1
21.12.14 / 17 A working-class hero with a lot on his mind PROFILE DAMIEN DEMPSEY A singer-songwriter who uses his gritty Dublin roots and chequered life to embrace wider social themes and injustices the world over I f the Stormont talks required only agreement between the five executive parties they would have been sorted out long before last Friday, or at least Sinn Fein and the DUP would have sorted out the budget, with everything else kicked neatly into the long grass. The three smaller executive parties would have been bought off, brought in, sidelined or just ignored — as they have been before when a deal between the big two was the prize. The problem is that the talks now require a deal between Sinn Fein and the British government, specifically the Conservative party. This has disrupted the usual pattern of talks in Northern Ireland, and exposed its broken model for political relationships. One aspect of the system that still works strikingly well is the ability of Sinn Fein and the DUP to agree on spending money. In October, when financial incontinence finally caught up with them, both parties took just three weeks to arrange a £100m (€127m) emergency loan, a £10bn draft budget and a £70m contingency for a deal on welfare reform. A larger loan request and welfare contingency is all that was agreed at the talks two days ago. All the DUP wants is a workable budget in the north. When Peter Robinson put welfare reform on the talks agenda, his party proposed new Stormont borrowing powers to get Sinn Fein over the line. When Sinn Fein demanded cash instead, the DUP concurred. When David Cameron flew in on December 11 bearing no cash, the DUP agreed with Sinn Fein that this was an outrage. Cameron’s brusque departure the following morning made Sinn Fein-DUP concurrence redundant. The prime minister left much earlier than necessary to make his wife’s celebrity-strewn birthday party, as though to ensure his contempt would not be misinterpreted. Cameron’s visit had been taken to indicate that Sinn Fein and the DUP had cooked up enough of a deal on the budget to be presented as a talks success. Why summon the prime minister, accompanied by taoiseach Enda Kenny, to preside over failure? So what went wrong? Theresa Villiers, the secretary of state, has insisted Cameron was kept well briefed about the eight weeks of talks before his arrival. It is implausible that the prime minister did not know the Stormont parties had barely shifted on their non-financial disagreements. He may not have appreciated that the DUP-Sinn Fein agreement was merely to ask him for a huge but undecided sum of money. However, he must have known that was a possibility and in any case it should not have prompted his dismissive walkout, an obedient Kenny in tow. The remaining explanation is that Cameron turned up with an agenda of his own. Writing Stormont another cheque — especially to cover welfare reform -— could have given ammunition to Labour, the SNP, Ukip and Tory backbenchers just five months before an election. Northern Ireland means nothing to Cameron compared with those prospects, so nothing is what was offered. Sinn Fein responded by digging in its own heels on welfare reform, demanding fully funded total exemption plus a further anti-austerity “uplift”. In time- honoured Northern Ireland fashion, both sides are now as bad as each other. What has really gone wrong is the Good Friday agreement’s three-stranded model of unionist-nationalist, north- south and east-west relationships. Sinn Fein and the Tories are not meant to be the opposite ends of one strand, which is why a routine Stormont talks fiasco — against a street-politics background less tense than a year ago — feels so destabilising. Sinn Fein’s rise in the south and the new devolutionary politics of the UK have created a new reality with which everyone is struggling to come to terms. In an editorial last Monday that undoubtedly reflected much unionist opinion, the Belfast Telegraph fulminated against Sinn Fein’s “disgraceful duplicity” for governing Northern Ireland as “only part of its overall policy and interest”. But why is this disgraceful? Sinn Fein is elected on both sides of the border, nothing in any peace process law confines it to the north, and it is hardly duplicitous about its all- Ireland goals. The Irish government now sees Sinn Fein as a rival, while Kenny’s joint walkout with Cameron suggests the two governments regard Sinn Fein as a common