de expresar el espacio urbano como una cuestin de afecto y la memoria incorporada.
Procesos de investigacin: Alojamientos Varias familias, coordinadas a travs de Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, ofrecieron estadias a los estudiantes visitantes Parsons para la duracin de su estancia en Medelln. Para muchos estudiantes esta fue su primer viaje fuera de su pas de origen, y para la mayora fue su primera experiencia en una sociedad latinoamericana. La generosidad y la calidez de las familias fue una parte vital de la experiencia positiva de los estudiantes durante este taller. Los estudiantes establecieron relaciones personales inmediatos a la comunidad a travs de sus familias de acogida. El alojamiento con familias de Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente tambien fue importante como parte de la investigacin urbana y participacin de la vida domstica, las actividades de ocio, y las rutinas diarias formado parte del alcance del estudio. Las familias que abrieron sus casas para los estudiantes visitantes fueron indispensables para traer el aspecto humanstico de la obra del taller.
Performance in Casa Amarilla / Obra Teatral en La Casa Amarilla Research Team in Casa Amarilla / Equipo de Investigacion en La Casa Amarilla
Santa Cruz Visible Studio Methodology
1110
Johnathan
Anze
Lara
Joel
Cristina
Aubrey
Troy
Alex
Drew
Luisa
Sabrina
Hybrid Growth
Services
Education
Labor
Johnathan
Anze
Lara
Joel
Informal Economies
Creeks
Ownership
Cultural Engagement
Mobility
Memory & Barriers
Cultural Production
Social Infrastructure
Political Economies
HISTORICAL RESEARCH
Pre-Columbian
Neoliberal Escobar Years
New Medellin
Research Framework& Questions
IDENTIFYING AREAS OF INTERVENTION
UNDERSTAND + DEFINE UNDERSTAND + OBSERVE + DEFINE
FIELDWORK- WORKSHOP ECOLOGIAS URBANAS- ACTORESREFINE + GROUND
RESEARCH
Communal Processes
Ecology of Knowledge
Ecology of Power
Ecology of Exchange
Conociducacion
Currents of Power
Ecologias de Trueque
DESIGN STRATEGIES
DEFINE + IDEATE + PROTOTYPE + TEST
Community Urban Action Plan
Book + Video
Topics of Inquiry
Social Infrastructure
Political Economies
Communal Processes
Workshop with Alejandro Echeverri
1st Critique 2nd CritiqueTrip to Medellin
Santa Cruz VisibleStudio Process
The semester had two major phases. First, the Unitary Urban Research phase asked students to conduct secondary source and field research. After the students had conducted research and analyzed the context around Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, the students were asked to create a Community Action Plan with design strategies to be applied on the ground. Each student worked within larger groups but followed a personal question/interest, creating fluid research and design groups that changed throughout the semester to best reflect the information we gather and the needs of Casa Amarilla.
El semestre tuvo dos fases principales. En la fase de Investigacin Urbana Unitaria los estudiantes llevaron a cabo investigacines academicas y de campo. Despus de que los estudiantes investigaron y el anlisaron del contexto en torno a la Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, se les pidi que crearan un Plan de Accin Comunitario - el diseo de estrategias que se aplicarn en la comunidad. Cada estudiante trabaj dentro con grupos ms grandes, pero tambien siguieron preguntas / inters personal. Esto creo grupos de investigacin y diseo fluidos que cambiaron durante todo el semestre para reflejar mejor la informacin que recopilamos y las necesidades de la Casa Amarilla.
1312
ContextualizationContextualizacin
North
Casa Amarilla
Tricentenario
Map of MedellinRiver
City Border
Metro
Tricentenario Stop
Path From Tricentenario Metro Station to Casa Amarilla / Camino de la estacin de metro Tricentenario
Conceptual Section of Medellin / Seccin Conceptual de Medelln
Comunas
Centro
1514
Until recently the city of Medellin was synonymous with the violence that befell the nation of Colombia. From political upheaval to neoliberalism to a war fueled with international drug money the city of Medellin bares the scars of violence in its physical, social, economic and political infrastructures. Recently, however, Medellins fortunes seem to be turning around. The New York Times* now covers it as a travel destination and architectural publications from all over the world praise how the city has changed its infrastructure. The congratulatory articles, however, do not question how Medellins seeming success came to be and how it is affecting low-income communities such as Comuna Santa Cruz.
Founded in 1986 in a former brothel, Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente is a community arts center located in Comuna 2- Santa Cruz that produces programs in music, theater, and plastic arts. The organization promotes culture that reinforces the social, territorial, and historical identity of the community. The group has been working to create an urban plan that comes directly from the inhabitants of Santa Cruz (with partners) and can be implemented by local agents in the comunas by leveraging political and economic support. This plan will include policy changes, economic cooperatives, social organizing, as well as physical changes to the communitys social and ecological spaces.
Hasta hace poco la ciudad de Medelln era sinnimo de la violencia que afect a la nacin de Colombia. Desde la agitacin poltica al neoliberalismo a una guerra alimentada con el dinero internacional de drogas, la ciudad de Medelln lleva las cicatrices de la violencia en sus infraestructuras fsicas, sociales, econmicas y polticas. Recientemente, sin embargo, la suerte de Medelln parece estar dando la vuelta. El New York Times * cubre ahora como un destino de viaje y publicaciones de arquitectura de todo el mundo alaban cmo la ciudad ha cambiado su infraestructura. Los artculos de felicitaciones, sin embargo, no ponen en duda que el xito aparente de Medelln lleg a ser y cmo est afectando a las comunidades de bajos ingresos, como la Comuna de Santa Cruz.
Fundada en 1986 en un antiguo burdel, Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente es un centro de artes escnicas comunitarias ubicada en la Comuna 2 - Santa Cruz, que produce programas de msica, teatro y artes plsticas. La organizacin promueve una cultura que refuerza la identidad social, territorial e histrico de la comunidad. El grupo ha estado trabajando para crear un Plan Urbano que proviene directamente de los habitantes de Comuna Santa Cruz y puede ser implementado por los agentes locales de las comunas, aprovechando el apoyo poltico y econmico. Este plan incluir cambios en las polticas econmicas, las cooperativas, la organizacin social, as como los cambios fsicos en los espacios sociales y ecolgicos de la comunidad.
Medellin: A City of Contrasts
1716
Land Tenure
The development of Colombias political economy a historical analysis
PRE-COLUMBIAN ENCOMIENDAS REPARIMIENTO HACIENDAS PRE-INDEPENDENCE POST-INDEPENDENCE LA VIOLENCIA NATIONAL FRONT POST-NATIONAL FRONT NEOLIBERALIZATIONLIBERAL REVOLUTIONPRE-COLUMBIAN
Economy
Exchange
Politics
Indigenous Tribes Muisca, Quimbaya, Tairona, Carib
Spanish Crown controls the land- Grants trusteeship to the conquistadors/encomenderos- Encomenderos controll groups of indigenous populations in reducciones
Spanish Crown controls the land- Land still owned by the Spanish Crown but now had direct control over the allotment of natives in the reguardos
Santa Marta Caracaas
BogotBogot
Cartagena
Muisca
Settlement inAndean Region
Mining: gold, copper, coal, emerads, salt
Barter exchange among the various tribes
1499 1525/15331512
Agriculture: sustenenceTextiles
1542 1600s 1717 1781 1789 1810-18121808
Conquest of New Granada
Mining - Tribute to the economenderos/Crown by the indigenous tribes in gold mostly
Mining dwindling, Agriculture -- Inter-colonial trade was not permitted directly so most agriculture was for sustenance only or sent to Europe- not plantation style as in Mexico because the geography was deemed to be too harsh for transport
Agriculture- Tobacco monopoly relaxed- Coee exports
Mining and Agriculture
Forced labor and gold by indigenous population in exchange for lessons in Spanish and Catholicism by the encomenderos
A given percentage of the indigenous population is alloted to the reguardos, the make up of this percentage was meant to be rotated and a tax system was implemented to replace the tribute system of the encomiendas.
Encomiendas were exploited from the start and many, including members of the clergy and the Spanish Crown disliked the way the conquistedors handled the native lands as they were supposed to be jointly owned.
First European contactwith the indigenous tribes
At Santa Marta (1525) and Cartagena (1533),Spanish control of the Colombian coast was firmly established, and in the next few years the northern hinterland was explored.
