Role of Music in Apartheid

7/28/2019 Role of Music in Apartheid

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Vershbow, Michela E. (2010). "The Sounds of Resistance: The Roleof Music in South Africa's Anti-Apartheid Movement."Student

Pulse, 2(06). Retrieved from:

The Sounds of Resistance: The Role ofMusic in South Africa's Anti-ApartheidMovement

By MICHELA E. VERSHBOW

2010, VOL. 2 NO. 06

Music and Resistance in South Africa

A song is something that we communicate to those people whootherwise would not understand where we are coming from.You could give them a long political speech they would stillnot understand. But I tell you: when you finish that song,people will be like Damn, I know where you niggas are cominfrom. Death unto Apartheid! Sifiso Ntuli

The history of South Africa under white British rule is markedby the existence of one of the most brutal systems of racialsegregation that the world has ever known. A system by thename ofApartheid, literally meaning separateness in the

Afrikaans language, made Africans of color aliens in theirhomeland. The laws of Apartheid forced millions to live inimpoverished townships where they were denied the most basichuman rights. Apartheid, under which the white minority heldpower over the entire population, was met with strong internaland external resistance, prompting global boycotts of sales andtrade with South Africa. The most powerful form of resistance,however, was the refusal of South African blacks to remainprisoners in their own land.


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In the 46 years that the system of Apartheid was in place, theresistance movements evolved from loosely organized unions ofnon-violent protestors to powerful and armed coalitions such asthe African National Congress (ANC). Throughout every stage

of the struggle, the liberation music both fueled and unitedthe movement. Song was a communal act of expression thatshed light on the injustices of apartheid, therefore playing amajor role in the eventual reform of the South Africangovernment.

This paper explores the connections between music and politicsas exemplified by the case of South Africa. While avoidingoversimplifications of a supposed music revolution, it

examines the resistance to Apartheid through the lens of itsmusic. As historian Grant Olwage notes,

There has yet been little investigation of how music was usedby political movements, either within the country or in exile. Inaddition, little detailed research has been conducted on freedomsongs, the ubiquitous but largely informal and un-professionalised genre that was probably the dominant musicalmedium of popular political expression (Olwage 2004).

By attempting to understand the role that music played in thestruggle against, and eventual dismantling of the Apartheidgovernment, we can begin to understand the power that musiccan hold in a political context.

300 Years of Oppression: The Foundations ofApartheidThe liberation music of the Apartheid-era was in response to ahistory of oppression that dates back to long before theimplementation of Apartheid. The segregation of racial groupsin South Africa began with the first European settlers in 1652,when a Dutch company began using the Cape of Good Hope as abase for ships travelling trade route between Europe and Asia.The Khoi people, who practiced extensive pastoral farming(animal husbandry), were driven from their land in a series of

frontier wars, replaced with European settlers commercialfarms, and used as slave labor. The British arrived 150 years


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later, forcing the Dutch to migrate beyond the coast and furtherinto African lands. During the course of the 300 year Dutch andBritish rule in South Africa, new racial groups developed out ofthe intermingling of Europeans and Africans, which would later

be categorized as White, Black, Coloured and Indian. Thediscovery of diamonds in 1867 and gold 1886 in Southern Africacame the beginning of the economic and political structure thatwould greatly increase the division between white and black,British and Boer, and rich and poor. The music that wouldfollow in the next 100 years largely reflected this widening gap,and to communicate across it.

Throughout the early 1900s the British, who had gained

complete rule over South Africa after the South African Wars(1879 1915), enacted a series of laws that were designed toperpetuate white rule by segregating racial groups. By requiringdocumentation to prove authorization to be or live in whiteSouth Africa, the introduction of Pass Laws effectively regulatedthe presence of blacks in urban areas. The passing of 1913Native Land Act restricted African land ownership to 7% of thecountrys total land area, most of which was of poor quality andcould not meet the needs of the African population. Under theNative Urban Areas Act of 1923, Africans were allowed to residein the cities and townships only to minister the needs of thewhite population, and were returned to rural areas orimprisoned if they remained without work. In a report by theSouth African Native Affairs Commission in 1905, it wasdecided that no native shall vote in the election of any memberor candidate for whom a European has a right to vote (SANAC,1905: 35-6, 97). The central legislative, judicial, and

administrative bodies were shared amongst the capitals ofwhite South Africa, ensuring that only white South Africanswould be involved in the government. These policiesinstitutionalized racial segregation, and laid the foundation forApartheid as well as for the resistance movements. The effortsto organize a resistance were consistently met with crushing,government-sanctioned attacks on non-violent protesters,inciting the sparks of a conflict whose intensity would increasein the following years.