enemy. Condescending ministerial and House of Commons statements from the Tories, plus adolescent ranting from Sinn Fein about Tory “millionaires”, show both parties are slightly incredulous at having to deal with each other directly. It remains likely Cameron will be back to compromise on the budget. Nobody wants Stormont to collapse, and a breakdown of the benefits system is unthinkable. The long-term question is what to do about the broken down “three-strand” system. NEWTON EMERSON Cameron walks the walk as Sinn Fein and DUP talk and talk Sewage plant row continues to bog down Irish Water L ast month Irish Water announced it will be 2019 before it can build a waste water treatment centre for the town of Arklow, which has a population of 13,000. Until then, 30 pipes carrying raw sewage will continue to spill into the Avoca river. As far back as 1993 there has been a plan to locate a treatment centre at Seabank, north of Arklow, with an outfall pipe dumping treated sewage out to sea. The site chosen by Arklow urban district council, as it was known then, was beside a caravan park owned by Arklow Holidays Ltd, whose directors are Brendan and Jeremy Hynes, and who have had a site with 290 mobile homes and up to 1,600 annual visitors there since 1964. The outfall pipe would pass through the dunes and beach used by the holidaymakers. Brendan Hynes had some form in the courts. He was appointed chief executive of Tara Mines in 1974. In the 1980s it became involved in Bula v Tara Mines, a case that ran for 277 days in the High Court. In 1999, Arklow council was granted planning permis- sion by Wicklow county council for the treatment centre; Arklow Holidays Ltd challenged this in the courts. After four years of litigation, including a 41-day hearing, the matter was concluded in favour of Wicklow county council. Costs estimated at €1 were awarded against Arklow Holiday Homes. In January 2005, following a five-day hearing, An Bord Pleanala upheld Wicklow’s 1999 decision. Arklow Holi- days challenged this in the courts, but ultimately lost in 2006. Again, hefty costs were awarded against it. On appeal to the Supreme Court in 2011, it was held that Arklow Holidays’s second set of proceedings were an abuse of process — many of the grounds it raised against the finding of An Bord Pleanala in 2005 could have been raised in the first set of proceedings in 1999. A compulsory purchase order had been suspended during the 12 years of litigation. When the council attempted to act on it in 2012, however, Jeremy Hynes allegedly parked a JCB across the gate of the lands. The council sought an injunction restraining the Hyneses from going onto the lands. The parties were back in the High Court, and the Hyneses had further points to raise, such as that the permission granted by An Bord Pleanala in 2005 was for five years only. The president of the High Court found against them on that point. The Hyneses appealed that decision, which is scheduled for hearing on January 15 in the Supreme Court. Their challenge to the CPO is also ongoing. Back in 2007, Jeremy Hynes said the court battle was about “saving his business”. He agreed that the local council had offered an alternative water supply — the treatment plant was to be located on top of the holiday site’s water source — but said it wouldn’t be sufficient at peak times. He said that a survey of suitable sites for the treatment centre placed the Seabank site eighth. Perhaps the Hyneses had a valid case against the authorities, but while the courts have entertained them at length — and at a staggering administrative cost to the state — they have lost on every point. It is a mystery why the Hyneses feel it justifiable to spend millions on saving a small seasonal business. It’s also impossible to know how the local authorities acted throughout the litigation, since there is no transparency in relation to any settlement talks between the parties. We will never know why a decision was not taken to abandon the Seabank plan and start afresh elsewhere. Brendan Hynes’s combative style must have been known to the local authorities. His business temperament came under scrutiny in 1992, when he was appointed chief executive of Telecom Eireann. Six months later his board reported to the communications minister at the time that they had passed a vote of no confidence in Hynes, due to his operating style and his manner of dealing with senior managers. He was replaced. For now the