Law of Burgos (1512)Spanish control of the Colombian coast was firmly established, and in the next few years the northern hinterland was explored.
The New Laws (1542)Regulations imposed by the Spanish Crown intended to reformthe encomienda system and eventually led to its replacementby reparimeinto
Viceroyalty of New Granada (1717)The audencias comprised of modern day Colombia, Ecuador, Panama,
and Venezuela separate from the Viceroyalty of Peru
American Revolution (1776) & French Revolution (1789)Changed prevailing attitudes toward democracy, freedom
and ownership in New Granada
Napoleon invades Spain (1808)Spanish Crown is overthrown, replaced byjuntas loyal to the Crown.
Secession of Venezuela and Ecuador (1830) The result of growing tensions between federalistsand centralists in Bogta
Secession of Panama (1903)U.S. influence encourages secession of
Panama so they can control the constructionand openeration of the Panama Canal
Follow the North Star (1920s)President Suarez linked Colomobiasforeign policy with the U.S. re-establishingeconomic ties through trade and democracy
Constitutional Amendment (1936)- Grants government authority overprivate companies/property- Grants labor rights, agrarian reform- Government controls education
Election of Mariano Ospina Prez (1946)- Conservative party returns to power- Encouragement of conservative peasantsto seize agricultural lands from liberals- Attempts to undo liberal reforms from 1930-1945
New laws encourages largelandholders to subdivide to
promote productivity
I821 constitution guarantees right to
property for all citizens
Coee (1848)Exports begin
Banana Massacre (1928)United Fruit Company laborers strikeMilitary intervenes due to the threat of U.S. invasion to protect company interests
Assassination of Jorge Gaitn (1948)Popular Liberal party presidential candidates sparks civil war between Liberal/Communist guerillas and Conservative military forces
Coup dtat (1953)Gustavo Rojas Pinilla comes to powerin the countrys first and only military dictatorship
Law 135 (1961)Social and Agrarian reformsreceive backlash from conservative landowners
PistolocosYoung gang members targetuncooperative ocials
National Front system gradually phased out by 1974
Formal appearance ofcocaine productionFall in coee prices sparks
a peoples coup dtat
FARC (1964)Guerilla militant group of rural peasants push for end to agrarian reform. Primary opposition to the government during the Colombian armed conflict
Formalization of Cocaine ProductionCartel leaders meet to eciencize theproduction and distribution of cocaine.
Death of Escobar (1993)Leads to decline in cartelactivity
Partial Plans2004 Plan to formalize the
informal parts of the city
Law 388 of 1997Paves the way for the liberalization ofdevelopment policy
Military junta takes over after ousting of Pinillaagreenment between liberals and conservativesto share power beginning in 1958 marking end of La Violencia
National Front policyThe government of the liberal president Jorge Turvay Ayala imposedstate of siege legislation of power granted under the terms of the National Front established between liberals and conservatives in 1958giving the military and intelligence services blanket authority to represstrade union, human rights, civic, peasant, student, indigenous and community leaders
In a similar vein, Medellin's wealthier inhabitants invoked tropes of invasion and contamination to describe their sense of being besieged by a ring of slum dwellers who increasingly transgressed the ideological and physical space separating civilization from barbarism. (Roldan, 173)U.S. influence on
Panama Uprising andBanana Massacre
Locations of Informal SettlementsSettlements formed on the steep slopes of thesurrounding hillsideSource: http://archleague.org/2013/03/connective-spaces-and-social-capital-in-medellin-by-je-geisinger/
Shifting PopulationsEconomic Policies cause the beginning of a shiftin rural populations toward industrial city centers
Growth of the Coee TradeEach dot represents 10,000 sack of coee
Slavery abolished (1851)
Viceroyalty overthrown (1810)Constitution of Antioquia (1812)- Four principle rights: Liberty, Equity, Security, Property - for all citizens - Consitution viewed as pro-monarchy by those in Venezuela/Ecuador- Centralist vs. Federalist debate begins
By 1800, an estimated50% of the populationis Mestizo.
Comunero Uprising (1781)Mestizos and creoles joined forces in opposition
of Spanish control, however the creoles re-sided with the peninsulares when the mestizos tried to broaden
the movement to include social issues.
Dwindling indigenous population Death due to lack of immunity to European diseases
Tax system was based on class identity, which was primarily based on race (indigenous vs. european) and racial mixing (mestizos) blurred the class boundaries making it dicult to determine who had to pay the tribute tax.
Encomenderos are beginning to become the de facto land tenants
Both paid and slave labor - African slaves and poorer mestizos replaced the indigenous tribes due to their dwindling population
Market exchange - Sharecroppers, wage earners, slavery until 1851, - Taxation remained, exports bolstered economy
Developments in the class structure - Peninsulares (White Spanairds from Spain)- Creoles (White Spaniards born in America)
- Mestizos (Mixed indigenous and European descent)- Indigenous people- Slaves (Africans brought to the region as a result of the slave trade)
Spanish Crown is replaced by the Supreme Junta in Seville. Spanish possessions in America are allowed to send delegates, but attempts were made to form their own juntas in America.
Rising autonomony of the provinces,decentralization of authority
Haciendas: Large estates owned and managed by what were the encomenderos class - located all throughout Nueva Granada with the exception of the Antioquia area
Antioquia: Settled later due to terrain. Mines owned by an oligarchy of local merchants and the land-owning elite.
Haciendas: Developed first in Highland areas and spread westward
Viceroyalty of New Granada Gran Colombia
Repbulic of Colombia
Mining- Dwindling toward the end of the century
Manufacturing- Industrial centers include Medelln, Bogta, Cali and Barranquilla
183018241821 1848 1851 1903 1920 1928 1936 1946 1948 1953 1957 1958 1961 1964 1974 1976 1980 1992/1993 1997 20041972
Land-owning Elite: Small amount of landowners continue to hold much of the countrys land
State-owned land: Much of it was distributed to companies ratherthan poor rural farmers who already occupied it
Strained relations with the U.S.during the Teddy Roosevelt administrationthe result of Panama uprising
Banana massacre sparked liberal reformsbeginning with the election of PresidentHerrera in 1930
Era marked by ongoing conflicts between the liberals/communists and the conservative parties. Strained relations with the U.S.
- Based on idea of progress when one party hold a minority; - Conservative party supported liberals for two election cycles and vice versa
Liberal reforms include the establishmentof the 8 hour workday among other benefits
La violencia had more to do with liberal/convservative dichotomy ratherthan class struggle social issues
Citizenship extended to all males over 21regardless of property ownership or literacy
La Violencia occurs mostl in rural peasant areas, claims over 200,000 livesSmall landholding minority continues to dominate
Market capitalism- Economy dominated by agricultural exports, government subsidies- Gold standard established for currency
Companies and large land-holders dominate the majority of landbecoming more subject to foreign trade interests
Agriculture- Dominant coee exports particularly in Antioquia- Fruit exports to US and Europe
Manufacturing- concetrated in industrial centers- Fabricato in Medelln
Nationalization of oil industry- led by strong labor union
Accelerated Economic Development (AED) - gives government subsidies to large-scale private farms at the expense of smaller family fun operations. - Increased land ownership of urban industrialists who ran large scale farms
- Peasants were forcifully evicted from their farms legally- Relocated to urban centers to become industrial workers- Labor unions repressed
- Population of Medelln triples as poor peasants relocate- Peasants mostly settle along the hillsides
Exports- Growth in the coee trade; Oil not yet an export- By the 1960s 40%-60% of Colombias exports went to the U.S.
Cocaine- Changes in U.S. consumption/production of marijuana leads to a shift toward cocaine production
Growth of Underground Economy- Changes in U.S. consumption/production of marijuana leads to a shift toward cocaine production
Nationalization of oil industry
Period marked by economic struggle
1951
Immigrations to the United States - Medelln sees a lot of economic growth, initially withoutnegative consquences so drug money was overlooked
- Cartel monopolization creates new upper class and leads to violence in the city- Development is reactionary rather than proactive
- Liberalization of Development Policy- Rezoning of rural land for development- New policies allow for greater builing denisty
- By 1992, the underground economyaccounts for 8.7% of GDP of Colombia
- Formalization of land tenure in informalsettlements
- Formalization of informaleconomies/processes
- By 1992, gang/cartel violence is at aclimax in Medelln
- By 1992, cartels control 31.2 millionhectacres of rural farmland
-Continuting conflict between rural peasants and the government.