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As Clark and Worger describe, after three hundred years ofwhite settlement South Africa was divided on nearly everyconceivable level. (Clark and Worger 31) The numerous racialgroups we separated by race, language, wealth, politics,

residence, jobs in practically every aspect of daily life. Fewcould reap the rich benefits of life in South Africa under such asystem, creating a instability and discontent amongst thedifferent groups. The answer to this situation, reached by theruling white leaders, was to further entrench the existingdivisions under an ironclad system of racial separation thatwould be known as Apartheid (Clark and Worger 31).

The General Election of 1948 and the

Implementation of Apartheid

Apartheid was schizophrenic. If you look at apartheid as acharacter, he was a very schizophrenic character, one minutesmiling and by the very same token, by the very same minute,murdering.- Sifiso Ntuli, Amandla! A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony

The system of Apartheid rested on a long history of racialdiscrimination; though many of its policies were merelyelaborations on previously established frameworks, the sheerbrutality of its implementation and overarching impact (Clarkand Worger 35) on the country signaled a monumental shift.The Afrikaner (white South Africans of Dutch, German, orFrench descent) Nationalist Party (NP) that was voted intopower by white South Africans in 1948 were known for theirfrontier mentality derived from years of brutal discrimination

towards Africans and economic deprivation experienced byAfrikaners since the 19thcentury. Without engaging in thedebate over the reasons for the implementation of Apartheid,seemingly backwards in comparison to gaining of human rightselsewhere in the world, I will examine the influential figures andpolicies of Apartheid, and the role of music in the progressivelypowerful responses of the undying resistance movements.

Vuyisile Mini and Hendrik Verwoerd: The


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Father of Protest Songs and the Architect ofApartheid

Hendrik Verwoerd was prime minister of South Africa from

1958 until his assassination in 1966. Often called the Architectof Apartheid for his role in the implementation of Apartheidduring his tenure as Minister of Native Affairs, Verwoerd wasthe subject of a protest song composed by legendary composerVuyisile Mini. The song, titled Ndodemnyama we Verwoerd(Watch Out, Verwoerd) became one of the most popular songsin South Africa. Minis soulful compositions and booming bassvoice led him to emerge as one of the most powerful organizersof the resistance. In the words of poet Jeremy Cronin Song hadbecome an organizer, and he was the embodiment of thisreality (Hirsch 2002). The singing of Ndodemnyama was astatement of protest and a tribute to the strength of freedomfighters.That song sounds like a fun song, said musicianHugh Masekela, but its really like Watch out Verwoerd, herecomes the black man, your days are over (Hirsch 2002).

Known as the organizer of the unorganized, Mini was actively

involved with the ANC and was one of the first to be recruitedinto its military inception in 1961. He was arrested in 1963 forpolitical crimes, including sabotage and complicity in thedeath of an alleged police informer; when he refused to giveevidence against his comrades, he was sentenced to death.Fellow prisoner Ben Turok describes him as walking defiantly tothe gallows while singingNdodemnyama. Turoks recollectionreads:

And then, unexpectedly, the voice of Vuyisile Mini cameroaring down the hushed passages. Evidently standing on astool, with his face reaching up to a barred vent in his cell, hisunmistakable bass voice was enunciating his final message inXhosa to the world he was leaving. In a voice charged withemotion but stubbornly defiant he spoke of the struggle wagedby the African National Congress and of his absolute convictionof the victory to come... Soon after, I heard the door of their cellbeing opened. Murmuring voices reached my straining ears,

and then the three martyrs broke into a final poignant melodywhich seemed to fill the whole prison with sound and then


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gradually faded away into the distant depths of the condemnedsection" (Reddy, E.S. 1974).

The song was sung in SouthAfrica for years after Minis death,

and is still being sung today by internationally recognized voicessuch as Miriam Makeba and Afrika Bambaataa.

The ANC: The Organized Resistance

The formally recognized opposition to Apartheid known as theANC began in 1912 when several hundred members of SouthAfricas educated African elite gathered to establish a nationalorganization to protest against racial discrimination. The

meeting opened and closed with the singing of Nkosi SikelelIAfrika, which was adoptedas the ANCs official anthem.