state has failed the people of Arklow. The courts had to give the Hyneses due process — as long as their case wasn’t entirely unmeritorious — and the government couldn’t intervene while the matter was before the courts. Has Irish Water the capacity to solve all this? Embroiled in its own Greek drama, it hardly seems likely. Asked to comment last week, Brendan Hynes said that as issues in relation to the proposed project are still before the courts, Arklow Holidays Ltd cannot make any statement. Kate Butler is a barrister and a freelance journalist. Her father Pat Butler SC has been acting for Arklow Town Council. Arklow’s wait for waste water treatment is a long-running saga, reports Kate Butler HE WENT OFF THE RAILS. A SHORT DALLIANCE WITH ECSTASY LEFT HIM FEELING SO DEEPLY DEPRESSED THAT HE COULD BARELY MOVE W hen he has time off from the touring circuit, Damien Dempsey some- times travels to Howth where he climbs the 30ft rocks at Balscadden and jumps into the icy waters below. “There’s no bungee rope,” he once told RTE’s Miriam O’Callaghan. “It’s the closest thing to being a bird.” Dempsey hits the water so hard that it takes 10 seconds to come back to the surface. He sees parallels with his task as a stage performer. A shy man, he has to take a leap of faith every time he performs before an audience. The challenges keep coming. Last June, the singer- songwriter was arriving at a venue in Enniscorthy, Co Wexford, when he saw two men in the river Slaney. “One of them was bobbing up and down and trying to come up for air,” he later recalled. “He was obviously struggling to keep afloat and his friend couldn’t keep him up for long.” Knowing that if he dived into the water, he too might be dragged under, Dempsey threw a sheet to the flailing swimmer, saving the man’s life. Dempsey, a passionate open water swimmer, was not interested in accolades, according to a bystander. “I shouted ‘well done’, but he didn’t answer me. He had no interest in any praise whatsoever,” said Mark Ronan. Last week, it emerged that Dempsey was involved in another act of heroism earlier this year. Beautician Joan Moore was in a restaurant in Dublin’s Fairview when a man snatched her handbag and she was knocked to the ground. Dempsey and John Connors, the actor who played traveller Patrick in Love/Hate, were dining in the restaurant at the time. The pair chased the thief down the street. Paddy Dunning, owner of a recording studio, said such heroic behaviour is in Dempsey’s nature: “When he sees something that’s wrong, he’ll try to right it. If he sees a woman fall on the ground, he’ll pick her up. So many people will walk past these days. If Damien sees something that is wrong, a cause, he champions it.” At 6ft 2 in, the Irish Lion, as he is known, is not to be trifled with. In his youth he trained as a boxer, and he still enjoys sparring sessions. But while he has the physique of a champion, in person he is softly spoken, shy and socially awkward. Dempsey only turned up at the National Marine Gallantry and Meritorious Service Awards 2014 to please his mother. In fact, he was embarrassed at the attention over his gallantry in saving the man’s life. “That’s him,” says his friend Philip Cribbin, from children’s charity Preda Foundation. “He’d crawl under a rock rather than seek publicity. Whether he likes it or not, he has to react to the story, but it’s not something he tries to promote.” Singer Glen Hansard once compared Dempsey to Atlas, carrying the woes of Ireland on his shoulders. When he first emerged on the Irish music scene in the 1990s, with socially driven songs informed as much by hip-hop as by Irish folk, some people considered him a novelty act. Others felt alienated by his insistence on singing in a thick Dublin brogue. Dempsey was unapol- ogetic, attributing the criticism to class snobbery: “It was more a defence mechanism than anything else. The more people told me I couldn’t sing like that, the more I laid it on.” Dempsey has always presented himself as a man of principle. In 2006, while playing at Oxygen music fes- tival at the height of the Celtic tiger era, he declared that Pádraig Pearse would be “turning in his grave” at the state of modern Ireland. Over the years he has spoken out about such diverse subjects as bullying, the neces- sity of keeping history as a compulsory Junior Cert sub- ject, and the wisdom of adding fluoride to the Irish water supply. He has supported boycotts of Israel over the