Cartel Farmland- Drug cartels aquire significant amounts of farmland for coca production
Antioquia
Medelln
Trends of Income InequalityMedelln become the epicenter of the cocaine trade area of high accumulation in the drug trade also exhibits a trend of increasing income inequality, while comparable cities exhibit a decline. (Roldan)
Gentrification in Medelln Moravia case study- Although in many ways a liability, the form of land tenure has allowed for fast and easy transactions, on the spot, by cash, everything can be transacted, and uses and abuses of all sorts take place daily. - Location at the edge of the main centrality and development corridor of the city, at the bottom of a huge area of squatter settlement has been turning Moravia into a major retail destination for residents of that area. - Business activities are overflowing residential activities progressively moving from a predominately residential to a retail use. - The potential rent the municipality to the area as collective patrimony. (Betancur)
Quimbaya
Tairona
1913 1945
- 2004 plan began to bring the informal settlement and informal economy into the formalized system
Santa Marta
Barranquilla
Medelln
Bogot
CaliBarranquilla
Medelln
Bogot
Cali
Encomienda vs Reparimiento
Spanish Crown
Encomenderos
IndigenousPopulation
Spanish Crown
Encomenderos
IndigenousPopulation
Muisca Coca locations 2007Drug tracing corridors 2007
Multiple types of Armed Conflict 1997-2002At least one type of Armed Conflict 1997-2002
Land Tenure
The development of Colombias political economy a historical analysis
PRE-COLUMBIAN ENCOMIENDAS REPARIMIENTO HACIENDAS PRE-INDEPENDENCE POST-INDEPENDENCE LA VIOLENCIA NATIONAL FRONT POST-NATIONAL FRONT NEOLIBERALIZATIONLIBERAL REVOLUTIONPRE-COLUMBIAN
Economy
Exchange
Politics
Indigenous Tribes Muisca, Quimbaya, Tairona, Carib
Spanish Crown controls the land- Grants trusteeship to the conquistadors/encomenderos- Encomenderos controll groups of indigenous populations in reducciones
Spanish Crown controls the land- Land still owned by the Spanish Crown but now had direct control over the allotment of natives in the reguardos
Santa Marta Caracaas
BogotBogot
Cartagena
Muisca
Settlement inAndean Region
Mining: gold, copper, coal, emerads, salt
Barter exchange among the various tribes
1499 1525/15331512
Agriculture: sustenenceTextiles
1542 1600s 1717 1781 1789 1810-18121808
Conquest of New Granada
Mining - Tribute to the economenderos/Crown by the indigenous tribes in gold mostly
Mining dwindling, Agriculture -- Inter-colonial trade was not permitted directly so most agriculture was for sustenance only or sent to Europe- not plantation style as in Mexico because the geography was deemed to be too harsh for transport
Agriculture- Tobacco monopoly relaxed- Coee exports
Mining and Agriculture
Forced labor and gold by indigenous population in exchange for lessons in Spanish and Catholicism by the encomenderos
A given percentage of the indigenous population is alloted to the reguardos, the make up of this percentage was meant to be rotated and a tax system was implemented to replace the tribute system of the encomiendas.
Encomiendas were exploited from the start and many, including members of the clergy and the Spanish Crown disliked the way the conquistedors handled the native lands as they were supposed to be jointly owned.
First European contactwith the indigenous tribes
At Santa Marta (1525) and Cartagena (1533),Spanish control of the Colombian coast was firmly established, and in the next few years the northern hinterland was explored.
Law of Burgos (1512)Spanish control of the Colombian coast was firmly established, and in the next few years the northern hinterland was explored.
The New Laws (1542)Regulations imposed by the Spanish Crown intended to reformthe encomienda system and eventually led to its replacementby reparimeinto
Viceroyalty of New Granada (1717)The audencias comprised of modern day Colombia, Ecuador, Panama,
and Venezuela separate from the Viceroyalty of Peru
American Revolution (1776) & French Revolution (1789)Changed prevailing attitudes toward democracy, freedom
and ownership in New Granada
Napoleon invades Spain (1808)Spanish Crown is overthrown, replaced byjuntas loyal to the Crown.
Secession of Venezuela and Ecuador (1830) The result of growing tensions between federalistsand centralists in Bogta
Secession of Panama (1903)U.S. influence encourages secession of
Panama so they can control the constructionand openeration of the Panama Canal
Follow the North Star (1920s)President Suarez linked Colomobiasforeign policy with the U.S. re-establishingeconomic ties through trade and democracy
Constitutional Amendment (1936)- Grants government authority overprivate companies/property- Grants labor rights, agrarian reform- Government controls education
Election of Mariano Ospina Prez (1946)- Conservative party returns to power- Encouragement of conservative peasantsto seize agricultural lands from liberals- Attempts to undo liberal reforms from 1930-1945
New laws encourages largelandholders to subdivide to
promote productivity
I821 constitution guarantees right to
property for all citizens
Coee (1848)Exports begin
Banana Massacre (1928)United Fruit Company laborers strikeMilitary intervenes due to the threat of U.S. invasion to protect company interests
Assassination of Jorge Gaitn (1948)Popular Liberal party presidential candidates sparks civil war between Liberal/Communist guerillas and Conservative military forces
Coup dtat (1953)Gustavo Rojas Pinilla comes to powerin the countrys first and only military dictatorship
Law 135 (1961)Social and Agrarian reformsreceive backlash from conservative landowners
PistolocosYoung gang members targetuncooperative ocials
National Front system gradually phased out by 1974
Formal appearance ofcocaine productionFall in coee prices sparks
a peoples coup dtat
FARC (1964)Guerilla militant group of rural peasants push for end to agrarian reform. Primary opposition to the government during the Colombian armed conflict
Formalization of Cocaine ProductionCartel leaders meet to eciencize theproduction and distribution of cocaine.
Death of Escobar (1993)Leads to decline in cartelactivity
Partial Plans2004 Plan to formalize the
informal parts of the city
Law 388 of 1997Paves the way for the liberalization ofdevelopment policy
Military junta takes over after ousting of Pinillaagreenment between liberals and conservativesto share power beginning in 1958 marking end of La Violencia
National Front policyThe government of the liberal president Jorge Turvay Ayala imposedstate of siege legislation of power granted under the terms of the National Front established between liberals and conservatives in 1958giving the military and intelligence services blanket authority to represstrade union, human rights, civic, peasant, student, indigenous and community leaders
In a similar vein, Medellin's wealthier inhabitants invoked tropes of invasion and contamination to describe their sense of being besieged by a ring of slum dwellers who increasingly transgressed the ideological and physical space separating civilization from barbarism. (Roldan, 173)U.S. influence on
Panama Uprising andBanana Massacre
Locations of Informal SettlementsSettlements formed on the steep slopes of thesurrounding hillsideSource: http://archleague.org/2013/03/connective-spaces-and-social-capital-in-medellin-by-je-geisinger/
Shifting PopulationsEconomic Policies cause the beginning of a shiftin rural populations toward industrial city centers
Growth of the Coee TradeEach dot represents 10,000 sack of coee
Slavery abolished (1851)
Viceroyalty overthrown (1810)Constitution of Antioquia (1812)- Four principle rights: Liberty, Equity, Security, Property - for all citizens - Consitution viewed as pro-monarchy by those in Venezuela/Ecuador- Centralist vs. Federalist debate begins
By 1800, an estimated50% of the populationis Mestizo.
Comunero Uprising (1781)Mestizos and creoles joined forces in opposition
of Spanish control, however the creoles re-sided with the peninsulares when the mestizos tried to broaden
the movement to include social issues.
Dwindling indigenous population Death due to lack of immunity to European diseases
Tax system was based on class identity, which was primarily based on race (indigenous vs. european) and racial mixing (mestizos) blurred the class boundaries making it dicult to determine who had to pay the tribute tax.
Encomenderos are beginning to become the de facto land tenants
Both paid and slave labor - African slaves and poorer mestizos replaced the indigenous tribes due to their dwindling population
Market exchange - Sharecroppers, wage earners, slavery until 1851, - Taxation remained, exports bolstered economy
Developments in the class structure - Peninsulares (White Spanairds from Spain)- Creoles (White Spaniards born in America)
- Mestizos (Mixed indigenous and European descent)- Indigenous people- Slaves (Africans brought to the region as a result of the slave trade)
Spanish Crown is replaced by the Supreme Junta in Seville. Spanish possessions in America are allowed to send delegates, but attempts were made to form their own juntas in America.