Changes in African attitudes to politics were articulated by thenewly radical approach of the ANC. Under the leadership ofAlfred Xuma (1893 -1962), they adopted a method of non-cooperation with government, and began to link their strugglewith the efforts of oppressed people globally. Xuma saw noreason to expect change from polite requests, and as such

began to mobilize what he saw as a more powerful form ofresistance. In 1944 members of the ANC such as NelsonMandela and Walter Sisulu formed the established the ANCYouth League with the aim of invigorating the nationalorganization and developing forceful popular protests againstgovernment segregation and discrimination (Clark and Worger38). Though ANC demands were met with government silence,the forced removals from thriving black communities such asSophiatown, and the brutally violent police responses to

peaceful protesters led the ANC towards armed struggle.

Forced Removals, Massacres, and the NewArmed Struggle

Sophiatown! It is not your physical beauty which makes youso loveable; not that soft line of colour which sometimes seemsto strike across the greyness of your streets: not the splendour

of the evening sky which turns your drabness into gold - it isnone of these things. It is your people. Trevor Huddleston,


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Naught For Your Comfort

Forced removals under the Group Areas Act and BantuResettlement Act (1954) forced millions to migrate from their

homes to live in native townships. The laws divided SouthAfrica into zones, in which members of only one racial groupcould live. Most remarkable was the destruction Sophiatown, acommunity west of Johannesburg that is often compared toHarlem, New York City for its lively arts, politics, religion, andentertainments. In 1955, army trucks and armed policeremoved 60,000 people from Sophiatown by to an areadesignated for Africans. One white observer remarked:

It was a fantastic sight. In the yard [opposite the local busstation] military lorries were drawn up. Already they were piledhigh with the pathetic possessions which had come from therow of rooms in the background. A rusty kitchen stove; a fewblackened pots and bans; a wicker chair; mattresses belchingout their coir stuffing; bundles of heaven-knows-what; andpeople, all soaked to the skin by the drenching rain(Huddleston pp.179-80).

His observation reveals the condescension with which Africanswere perceived by whites, as well as the poverty which hadalready swept through even the most vital communities.

Africans perceived the forced removals as a cleaning up of thecountry, erasing black spots to make the picture look white.Sophiatown was rebuilt as white suburb called Triomf, theAfrikaans word for triumph. The removals sparked the creationofa song called Meadowlands, in reference to the

Meadowlands township to which many Sophiatown residentswere forced relocate. The lyrics express the devastation of theevacuation: we will move all night and day/to go stay inmeadowlands/youll hear the white people saying/lets go tomeadowlands.Recordings by Nancy Jacobs and Sisters, aswell as famed singer Miriam Makeba popularized the song,which was composed originally by Strike Vilakezi. Theinternational performances of the song allowed internationalaudiences a window into South Africa, and expose the injusticessuffered by oppressed racial groups.


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The resistance movements underwent significant changes as itbegan to reflect the increasingly violent struggle against whiterule. The government reacted to the increasing strength (andsize) of the resistance by declaring a state of emergency; they

arrested approximately 18,000 demonstrators, including theleaders of the ANC and the PAC, and banned both organizationsfrom any legal existence. Known as the Sharpville Massacre, in1960 69 non-violent Africans were killed by government troopsfor protesting pass laws. This conflict became the mainprecursor of the transition from non-violent protest to armedstruggle in 1961. Prohibited from operating in South Africa,both the PAC and the ANC established undergroundorganizations, and he ANC began military training outside the

country. The newly formed Umkhonto we Swize, translates asSpear of the Nation, and was known as the MK. The militarywing targeted specific places such as police stations and powerplants, but specifically avoided taking any human lives. In anexplanation of the ANCs adoption of a policy of violentresistance, Nelson Mandela says:

we felt that without violence there would be no way open tothe African people to succeed in their struggle against theprinciple of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressingopposition to this principle had been closed by legislation andwere placed in a position in which we had either to accept apermanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government(Clark and Worger 150).

Mandela and other leaders were sentenced to life in prison,while Tambo managed to escape from South Africa and serve aspresident of the ANC in exile.

It was during this transition to violent resistance that music wasoften talked about as a weapon of struggle. A song calledSobashiyabazali (We Will Leave Our Parents) became oneof the most popular songs sung at the MK training camps. Thelyrics evoke the sadness of leaving home, as well as thepersistence of freedom fighters:

We will leave our parents at home/we go in and out of foreigncountries/to places our fathers and mothers dont


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know/Following freedom we say goodbye, goodbye, goodbyehome/We are going into foreign countries/To places ourfathers and mothers dont know/Following freedom(Olwagepp. 169).