blockade of Gaza, and campaigns to promote the production of uilleann pipes in Ireland. Earlier this month, he per- formed at the mass protests against the introduction of water charges. His most recent single, a cover of John Lennon’s Happy Xmas (War is Over), is in aid of Aware, a charity for people with mental health issues. According to Cribbin: “You see plenty of people who may use charities for self-promotion. That’s not the case with Damien.” As part of his work with the Preda Foundation, which was established to protect the rights of women and children in the Philippines, Dempsey visited a prison outside Manila. “Damien is a sensitive and aware person, and it moved him when we saw the conditions in the detention centres,” Cribben said. “On the flipside, we saw the kids who were released from custody and given structure, family life, rehabilitation.” The musician gave an impromptu performance for about 50 prisoners, singing his own songs as well as a few by Bob Marley. “One guy cried in the cell when he heard him,” said Cribbin. “It’s his raw passion and commitment. Whether he’s singing about patience or negative vibes, positive mentality or being true to your- self, they’re universal themes.” In recent times, Dempsey has aspired to writing songs on global themes, although a working-class, Dublin sensibility informs everything he does. He has worked as a builder’s labourer, and changed kegs at Rocky Sullivan’s, a New York bar, in the mid-1990s. Many of his songs, such as Almighty Love, speak of a longing for community, whether at home or overseas. Dempsey’s personality has evolved over time, says Dunning. “He’s come from a hard place, but he chan- nelled those problems into songwriting.” He was born in Donaghamede on Dublin’s northside in 1975. The youngest of three brothers, he was raised on a diet of traditional Irish music, sean nos, Marley and Elvis. “When I was growing up in the 1980s in Dublin, reggae and ska were absolutely huge,” he has said. “It was the main music people were listening to, rather than rock or trad. It was always reggae on the ghetto blasters in the parks, in the fields.” At the age of 14 he wrote his first song, about air pol- lution in Dublin. This creative streak led to clashes with other adolescents in the neighbourhood. Boxing lessons gave the bullies pause for thought. When he was 15, his parents separated. Dempsey lived with his father, a panel beater, and by his own admission went off the rails “drinking, fighting and doing drugs”. A short dalliance with ecstasy left him “so deeply depressed” that he could barely move. Music was his saviour. Dempsey entered a 2FM song contest and came second. He studied at Ballyfermot Rock School (at Ballyfermot College of Further Educa- tion), and played at Dave Murphy’s singer-songwriter night at Dublin’s International Bar alongside Mundy, Paddy Casey, Declan O’Rourke, and others. In 1997, he released his first single, Dublin Town, but was uncomfortable with the song’s pop-style produc- tion. “It picked up a lot of radio play, and a lot of people liked it, but many thought it was a bit of a gimmick,” he said. Two years later, he was playing tour support for the Hothouse Flowers when he met producer John Reynolds at a party in London. Reynolds helped to pro- duce his first album, They Don’t Teach This Shit in School (2000). Ever since, Dempsey has picked up the folk mantle from artists such as Luke Kelly and Ronnie Drew. He covered traditional standards on The Rocky Road (2008), and tackled issues such as suicide (Chris & Stevie) and drugs (Ghosts of Overdoses). Christy Moore was an early champion, and Morrissey once signed the Dubliner to his label. He jammed with Bruce Spring- steen at a party after playing support at a stadium con- cert. Even Michael Jackson was said to be a fan. Dunning claims he played some Dempsey tracks for the late singer at Grouse Lodge studio in Westmeath in 2006. “Michael loved the storytelling and the reggae influence mixed in with the Irish,” said Dunning. Dempsey branched out into acting in the film Between The Canals (2011) alongside Peter Coonan. Despite his musical success and assumed role as a spokesman for the mistreated and maligned, Dempsey has said he lives on the breadline. “I haven’t made a fortune, but I consider myself lucky to be making a living doing something I love, writing songs and playing shows,” he said. And saving the odd drowning man and rescuing damsels in distress.