Rising autonomony of the provinces,decentralization of authority
Haciendas: Large estates owned and managed by what were the encomenderos class - located all throughout Nueva Granada with the exception of the Antioquia area
Antioquia: Settled later due to terrain. Mines owned by an oligarchy of local merchants and the land-owning elite.
Haciendas: Developed first in Highland areas and spread westward
Viceroyalty of New Granada Gran Colombia
Repbulic of Colombia
Mining- Dwindling toward the end of the century
Manufacturing- Industrial centers include Medelln, Bogta, Cali and Barranquilla
183018241821 1848 1851 1903 1920 1928 1936 1946 1948 1953 1957 1958 1961 1964 1974 1976 1980 1992/1993 1997 20041972
Land-owning Elite: Small amount of landowners continue to hold much of the countrys land
State-owned land: Much of it was distributed to companies ratherthan poor rural farmers who already occupied it
Strained relations with the U.S.during the Teddy Roosevelt administrationthe result of Panama uprising
Banana massacre sparked liberal reformsbeginning with the election of PresidentHerrera in 1930
Era marked by ongoing conflicts between the liberals/communists and the conservative parties. Strained relations with the U.S.
- Based on idea of progress when one party hold a minority; - Conservative party supported liberals for two election cycles and vice versa
Liberal reforms include the establishmentof the 8 hour workday among other benefits
La violencia had more to do with liberal/convservative dichotomy ratherthan class struggle social issues
Citizenship extended to all males over 21regardless of property ownership or literacy
La Violencia occurs mostl in rural peasant areas, claims over 200,000 livesSmall landholding minority continues to dominate
Market capitalism- Economy dominated by agricultural exports, government subsidies- Gold standard established for currency
Companies and large land-holders dominate the majority of landbecoming more subject to foreign trade interests
Agriculture- Dominant coee exports particularly in Antioquia- Fruit exports to US and Europe
Manufacturing- concetrated in industrial centers- Fabricato in Medelln
Nationalization of oil industry- led by strong labor union
Accelerated Economic Development (AED) - gives government subsidies to large-scale private farms at the expense of smaller family fun operations. - Increased land ownership of urban industrialists who ran large scale farms
- Peasants were forcifully evicted from their farms legally- Relocated to urban centers to become industrial workers- Labor unions repressed
- Population of Medelln triples as poor peasants relocate- Peasants mostly settle along the hillsides
Exports- Growth in the coee trade; Oil not yet an export- By the 1960s 40%-60% of Colombias exports went to the U.S.
Cocaine- Changes in U.S. consumption/production of marijuana leads to a shift toward cocaine production
Growth of Underground Economy- Changes in U.S. consumption/production of marijuana leads to a shift toward cocaine production
Nationalization of oil industry
Period marked by economic struggle
1951
Immigrations to the United States - Medelln sees a lot of economic growth, initially withoutnegative consquences so drug money was overlooked
- Cartel monopolization creates new upper class and leads to violence in the city- Development is reactionary rather than proactive
- Liberalization of Development Policy- Rezoning of rural land for development- New policies allow for greater builing denisty
- By 1992, the underground economyaccounts for 8.7% of GDP of Colombia
- Formalization of land tenure in informalsettlements
- Formalization of informaleconomies/processes
- By 1992, gang/cartel violence is at aclimax in Medelln
- By 1992, cartels control 31.2 millionhectacres of rural farmland
-Continuting conflict between rural peasants and the government.
Cartel Farmland- Drug cartels aquire significant amounts of farmland for coca production
Antioquia
Medelln
Trends of Income InequalityMedelln become the epicenter of the cocaine trade area of high accumulation in the drug trade also exhibits a trend of increasing income inequality, while comparable cities exhibit a decline. (Roldan)
Gentrification in Medelln Moravia case study- Although in many ways a liability, the form of land tenure has allowed for fast and easy transactions, on the spot, by cash, everything can be transacted, and uses and abuses of all sorts take place daily. - Location at the edge of the main centrality and development corridor of the city, at the bottom of a huge area of squatter settlement has been turning Moravia into a major retail destination for residents of that area. - Business activities are overflowing residential activities progressively moving from a predominately residential to a retail use. - The potential rent the municipality to the area as collective patrimony. (Betancur)
Quimbaya
Tairona
1913 1945
- 2004 plan began to bring the informal settlement and informal economy into the formalized system
Santa Marta
Barranquilla
Medelln
Bogot
CaliBarranquilla
Medelln
Bogot
Cali
Encomienda vs Reparimiento
Spanish Crown
Encomenderos
IndigenousPopulation
Spanish Crown
Encomenderos
IndigenousPopulation
Muisca Coca locations 2007Drug tracing corridors 2007
Multiple types of Armed Conflict 1997-2002At least one type of Armed Conflict 1997-2002
Development of Colombias Political Economies
Co-Creation DayDa De Co-Creacin
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Block EcologiesEcologas de la Manzana
How is the space of Casa Amarilla its own social infrastructure? Through discussions with members of Casa Amarilla we realized that each space in the institution serves a purpose and is equally important. When analyzing Casa Amarillas actual physical structure we became curious as to how that influenced the activities they were developing and what factors guided that architectonic organization. Was that blueprint more than just walls and stairs but a determination of spaces that guided their methodology and habits as an institution?
Each environment could be connected not just to feelings or memories but also to a goal they wanted to accomplish. It is inside the house where basic connections and partnerships begin to be forged and where ideas are conceived.
Our goal was to understand how this structure of constructed space guides their working process. But most importantly how this can be projected to the rest of the city by creating partnerships with other institutions. The network is important but we also wanted to understand the small spaces of hope that could be found in Casa Amarilla as constructed spaces that provided the right environment to foment ideas and culture. By identifying these we wonder again how this can be reproduced in other places and how far the actions being developed in these areas can reach out through the rest of the city/country/continent.
What is the reason of their success and how architecture plays a fundamental role in this?
The theater is not just where art is done, but where the ideas for social change are spread to the community and where efficient participatory action is taken; The kitchen is not just where food is made but where the emotional bounds between the corporation are reaffirmed, strengthening them as an institution; The balcony is the projection os small parts of the house to the exterior, and the streets; The office is where long term projects are conceived. What is interesting is that it doesnt attract too many members of the Casa into it but they all get involved as the project stops being a plan and becomes action through theater and cultural activities.
What we identified is that Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente has begun the process of extrapolating its physical barriers by expanding its construction to the neighboring land and have plans of creating a block that functions according to their ideology. This Block Amarillo means they understand the house is not enough and their physical expansion is becoming crucial to their projection into the rest of the city.
Cmo es el espacio de la Casa Amarilla su propia infraestructura social? A travs de conversaciones con los miembros de Casa Amarilla nos dimos cuenta que cada espacio de la institucin tiene un propsito y es igualmente importante. Al analizar la estructura fsica de la Casa Amarilla nos interesamos en mirar como la forma influye las actividades que se desarrollan y cules son los factores que guan la organizacin arquitectnica.
Cada entorno puede conectarse no slo a los sentimientos o recuerdos, sino tambin a una meta que quera alcanzar. Es dentro de la casa donde las conexiones bsicas y asociaciones comienzan a fraguarse y donde se conciben las ideas.
Nuestro objetivo era entender cmo esta estructura de espacio construido gua su proceso de trabajo. Pero lo ms importante es cmo se puede proyectar al resto de la ciudad mediante la creacin de alianzas con otras instituciones. La red es importante, pero tambin quera entender los pequeos espacios de esperanza que se podan encontrar en la Casa Amarilla como espacios construidos que proporcionan el entorno adecuado para las ideas y la cultura fomentan. Al identificar estos nos preguntamos nuevamente cmo se puede reproducir en otros lugares y en qu medida las acciones que se desarrollan en estas reas pueden llegar a travs del resto de la ciudad / pas / continente.
Cul es la razn de su xito y que papel juega la arquitectura?
El teatro no es slo donde se hacen las obras, pero es donde las ideas de cambio social se extienden a la comunidad y donde se toma accin participativa; La cocina no es slo donde se hace la comida, sino donde se reafirman los lmites emocionales entre la corporacin; El balcn es la proyeccin de la casa hacia el exterior, y en las calles; La oficina es donde se conciben proyectos a largo plazo. Lo que es interesante es que no atrae a muchos miembros de la Casa en ella pero todos se involucren ya que el proyecto deja de ser un plan y se convierte en accin a travs del teatro y actividades culturales.
Lo que hemos identificado es que la Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente ha iniciado el proceso de borrar y espander sus barreras fsicas mediante la ampliacin de su construccin a las tierras vecinas y tienen planes de crear una Manzana que funciona de acuerdo con su ideologa. Esta Manzana Amarilla es una propuesta alternativa ya que el espacio es insuficiente y ayudara a la Corporacin para proyectarse al resto de la ciudad.
2322
Physical condition of the Amarilla housing block in comuna Santa Cruz
2524
THEATER
- A place to practice and perform- A space for coexistence - A space for change- A place to love- A space to see the children perform- A place to mingle with friends- A place to express yourself- A place to have fun, share, and interact with others
ENTRANCE
- A place where everything started- A place to dream- Solidarity- Respect- Transformation/ Resistance- Brotherhood- Peace- Family, love, laughter, energy, life, tears, friends
BENCH OUTSIDE OF CASA AMARILLA
- A place to hangout and talk with friends- Dreams, happiness, laughter, crying, talking, craziness- Place to think about possibilities for a better future- A hangout spot
TREE OUTSIDE OF CASA AMARILLA
The tree and its roots signify a strong and deep foundation
MUSIC ROOM
- A place where groups gather on Fridays (PACCA)- Where someone saw a ghost there on a night before an opening.- A place for Gisela and the group of grandmothers - A productive space
KITCHEN
- Celebration Space- Place to Communicate- A place to have meals everyday- A place to learn
OFFICES
- Gisela- A place to talk with Gisela- A place to constantly share projects- A place to communicate- A place to learn
COMPUTER/ BOOK ROOM
- A place to enjoy happy moments- A place to play music- A place where there is a sense of family
Casa Amarilla PerceptionsPercepciones de Casa Amarilla
PROCESS PROCESO
Who is Casa Amarilla?Quien es Casa Amarilla?
Happiness, joy, solidarity, love, hope, smiles, tears, a place to play, a 2nd home/ 2nd family, and a place where there is a sense of lovingness.La felicidad, la alegra, la solidaridad, el amor, la esperanza, sonrisas, lgrimas, un lugar para jugar, un segundo hogar / segunda familia, y un lugar donde hay un sentido de amorosidad.
What do the Spaces in Casa Amarilla Mean?Qu significan los espacios en Casa Amarilla ?
2726
EconomicSupport
StrengtheningOrganization
Political & CulturalRelationships
THEATRE
SANTACRUZ
MEDELLN
COLOMBIA
CASTILLA
EL POBLADO
SAN JAVIER
OFFICES
KITCHEN
NewPedagogies
Fundraising
CulturalEncounters
CommunityDevelopment
TheatreProductions
StreetWorkshops
Projects:Sports & Rec
Culture & PublicSpaces
CV toComplanies
Publicity
Trips forKnowledgeExchange
Database ofCooperativeOrganizations
Bartering
ParticipatoryBudgeting
EAFIT
Parsons
PrivateTheatre
RotaryClub
CNG
CityHall
Individ.People
Consulting
ArtistResidencies
STREET
LatinoAmericano
deTeatro
CulturaViva
Comunitaria BOLIVIA/ARGENTINA
WarChild
CasaMorada
CulturalMinistry of
Cuba
Schoolsin
Honduras
Ratonde
Biblioteca
PeriodicoMi
Comuna 2
Theatreof the
Oppressed
THE NETHERLANDS
InternationalCongresses &Workshops
CUBA
PedegogicalWorkshops
NEW YORK CITY, USA
MAPPING AMOR:Strengthening Relationships through Trueque
LEGEND
Strategy
Tactic
Potential Tactic
Actores
Relationship
Potential Relationship
Motivos
Political economies are the sums of human interactions and exchanges between individuals, groups and institutions - each negotiating and navigating a complex terrain to achieve goals and build thriving communities. Emulating this reality, and building upon Casa Amarillas organizational credo of amor, we created a participatory and generative workshop in which the personal and collective knowledge and relationships could be mapped physically.
Working towards the goal of an economic solidarity network, the title of the exercise was Trueque de Amor, or, exchanges of love. The workshop asked community members to identify certain strategies in conjunction with the actors they identified, then challenging them to think of specific actions that can make these strategies come to life, emphasizing the essential question of how?
What was uncovered was a frenetic, chaotic and deep production of knowledge; with clusters of activities, the negotiation of space and knowledge through movement all weaving themselves to embody the interconnected ecologies of a city.
Economias Politicas son la suma de interacciones humanas e intercambios entre individuos, grupos e instituciones - cada uno negociando y navegando un terreno complejo para alcanzar metas y construir comunidades exitosas. Imitando esta realidad y construyendo sobre el credo organizacional de amor de Casa Amarilla, creamos un taller participativo y generativo en el cual conocimiendo personal y colectivo y relaciones pudieran ser mapeadas fisicamente.
Trabajando hacia la meta de una red de economia solidaria, el ejercicio del taller era Trueque de Amor. Se le pedia a los miembros de la comunidad que identificaran ciertas estrategias y los actores sobre los cuales se forma algun tipo de relacion. Luego se les pedia pensar en acciones especificas para realizar esas estrategias, enfatizando la pregunta del como?
Lo que resulto fue una frenetica, caotica y profunda produccion de conocimiento; con grupos de actividades, negociaciones de espacio y conocimientos entrelazandose entre si para representar las ecologias interconectadas de la ciudad.
Mapping CommunityMapeo de la ComunidadTrueque de Amor
2928
With the adult group we aimed to visualize Casa Amarillas relationships and operational climate within the dynamic territory created by the children. The importance was not only to see the institutions greater network, but also what was seen by the community as important actions developed by Nuestra Gente. As with the children, the adults were asked to map the emotional landscape, by representing their favorite and least favorite spaces in the comuna.
Each group interacted with the map, relationally situating both common and personal landmarks, often going to the representational space to think and draw their ideas. This living map expresses the rich landscape in which the Casa Amarillas members live and circulate.
Con el grupo de adultos que tuvo como objetivo visualizar las relaciones de la Casa Amarilla y el clima operacional dentro del territorio dinmico creado por los nios. La importancia no slo para ver mayor red de la institucin, sino tambin lo que fue visto por la comunidad como acciones importantes desarrolladas por Nuestra Gente. Al igual que con los nios, se les pidi a los adultos para asignar el paisaje emocional, mediante la representacin de su favorito y menos espacios favoritos en la comuna.
Cada grupo interactu con el mapa, relacional situar puntos de referencia comunes y personal, a menudo ir al espacio de representacin para pensar y sacar sus ideas. Este mapa de estar expresa la riqueza paisajstica en la que los miembros de la Casa Amarilla viven y circulan.
Landmarks, Connections and Emotional LandscapeMonumentos Histricos, Conexiones y Paisaje Emocional
Spatial Movement + Responses + ObservationsMovimiento Territorial + Respuestas + Observaciones
Participatory Budgeting Presupuesto Participativo
Adults and children utilized the whole room to express themselves, This highlights a peaceful protest at the metro station.Adultos y nios utilizados todo el espacio para expresarse, esto pone de manifiesto una protesta pacfica en la estacin de metro.
Youths critical review of the medical center. Revisin crtica de la Juventud del centro mdico.
When asked to identify key places in the comuna the youth worked together to geographically negotiate the location of their homesCuando se le pregunt a identificar los lugares clave de la comuna a los jvenes trabajaron juntos para negociar geogrficamente la ubicacin de sus hogares
A pattern found was the addition of the theater logo and 3 waving yellow flags.Un patrn encontrado fue la incorporacin del logotipo de teatro y 3 banderas amarillas ondeando.
Unitary Urban ResearchInvestigacin Unitaria Urbana
3332
Communal processes describe a group of actions or changes that have been or are currently being realized through a communitys method of collective decision-making. Its through this very act of a community coming together that members can recognize their identity as a group, and develop a negotiated language of signs and symbols rooted in their shared experience and knowledge of place.
Members of our group this semester have explored the communal processes of Me-dellins comunas in the context of the greater city through the lenses of artistic expres-sion, spatial memory and informal and formal institutional practices. From our respec-tive investigations, we suggest that communal processes are the catalyzing base for any particular groups move toward social and political autonomy.