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Page 1: s 8C ?IKDM|Q HT== LO? C 8K ;L T HC; CD LK= GKDP · 2015-02-06 · il tqq tn hm hu x yf mz\ jtfx j# yi w\j [\ zr \i %||} hu xj x u\ i [xx n \ lq\ n hm qm z\ hx \ hjx\ hp xnh zx nh

21 . 12 . 14 / 17

Aworking-class herowith a lot onhismind

PROF I LE DAM IEN DEMPSEY

A singer-songwriterwhouses his gritty Dublin

roots and chequeredlife to embracewidersocial themes and

injustices theworld over

If the Stormont talks required onlyagreement between the fiveexecutive parties theywould havebeen sorted out long before lastFriday, or at least Sinn Fein and theDUPwould have sorted out the

budget, with everything else kickedneatly into the long grass. The threesmaller executive parties would havebeen bought off, brought in, sidelined orjust ignored— as they have been beforewhen a deal between the big twowas theprize.The problem is that the talks now

require a deal between Sinn Fein and theBritish government, specifically theConservative party. This has disruptedthe usual pattern of talks in NorthernIreland, and exposed its brokenmodel forpolitical relationships.One aspect of the system that still

works strikinglywell is the ability ofSinn Fein and the DUP to agree onspendingmoney. In October, whenfinancial incontinence finally caught upwith them, both parties took just three

weeks to arrange a £100m (€127m)emergency loan, a £10bn draft budgetand a £70m contingency for a deal onwelfare reform. A larger loan request andwelfare contingency is all that was agreedat the talks two days ago.All the DUPwants is a workable

budget in the north.When PeterRobinson put welfare reform on the talksagenda, his party proposed new Stormontborrowing powers to get Sinn Fein overthe line.When Sinn Fein demanded cashinstead, the DUP concurred.When DavidCameron flew in on December 11 bearingno cash, the DUP agreedwith Sinn Feinthat this was an outrage.Cameron’s brusque departure the

followingmorningmade Sinn Fein-DUPconcurrence redundant. The primeminister left much earlier than necessarytomake his wife’s celebrity-strewnbirthday party, as though to ensure hiscontemptwould not bemisinterpreted.Cameron’s visit had been taken toindicate that Sinn Fein and the DUPhad cooked up enough of a deal on the

budget to be presented as a talks success.Why summon the primeminister,accompanied by taoiseach Enda Kenny,to preside over failure?Sowhat wentwrong? Theresa Villiers,

the secretary of state, has insistedCameronwas kept well briefed about theeight weeks of talks before his arrival. Itis implausible that the primeminister didnot know the Stormont parties hadbarely shifted on their non-financialdisagreements. Hemay not haveappreciated that the DUP-Sinn Feinagreementwasmerely to ask him for ahuge but undecided sum ofmoney.However, hemust have known that wasa possibility and in any case it should nothave prompted his dismissivewalkout,an obedient Kenny in tow.The remaining explanation is that

Cameron turned upwith an agenda of hisown.Writing Stormont another cheque— especially to coverwelfare reform -—could have given ammunition to Labour,the SNP, Ukip and Tory backbenchers justfivemonths before an election. Northern

Irelandmeans nothing to Cameroncomparedwith those prospects, sonothing is what was offered.Sinn Fein responded by digging in its

own heels onwelfare reform, demandingfully funded total exemption plus afurther anti-austerity “uplift”. In time-honoured Northern Ireland fashion, bothsides are now as bad as each other.What has really gonewrong is the

Good Friday agreement’s three-strandedmodel of unionist-nationalist, north-south and east-west relationships. SinnFein and the Tories are notmeant to bethe opposite ends of one strand, which iswhy a routine Stormont talks fiasco—against a street-politics background lesstense than a year ago— feels sodestabilising. Sinn Fein’s rise in the southand the new devolutionary politics of theUK have created a new reality withwhicheveryone is struggling to come to terms.In an editorial last Monday that

undoubtedly reflectedmuch unionistopinion, the Belfast Telegraph fulminatedagainst Sinn Fein’s “disgraceful

duplicity” for governing Northern Irelandas “only part of its overall policy andinterest”. But why is this disgraceful?Sinn Fein is elected on both sides ofthe border, nothing in any peaceprocess law confines it to the north, andit is hardly duplicitous about its all-Ireland goals.The Irish government now sees

Sinn Fein as a rival, while Kenny’s jointwalkout with Cameron suggests thetwo governments regard Sinn Fein as acommon enemy. Condescendingministerial and House of Commonsstatements from the Tories, plusadolescent ranting from Sinn Fein aboutTory “millionaires”, show both partiesare slightly incredulous at having to dealwith each other directly.It remains likely Cameronwill be back

to compromise on the budget. Nobodywants Stormont to collapse, and abreakdown of the benefits system isunthinkable. The long-term question iswhat to do about the broken down“three-strand” system.