Procesos comunales describen un conjunto de acciones o cambios que se han adop-tado o se estn realizando actualmente a travs del mtodo de una comunidad de decisin colectiva. Es a travs de este mismo acto de una comunidad que se unen que los miembros y que pueden reconocer su identidad como grupo, y desarrollar un lenguaje negociado de sealizaciones y smbolos que hacen parte de su experiencia y conocimiento del lugar compartido.
Los estudiantes de nuestro grupo este semestre han explorado los procesos comu-nales de las comunas de Medelln, en el contexto de la ciudad a travs de diferent lentes como la expresin artstica, la memoria espacial y las prcticas institucionales formales e informales. Desde nuestras respectivas investigaciones, se sugiere que los procesos comunales son la base para catalizar movimiento de cualquier grupo en par-ticular hacia la autonoma social y poltica.
Communal ProcessesProcesos Comunitarios
3534
Las QuebradasAubrey Murdock
I have been exploring the creeks of Comuna 2 by using freehand-drawing as research. Freehand-drawing helps me experience the spatial relationships in Medellin, as every object must be measured and drawn relationally to one another. In order to create these drawings, I charted the relationships -social, political, economic- of those streams and their interaction with the built environment. This method was used to question the social meaning of creeks in Comuna 2. This investigation has begun to reveal the breaks between social processes, power, and ecological systems; but ultimately I began to discover how these streams could be reconceptualized as connections between communities - a shared common resource.
He estado explorando las quebradas de la Comuna 2 mediante dibujos de investig-acin. Los dibujos ayudan a experimentar con las relaciones espaciales en Medelln, ya que cada objeto debe ser medido y dibujado relacional entre s. Para crear estos dibujos, trac relaciones sociales, polticas y econmicas, de esos flujos y su interac-cin con el entorno construido. Este mtodo se utiliz para cuestionar el significado social de las quebradas en la Comuna 2. Esta investigacin ha comenzado a revelar las pausas entre los procesos sociales, el poder y los sistemas ecolgicos, pero en ltima instancia, empec a descubrir cmo estas corrientes podran reconceptual-izados como las conexiones entre las comunidades - un recurso comn compartido.
City, barrio, and comuna boundaries that lie along creeks. Some have become barriers and sites of conflict.-
Ciudad, barrio, comuna y lmites que se encuentran a lo largo de los arroyos. Algunos se han convertido en barreras y los lugares de conflicto.
the built environment becomes integrated into the watershed - el entorno construido se integra en la cuenca
varied land use along streams - variado uso de la tierra a lo largo de las quebradas
3736
memory map
physical barriers
interrupted continuity
manufactured relationships
porous seam
re-usable barrier
economic and spatial joints
responsive barriers
memory inuences
infrastructural divide
past and present through form
Memory and Invisible BarriersLuisa Munera
I studied how barriers can begin to dissolve and are ultimately erased with time. I observed different types of barriers and boundaries in Comuna Santa Cruz and at dif-ferent scales within the city. My diagrams identify and make connections between the barriers that I identified while on the ground. The barriers that I encountered are social, cultural, economic, and political but often most manifested in physical form, so it be-comes important to look at this manifestation and trace the history and social impacts that it is have in its contemporary context.
Estudi cmo las barreras pueden empezar a disolverse y son finalmente borrado con el tiempo. He observado diferentes tipos de barreras y fronteras en la Comuna de Santa Cruz y en diferentes escalas dentro de la ciudad. Mis diagramas de identificar y establecer conexiones entre las barreras que identifiqu, mientras que en el suelo. Las barreras que me he encontrado son de tipo social, cultural, econmica y poltica, pero a menudo son ms manifiestas en forma fsica, por lo que resulta importante tener en cuenta esta manifestacin, conocer la historia y los impactos sociales que se tienen en el contexto contemporneo.
3938
Money that flowsto local-commercialelite
Global Exports
Drug Trade
Mass migration and urban populationgrowth
El dinero que fluyea local comerciallite
Las Exportaciones Mundiales
La migracin masiva
y poblacin urbanacrecimiento
There are many Medellins, each with its own stories about how it came to be, its present-day nature, and projections of its future. The narrative of the city holds a tight grip, and propels its future in an always uncertain direction - this narrative is usually determined by processes of power. This research was undertaken in an attempt to trace the influences and relationships between regional economies, such as gold and coffee; the infrastructure built to support these economies; the labor needed to run them; and the ensuing conflict, whether that conflict is called a drug war or is seen as a class conflict. What I found are clear, non-linear relationships of tension or reinforce-ment between all of these urban systems.
Hay muchos Medellines, cada uno con sus propias historias sobre la forma en que lleg a ser, su carcter actual, y las proyecciones de su futuro. La narrativa de la ciudad lleva a cabo un estricto control, e impulsa su futuro en una direccin siempre incierto - este relato es generalmente determinada por los procesos de poder. Esta investig-acin se llev a cabo en un intento de rastrear las influencias y relaciones entre las economas regionales, como el oro y el caf, la infraestructura construida para soportar estas economas, la mano de obra necesaria para hacerlos funcionar, y el conflicto subsiguiente, ya sea que el conflicto que se llama un guerra contra las drogas o se ve como un conflicto de clases. Lo que he encontrado son las relaciones claras y no lineales de tensin o de refuerzo entre todos estos sistemas urbanos.
Trfico de Drogas
Gold, Coffee, Textiles and Drugs
Oro, Caf, Tex-tiles y Medica-mentos
GoldCoee
Textiles
Drug
DisplacedRefugees
Commercial-elite nvestmentin textile industries
1951 -> 19
72
350,000 ->
600,000Po
pulation G
rowth
Coffee LaborLand Granting and Territory Ownership
Gold LaborColonialist-Economic Power
Liberal-Conservative oligarchyPolitics of neoliberal development
Re-emerging global economyof Digital & IT
Narco-CapitalDomestic Workers
Construction Workers
laboral de cafTierras Concesin y Territorio
Inversin comercial-elite en la industria textil
Reemergentes economa mundial de Digital & IT
Refugiados desplazados
Potencia Colonialista-EconmicoLaboral Oro
Oligarqua Liberal-ConservadorPoltica de desarrollo neoliberal
Urbanizacin y los trabajadores domsticos
Movement and reorganization of labor and capital
El movimiento y la reorganizacin
del trabajo y el capital
3,500,000
2000
1,000,000
400,000
1,750,000
65,000
Popu
lacion
176,000
1900 1938 1960 1970 1985
La Violencia
Assassination ofJorge Gaitan
Drug Wars
Asesinato de Jorge Gaitan
Guerra Contra las Drogas
La Violencia
Nexus of Labor: Infrastructure Regional Economies and Conflict Joel Stein
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My research began looking at the history of Colombia through the lens of political economy. Through a graphic timeline I was able to diagram the relationships of land tenure, politics, economy and exchange. with the objective of identifying points of rupture, or contributing events which shaped the definition of a new system. Starting with bartering in the pre-Columbian era, the timeline spans the history of Colombia to the present, where Law 388 of 1997 served as a natural rupture point enabling me to zoom in on Medellin and Santa Cruz. Focusing on the politics and economy of tenure formalization my research showed a complicated power dynamic revealing a class divide of renters and owners. As the home in Comuna Dos serves as a major focal point of communal processes, top-down formalization efforts such as social housing projects and laws allowing for formalization of ownership show a disruption in those processes.
MERCADO de SOL
CERVEZA GASEOSA
Bottom-up StructureTop-down Structure Top-down Structurede Facto Collective Ownership:Built in phases with original tenantgranting patrimony to relatives asbuildings expand vertically to accomodate
Informal Economy: Infrastructure ProjectRecognition of land tenurebrings the ability to use thehome as places of informalbusinesses
Top-down StructureFormal Ownership:Recognition of land tenurebrings caveats. In order toreceive a title. The buildingsmust not be subdivided orused for businesses. This requires many to be torndown and rebuilt in orderto sell them on the formalmarket. This also creates a newclass of owners vs renters
Top-down StructurePublic/Private Partnership:Social housing serves many purposes for the government.It removes people at-risk informal dwellings (along streams,dumping sites, etc.) but also attempts to retain certainstructures of building, hence balconies transformed intointerior spaces. As in the top-down structure of formalownership there exists a class of renters vs owners (govt),and informal businesses are harder to acheive but sometimesexist in the upper floors.
Formalizes the streets system intothe fabric of the city, does not requirethe formalization of buildings
Dynamics of Gentrification in Santa Cruz: Eects of the formalization of ownership
MERCADO de SOL
CERVEZA GASEOSA
Bottom-up StructureTop-down Structure Top-down Structurede Facto Collective Ownership:Built in phases with original tenantgranting patrimony to relatives asbuildings expand vertically to accomodate
Informal Economy: Infrastructure ProjectRecognition of land tenurebrings the ability to use thehome as places of informalbusinesses
Top-down StructureFormal Ownership:Recognition of land tenurebrings caveats. In order toreceive a title. The buildingsmust not be subdivided orused for businesses. This requires many to be torndown and rebuilt in orderto sell them on the formalmarket. This also creates a newclass of owners vs renters
Top-down StructurePublic/Private Partnership:Social housing serves many purposes for the government.It removes people at-risk informal dwellings (along streams,dumping sites, etc.) but also attempts to retain certainstructures of building, hence balconies transformed intointerior spaces. As in the top-down structure of formalownership there exists a class of renters vs owners (govt),and informal businesses are harder to acheive but sometimesexist in the upper floors.
Formalizes the streets system intothe fabric of the city, does not requirethe formalization of buildings
Dynamics of Gentrification in Santa Cruz: Eects of the formalization of ownership
MERCADO de SOL
CERVEZA GASEOSA
Bottom-up StructureTop-down Structure Top-down Structurede Facto Collective Ownership:Built in phases with original tenantgranting patrimony to relatives asbuildings expand vertically to accomodate
Informal Economy: Infrastructure ProjectRecognition of land tenurebrings the ability to use thehome as places of informalbusinesses
Top-down StructureFormal Ownership:Recognition of land tenurebrings caveats. In order toreceive a title. The buildingsmust not be subdivided orused for businesses. This requires many to be torndown and rebuilt in orderto sell them on the formalmarket. This also creates a newclass of owners vs renters
Top-down StructurePublic/Private Partnership:Social housing serves many purposes for the government.It removes people at-risk informal dwellings (along streams,dumping sites, etc.) but also attempts to retain certainstructures of building, hence balconies transformed intointerior spaces. As in the top-down structure of formalownership there exists a class of renters vs owners (govt),and informal businesses are harder to acheive but sometimesexist in the upper floors.
Formalizes the streets system intothe fabric of the city, does not requirethe formalization of buildings
Dynamics of Gentrification in Santa Cruz: Eects of the formalization of ownership
Buidlings must be formalized
to gain a deed.
Los edificios deben ser
formalizados para ganar un
ttulo.
Informal growth overtime.
Horas extras crecimiento
informal.
Mi investigacin comenz a buscar en la historia de Colombia a travs de la lente de la economa poltica. A travs de una lnea de tiempo grfica pude diagrama de las relaciones de tenencia de la tierra, la poltica, la economa y el intercambio. con el objetivo de identificar los puntos de ruptura, o eventos que dieron forma contribuyen a la definicin de un nuevo sistema. A partir de trueque en la poca precolombina, la lnea de tiempo abarca la historia de Colombia hasta el presente, en que la Ley 388 de 1997 sirvi como un punto de ruptura natural que me permite acercar un Medelln y Santa Cruz. Centrndose en la poltica y la economa de la formalizacin de tenencia mi investigacin mostr una dinmica de poder complicado que revela una divisin de clases de los inquilinos y propietarios. Como el hogar en la Comuna Dos sirve como un punto focal importante de los procesos comunitarios, los esfuerzos de formalizacin de arriba hacia abajo, como los proyectos de vivienda social y las leyes que permiten la formalizacin de la propiedad muestran una interrupcin en los procesos.
MERCADO de SOL
CERVEZA GASEOSA
Bottom-up StructureTop-down Structure Top-down Structurede Facto Collective Ownership:Built in phases with original tenantgranting patrimony to relatives asbuildings expand vertically to accomodate
Informal Economy: Infrastructure ProjectRecognition of land tenurebrings the ability to use thehome as places of informalbusinesses
Top-down StructureFormal Ownership:Recognition of land tenurebrings caveats. In order toreceive a title. The buildingsmust not be subdivided orused for businesses. This requires many to be torndown and rebuilt in orderto sell them on the formalmarket. This also creates a newclass of owners vs renters
Top-down StructurePublic/Private Partnership:Social housing serves many purposes for the government.It removes people at-risk informal dwellings (along streams,dumping sites, etc.) but also attempts to retain certainstructures of building, hence balconies transformed intointerior spaces. As in the top-down structure of formalownership there exists a class of renters vs owners (govt),and informal businesses are harder to acheive but sometimesexist in the upper floors.
Formalizes the streets system intothe fabric of the city, does not requirethe formalization of buildings
Dynamics of Gentrification in Santa Cruz: Eects of the formalization of ownership
Decline of Fordism
All municipalities mustdevelop plans of territorial ordering (POTs)
All POTs must coordinate with regionaland national plans
Problem: Reactionary/piecemeal development, stagnant economy
Global
State
Local
- Weak economies- Rampant squatting
- Self-housing- Inability for municipalit to regulate
- Decline in Manufacturing- Shift toward service based economy
Solution: Liberalization of development policy
Led to
Disrupted by
Accelerated Economic Development
Previous Master Plans
Law 388 of 1997
Mandates
Objectives
Impact
In a similar vein, Medellin's wealthier inhabitants invoked tropes of invasion and
contamination to describe their sense of being besieged by a ring of slum dwellers who
increasingly transgressed the ideological and physical space separating civilization from
barbarism. (Roldan, 173)
Specifically, Law 388 declares that the public has a right to participate in increases in land values created when land use regulations increase the potential for development.
Three categories of public actions are covered:(1) changing a designation of rural land (in which development is extremely limited)
into land for urban or suburban development;(2) modification of zoning or other land use regulations;
(3) modification of regulations that permit greater building density.(Source: Lincoln Institute)
Ultimately, the law seeks to discourage land speculation (land is often more expensive than the real estate built on it), reduce the burden of private development on the public sector
(especially the ability of real estate developers to pass on externalities and costs of infrastructures associated with their projects to the public) and stir up the development process. (Betancur)
Ultimately, it seeks livable, fair and healthy cities. But laws are instruments and directionand impact depends on the forces ultimately appropriating them. (Betancur)
In short, a few factors have combined to turn Moravia into a major centrality on its way to yet higher levels of economic activity: (1) although in many ways a liability, the form of land tenure has allowed for fast and easy transactions, on the spot, by cash, everything can be transacted, and uses and abuses of all sorts take place daily;11 (2) location at the edge of the main centrality and development corridor of the city, at the bottom of a huge area of squatter settlement has been turning Moravia into a major retail destination for residents of that area; (3) business activities are overflowing residential activities progressively moving from a predominately residential to a retail use; (4) the potential rent the municipality to the area as collective patrimony. (Betancur)
Barranquilla
Medelln
Bogot
Cali
- Mass rural to urban migration- Inability for municipalities to keep up
with the pace of migration within formal structure
- Development of informal settlements on the
hillsides
Moravia case study
Gentrification
- Informal settlement built upon a dumping site that was once reserved for a park- Muni. did not apply existing laws to evict the squatters at first
- Initially the city made a deal where the squatters would perform a certain type ofsweath equity in exchange for right to tenurebut reneged
- 2004 plan began to bring the informal settlement and informal economy into the formalized system-Formalization of private property from illegal tenure has led to increased density
the ability to collect rents as well as displacement-Incorporation into overall POT of Medellin
- Plan has led to land speculation
Dynamics of Power: Effects of the Formalization of Land Tenure Troy Andrew Hallisey
4342
There are systems and structures necessary for social coexistence. When studying social infrastructure we looked at the processes of generation and exchange of services that are crucial to the society and through which knowledge and ideas are shared. This is the basis of our society, and it generates the structure we need to support social life. Each member of this research group focused on a traditional conception of Medellins infrastructure: education, housing, water, energy, and public services. We began to reconceive the role of this infrastructure by examining it at the intersection of systems, the built, and the social, not only what appears to be formal, but also top down actions that have been responsible for the redistribution of these resources through alternative measures.