NEWTONEMERSON

Cameron walks the walk as Sinn Fein and DUP talk and talk

Sewage plantrow continuesto bog downIrish Water

Last month Irish Water announced it will be2019 before it can build a waste watertreatment centre for the town of Arklow,which has a population of 13,000. Until then,30 pipes carrying raw sewage will continue tospill into the Avoca river.

As far back as 1993 there has been a plan to locate atreatment centre at Seabank, north of Arklow, with anoutfall pipe dumping treated sewage out to sea. The sitechosenbyArklowurbandistrict council, as itwasknownthen, was beside a caravan park owned by ArklowHolidays Ltd, whose directors are Brendan and JeremyHynes, and who have had a site with 290 mobile homesand up to 1,600 annual visitors there since 1964. Theoutfall pipe would pass through the dunes and beachused by the holidaymakers.Brendan Hynes had some form in the courts. He was

appointed chief executive of Tara Mines in 1974. In the1980s it became involved in Bula v TaraMines, a case thatran for 277 days in the High Court.In 1999,Arklowcouncilwas grantedplanningpermis-

sion byWicklowcounty council for the treatment centre;Arklow Holidays Ltd challenged this in the courts. Afterfour years of litigation, including a 41-day hearing, thematter was concluded in favour of Wicklow countycouncil. Costs estimated at €1 were awarded againstArklowHoliday Homes.In January 2005, following a five-dayhearing,AnBord

Pleanala upheld Wicklow’s 1999 decision. Arklow Holi-days challenged this in the courts, but ultimately lost in2006. Again, hefty costs were awarded against it. Onappeal to the Supreme Court in 2011, it was held thatArklow Holidays’s second set of proceedings were anabuse of process —many of the grounds it raised againstthe finding of An Bord Pleanala in 2005 could have beenraised in the first set of proceedings in 1999.A compulsory purchase order had been suspended

during the 12 years of litigation. When the councilattempted to act on it in 2012, however, Jeremy Hynesallegedly parked a JCB across the gate of the lands. ThecouncilsoughtaninjunctionrestrainingtheHynesesfromgoing onto the lands.The parties were back in the High Court, and the

Hyneses had further points to raise, such as that thepermission granted by An Bord Pleanala in 2005 was forfive years only. The president of the High Court foundagainst them on that point. The Hyneses appealed thatdecision, which is scheduled for hearing on January 15in the Supreme Court. Their challenge to the CPO isalso ongoing.Back in 2007, Jeremy Hynes said the court battle was

about “saving his business”. He agreed that the localcouncil had offered an alternative water supply — thetreatment plant was to be located on top of the holidaysite’s water source — but said it wouldn’t be sufficient atpeak times. He said that a survey of suitable sites for thetreatment centre placed the Seabank site eighth.Perhaps the Hyneses had a valid case against the

authorities, butwhile thecourtshaveentertained thematlength — and at a staggering administrative cost to thestate — they have lost on every point. It is a mysterywhytheHyneses feel it justifiable to spendmillions on saving asmall seasonal business.It’s also impossible to know how the local authorities

acted throughout the litigation, since there is notransparency in relation to any settlement talks betweenthe parties. We will never know why a decision wasnot taken to abandon the Seabank plan and startafresh elsewhere.Brendan Hynes’s combative style must have been

knownto the local authorities.Hisbusiness temperamentcameunderscrutinyin1992,whenhewasappointedchiefexecutive of Telecom Eireann. Six months later his boardreported to the communicationsminister at the time thatthey had passed a vote of no confidence in Hynes, due tohis operating style and hismanner of dealingwith seniormanagers. Hewas replaced.For now the state has failed the people of Arklow. The

courts had to give the Hyneses due process — as long astheir case wasn’t entirely unmeritorious — and thegovernment couldn’t intervene while the matter wasbefore the courts. Has IrishWater the capacity to solve allthis? Embroiled in its own Greek drama, it hardly seemslikely. Asked to comment last week, Brendan Hynes saidthat as issues in relation to the proposed project are stillbefore the courts, Arklow Holidays Ltd cannot makeany statement.