Hay sistemas y estructuras necesarias que permiten convivencia social. Cuando se estudia la infraestructura social la vemos como el proceso de generacin e intercam-bio de servicios que son cruciales para la sociedad y por el que se comparten cono-cimientos e ideas. Esta es la base de nuestra sociedad, y que genera la estructura que necesitamos para la vida social. Cada miembro de este grupo de investigacin se centr en una concepcin tradicional de la infraestructura de Medelln: la educacin, la vivienda, el agua, la energa y los servicios pblicos. Empezamos a volver a concebir el papel de esta infraestructura examinando-la en la interseccin de los sistemas, el construido y el social, no slo lo que parece ser formal, sino tambin acciones que han sido responsables por la redistribucin de los recursos a travs de medidas alternati-vas.
Social InfrastructureInfraestructura Social
4544
MEMBERS+ Happiness+ Joy+ A Place To Share With Others+ Solidarity+ A Way Of Life+ Tree With The Roots Signify A Strong And Deep Foundation
MIEMBROS+ Felicidad+ Joy+ Un lugar para compartir con los dems+ Solidaridad+ A Way Of Life+ rbol con las races significa una fuerte y profunda Fundacin
ORGANIZATIONS+ Epicenter Of Salvation For Youth+ Trailblazers+ Neutral Space+ Personal & Professional Opportunities+ A Beacon
ORGANIZACIONES+ Epicentro de salvacin para la Juventud+ Trailblazers+ Espacio Neutral+ Oportunidades Personal y Profesional+ A Beacon
View Of Casa Amarilla From Vista De La Casa Amarilla De:
+ Transformation/ Transformacin+ Resistance/Resistencia+ Solidarity/Solidaridad
+ Think About the Possibilities of the Future/ Piensa en las posibilidades del futuro+ Dreams
Youth Identified in C.A./ Jvenes identificados en Casa Amarilla
Identified Network Organizations/ Organizaciones de Red identificados
+ Place For: Change, Interaction, Co-Existence, Love, Self-Expression/ Lugar Para: Cambio, Interaction, la convivencia, el amor, la expresin
The Theater
The Entrance
The Bench
Any space can act as the platform to exercise solidarity and promote cohabitation. The tools used are detemrined by the community or the youth themselves./Cualquier espacio puede actuar como plataforma para ejercer la solidaridad y promover la convivencia. Las herramientas utilizadas son determinados por la comunidad o los propios jvenes.
PHOTO TAKEN BY: JEIHHCO
Schools + Parks
Proposed Scouts Location
Designated Community Spaces
Sidewalks
Balconies
Bridges
Community Built SpacesAlleys
+ Coexistence/ Convivencia+ Resistance/Resistencia+ Memory/memoria+ Love/amor
+ Outlets for expression/Medios de expresin + Play + Possibilities/ Posibilidades + Gathering Space/ Atrio
+Message/ Mensaje+ Interaction/ Interaccin+ Art as an alternative life/ El arte como una alternativa de vida
Observed Spaces Around Comuna/ Espacios observados alrededor Comuna
COMUNA 13, JEI-HHCO, CASA MORADA
COMUNA 5, FREDY SERNA, MUSIC, CIUDAD FRECUENCIA
Spaces of HopeSabrina Dorsainvil
Spaces of Hope can connect a network of people in solidarity, inspire education, provide employment, foster communal memories and allow the crossing of invisible boundaries. Hope gives youth the opportunity for memory, alternatives and non-violent negotiation. Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, Casa Morada and Ciudad Frecuencia showed the capabilities of cultural production to transcend the boundaries of language, oppression and association with violence for the youth. I was also able to witness physical spaces in the comunas being utilized in similar fashions. Through the use of hip-hop, dance, music, art and more directly, theater, Spaces of Hope were visibly challenging internal and external battles. These spaces are connected to the topography but are not spatially dictated. The physicality allows for the congregation of like-minded individuals to collectively imagine a better future but the inhabitants create the tools. It is clear how important the youth are to the comuna and also how important these spaces can be for the youth.
Espacios de Esperanza pueden conectar una red de personas en solidaridad, inspiran educacin, crean empleo, fomentan recuerdos comunales y permiten el cruce de fronteras invisibles. Esperanza da a los jvenes alternativas pacificas. Corporacin Cultural Nuestra Gente, Casa Morada y Ciudad Frecuencia mostraron las capacidades de produccin cultural que trasciende los lmites del lenguaje, la opresin y la asociacin con la violencia de los jvenes. Tambin tuve la oportunidad de presenciar los espacios fsicos en la comuna utilizados de manera similar. Mediante el uso de hip-hop, la danza, la msica, el arte y ms directamente, de teatro, Espacios de Esperanza crean desafios visibles. Estos espacios estn conectados a la topografa pero no estn dictados espacialmente. El fsico permite la congregacin de personas para imaginar colectivamente un futuro mejor. Es evidente la importancia de los jvenes a la comuna y tambin la importancia que estos espacios pueden tener para los jvenes.
4746
My research throughout Colombias history about education showed me how it was and still is used to promote the agenda of those who are in power. For the last five decades, changes in the political system combined with historic struggles against violence and social inequality have not just affected the educational system but its conception. The latest campaign Medelln la Ms Educada makes us note that edu-cation is no longer just a matter of literacy but also of culture and citizenship. With these values changing, the architecture of these learning spaces is being reinvented. The conflict of uses between these spaces made me question what is the real impor-tance of a physical construction when Casa Amarilla is an example of a successful entity that reaches the community not necessarily in enclosed spaces. Its network extrapolates the boundaries of the comuna and they connect to other entities with similar goals. When walking in Comuna 2 I could spot several places where the com-munity was reinterpreting the public space and not fixed by what has been determined by experts and reinforced by guards. My critique is not about the construction and the hope put on architecture, it is just about the process through which it has been made. What is truly important is a par-ticipatory action that can make the construction a direct response to existing needs. A remodeling of the educational system and physical space is needed to turn schools into a safe space for learning.
Mi investigacin fues sobre el sistema educativo a lo largo de la historia de Colombia mostr cmo ha sido y todava es utilizada para defender los intereses de los podero-sos. EL cambio del sistema poltico junto con las luchas histricas contra la violencia y la desigualdad social no slo han afectado a la educacin, pero su concepcin. La ltima campaa Medelln la Ms Educada nos hace notar que la ed -ucacin ya no es slo una cuestin de la alfabetizacin, sino tambin de la cultura y la ciudadana. Con estos valores de cambio, la arquitectura de estos espacios de aprendizaje se est reinventando.
Mirando el conflicto de usos entre estos espacios me pregunto cul es la importancia real de una construccin fsica? Casa Amarilla es un ejemplo de una entidad exitosa que llega a la comunidad no necesariamente en espacios cerrados. Su red extrapo-la los lmites de la comuna y se conectan a otras entidades con objetivos similares. Adems de eso, cuando se camina en la Comuna 2 podra detectar varios lugares donde Hgalo Usted Mismo el Urbanismo permite una reinterpretacin del espacio pblico y no solamente lo que se ha determinado y reforzado por guardias y reglas.
Mi crtica no es sobre la construccin y la esperanza que se pone en la arquitectura, es slo sobre el proceso a travs del cual se ha hecho. Lo verdaderamente importante es una accin participativa que permita hacer arquitectura como una respuesta directa a necesidades existentes. Network of education: Parque Bibliotecas, Schools, Casa Amarilla and Partners
The Role of Architecture: Creative vs Collective City Lara Furtado
4948
I investigated the social processes behind the collective construction of the built in-frastructures, both formal and informal. However, in order to complexify this di-chotomy, I based my approach on the idea of an hybrid growth, one where bottom- up and top-down narratives co-exist and overlap. This can be seen, for instance, in the tensions between the incremental and controlled growth. In parallel to this main inves-tigation, I suggested a possible application with theater of the oppressed methodol-ogy, where there is no spectator nor actor, but only spectactors. The plot, both as a space and as a narrative, then becomes a way to negotiate the urban space.
HYBRID GROWTHCONTROLLED / INCREMENTAL
creek(high risk)
High riskhouses
Basketball courtas preventive design(to prevent building)
Using topographyto informallyclose the court
Creek(high riskzone)
High riskHouses
Relocated close-byin governmental social housing
Remaininginformal housingFurther from the creek+ higher on the hill
Taller + higher on the hill:strong visualpresene of government?
Creek(formally a high risk zone)
Greenbridge
Taking away the riskby solidifyng the structurearound the creek
Houses: not reloc