Kate Butler is a barristerand a freelance journalist. Her father Pat Butler SC has

been acting for Arklow Town Council.

Arklow’swait forwastewatertreatment is a long-runningsaga, reportsKate Butler

HE WENT OFF THERAILS. A SHORTDALLIANCE WITHECSTASY LEFT HIMFEELING SO DEEPLYDEPRESSED THATHE COULDBARELY MOVE

When he has time off from the touringcircuit, Damien Dempsey some-times travels to Howth where heclimbs the 30ft rocks at Balscaddenand jumps into the icywatersbelow.“There’s no bungee rope,” he once

toldRTE’sMiriamO’Callaghan.“It’stheclosestthingtobeing a bird.” Dempsey hits the water so hard that ittakes 10 seconds to come back to the surface. He seesparallelswith his task as a stage performer. A shyman,he has to take a leap of faith every time he performsbefore an audience.The challenges keep coming. Last June, the singer-

songwriter was arriving at a venue in Enniscorthy, CoWexford, when he saw two men in the river Slaney.“One of themwas bobbing up and down and trying tocome up for air,” he later recalled. “He was obviouslystruggling to keep afloat and his friend couldn’t keephim up for long.”Knowingthat ifhedived into thewater,he toomight

bedraggedunder,Dempseythrewasheet totheflailingswimmer, saving theman’s life.Dempsey,apassionateopenwater swimmer, was not interested in accolades,according toabystander.“I shouted ‘welldone’,buthedidn’t answer me. He had no interest in any praisewhatsoever,” saidMark Ronan.Lastweek, it emerged thatDempseywas involved in

anotheractofheroismearlier thisyear.BeauticianJoanMoorewas in a restaurant in Dublin’s Fairviewwhen amansnatchedherhandbagandshewasknocked to theground. Dempsey and John Connors, the actor whoplayedtravellerPatrickinLove/Hate,werediningintherestaurant at the time. The pair chased the thief downthe street.Paddy Dunning, owner of a recording studio, said

such heroic behaviour is in Dempsey’s nature: “Whenhe sees something that’s wrong, he’ll try to right it.If he sees a woman fall on the ground, he’ll pick herup. So many people will walk past these days. IfDamien sees something that is wrong, a cause, hechampions it.”At 6ft 2 in, the Irish Lion, as he is known, is not to be

trifled with. In his youth he trained as a boxer, and hestill enjoys sparring sessions. But while he has thephysique of a champion, in person he is softly spoken,shy and socially awkward. Dempsey only turned upat the National Marine Gallantry and MeritoriousService Awards 2014 to please his mother. In fact,he was embarrassed at the attention over hisgallantry in saving theman’s life.“That’s him,” says his friend Philip Cribbin, from

children’scharityPredaFoundation.“He’dcrawlundera rock rather than seekpublicity.Whetherhe likes it ornot,hehastoreacttothestory,butit’snotsomethinghetries to promote.”Singer Glen Hansard once compared Dempsey to

Atlas, carrying the woes of Ireland on his shoulders.When he first emerged on the Irish music scene in the1990s,with socially driven songs informed asmuch byhip-hop as by Irish folk, somepeople consideredhimanovelty act. Others felt alienated by his insistence onsinginginathickDublinbrogue.Dempseywasunapol-ogetic, attributing the criticism to class snobbery: “Itwasmoreadefencemechanismthananythingelse.Themore people toldme I couldn’t sing like that, themoreI laid it on.”Dempsey has always presented himself as a man of

principle. In 2006,while playing at Oxygenmusic fes-tivalat theheightof theCeltic tigerera,hedeclaredthatPádraig Pearse would be “turning in his grave” at thestate of modern Ireland. Over the years he has spokenout about such diverse subjects as bullying, the neces-sityofkeepinghistoryasacompulsoryJuniorCertsub-ject, and the wisdom of adding fluoride to the Irishwater supply.Hehassupportedboycottsof Israelovertheblockade

of Gaza, and campaigns to promote the production ofuilleann pipes in Ireland. Earlier this month, he per-formed at themass protests against the introduction ofwater charges.His most recent single, a cover of John Lennon’s

HappyXmas (War is Over), is in aid of Aware, a charityfor people withmental health issues.According toCribbin: “You see plenty of peoplewho

may use charities for self-promotion. That’s not thecasewith Damien.”As part of his workwith the PredaFoundation,whichwasestablishedtoprotect therightsof women and children in the Philippines, Dempseyvisited a prison outside Manila. “Damien is a sensitiveand aware person, and it moved himwhenwe saw theconditions in the detention centres,” Cribben said.“On the flipside, we saw the kids who were releasedfrom custody and given structure, family life,rehabilitation.”The musician gave an impromptu performance for

about 50 prisoners, singing his own songs as well as afew by BobMarley. “One guy cried in the cell when heheard him,” said Cribbin. “It’s his raw passion andcommitment. Whether he’s singing about patience ornegativevibes,positivementalityorbeingtruetoyour-self, they’re universal themes.”In recent times, Dempsey has aspired to writing

songs on global themes, although a working-class,Dublin sensibility informs everything he does. He hasworked as a builder’s labourer, and changed kegs atRocky Sullivan’s, a New York bar, in the mid-1990s.Many of his songs, such as Almighty Love, speak of alonging for community, whether at home or overseas.Dempsey’s personality has evolved over time, says

Dunning. “He’s come from a hard place, but he chan-nelled those problems into songwriting.”Hewasborn inDonaghamedeonDublin’snorthside

in1975.Theyoungestofthreebrothers,hewasraisedona diet of traditional Irish music, sean nos, Marley andElvis. “When I was growing up in the 1980s in Dublin,reggae and ska were absolutely huge,” he has said. “Itwas the main music people were listening to, ratherthan rock or trad. It was always reggae on the ghettoblasters in the parks, in the fields.”At the ageof 14hewrotehis first song, about air pol-

lution inDublin.This creative streak led toclasheswithotheradolescentsintheneighbourhood.Boxinglessonsgave the bullies pause for thought.Whenhewas 15, his

parents separated. Dempsey lived with his father, apanelbeater,andbyhisownadmissionwentofftherails“drinking, fightinganddoingdrugs”.Ashortdalliancewith ecstasy left him “so deeply depressed” that hecould barelymove.Musicwas his saviour. Dempsey entered a 2FM song

contest and came second. He studied at BallyfermotRock School (at Ballyfermot College of Further Educa-tion), and played at Dave Murphy’s singer-songwriternight at Dublin’s International Bar alongside Mundy,Paddy Casey, Declan O’Rourke, and others.In 1997,he releasedhis first single,DublinTown,but

was uncomfortable with the song’s pop-style produc-tion. “It pickedup a lot of radio play, and a lot of peopleliked it, butmanythought itwasabitof agimmick,”hesaid.Twoyearslater,hewasplayingtoursupportfortheHothouse Flowers when he met producer JohnReynolds at aparty inLondon.Reynoldshelped topro-duce his first album, They Don’t Teach This Shit inSchool (2000).Ever since, Dempsey has picked up the folk mantle

from artists such as Luke Kelly and Ronnie Drew. Hecovered traditional standards on The Rocky Road(2008), and tackled issues such as suicide (Chris &Stevie)anddrugs (GhostsofOverdoses).ChristyMoorewas an early champion, andMorrissey once signed theDubliner to his label. He jammed with Bruce Spring-steen at a party after playing support at a stadiumcon-cert.EvenMichaelJacksonwassaidtobeafan.Dunningclaims he played some Dempsey tracks for the latesinger at Grouse Lodge studio in Westmeath in 2006.“Michaellovedthestorytellingandthereggaeinfluencemixed inwith the Irish,” said Dunning.Dempsey branched out into acting in the film

Between The Canals (2011) alongside Peter Coonan.Despite his musical success and assumed role asa spokesman for the mistreated and maligned,Dempsey has said he lives on the breadline. “Ihaven’t made a fortune, but I consider myself lucky tobe making a living doing something I love, writingsongs and playing shows,”he said. And saving the odddrowningman and rescuing damsels in distress.