The music was more upbeat and energetic, with faster, moremilitaristic rhythms and accompanying marching actions as agesture towards the marching steps of soldiers.

Toyi-Toyi, thought to originate in Zimbabwe, a classic exampleof this shift and became a symbol of the apartheid resistance.Usually performed in a group setting, it is a dance consisting offoot stomping and spontaneous chanting. Toyi-Toyi was often

invoked during the ANCs Amandla chant: in call andresponse, the leader of a group would call out Amandla!(Power) and the group would respond with Awethu!(Ours). The power of this chant builds in intensity as itprogresses, and the enormity of the sounds that erupt from thehundreds, sometimes thousands of participants was often usedto intimidate government troops. As one activist puts it, Thetoyi-toyi was our weapon. We did not have the technology ofwarfare, the tear gas and tanks, butwe had this weapon (Power

to the People 2008).

A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony

The capacity of music to forge change in South Africa isinvestigated inAmandla! A Revolution in Four-Part Harmony,a powerful film that focuses specifically on the liberation musicof the struggle against white domination. The word Amandla istranslated as power; within the context of the resistance, it was

an affirmation of African strength and perseverance. The latterhalf of the title is derived from jazz pianist Abdullah Ibrahimsobservation that there has probably never been a revolution thatdid not use songs to give voice to its aspirations, or to unite andstrengthen the morale of its adherents (Hirsch, 2002). Thetoppling of Apartheid may be an exceptional case, he says, thefirst revolution to be conducted in four-part harmony (Hirsh,2002). As A.O. Scott of The New York Times notes in his review

of the film, Mr. Ibrahims observation, which supplies thisrestless, moving film with its subtitle, points to the central role


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that music -- in the streets, on records, in prison and in exile --played in black South Africa's long struggle for liberation fromwhite domination (Scott 2003).

Before discussing the significance of the view presented in thisfilm, it is important to recognize its shortcomings as well. Theflaws of a study which so narrowly focuses on the music aremade clear in Grant Olwages bookComposing Apartheid.Though he recognizes the effectiveness of the film indemonstrating the strength ofthe black struggle throughmusic, he also asserts that the film distorts the picture of therise and fall of apartheid by failing to recognize the complexityof the revolutionary process. He argues that in doing so the

film suggests potentially dangerous conclusions for protestmovements in general: First, that effective protest consistssimply of unidirectional thrusts of contention, by dissidents,against a regime; and second, that such a strategy results inlong term resolution rather than a temporary changing of theguard, as is usually the case with unidirectional overthrows(Olwage 2008: pg. 262).Amandla certainly fails to tell theentire story of the struggle against Apartheid. Indeed, it fails tomake clear that the toppling of the Apartheid did not solve theall of South Africas problems, but rather it dismantled theracial hierarchy that oppressed and ruled over the majority ofthe population, disallowing them from having a say overdecisions that drastically affected their lives.

These assertions, however, are not grounds for a completedismissal of the film; most critically or politically mindedviewers would not be led to suppose that the Africans toyi-toyi-ed (1) around the Wall of Jericho (2) until it tumbled(Olwage 263). The exposure of the situation in South Africathrough such entertaining and inspirational portraits asAmandla may oversimplify the politics involved the toppling ofApartheid, but they provide a window into a world that theapartheid regime hid so well. As such, the film should beregarded not as a comprehensive picture of the revolution, oreven of South African music. It would be better seen as anattempt to allow the viewer to hear and see (and perhaps feel)

the power of music in forging political change, resistingoppression, strengthening community, and uniting people of


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different races and statuses.

The reflection that music was played not only to strengthenexisting communities, but to unite members of communities

that were in supposed opposition to one and other isexemplified in the combining of British and African nationalanthems after the end of Apartheid. Although fourteenthousand people were killed in politically related incidents,South Africas first free election in 1994 nevertheless drewnineteen-million African voters to the polls, who unanimouslyvoted the African National Congress into office. In the words ofNelson Mandela at his inauguration speech as the firstpresident that a majority of South Africans elected,

The time for the healing of the wounds has come. The momentto bridge the chasms that divide us has come. [] we enter intoa covenant that we shall build the society in which all SouthAfricans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall (Clark &Worger 2004: pg. 153).

Towards this end, a national anthem was composed withelements of both the African and British hymns.

Before the creation of the combined anthems, Nkosi SikelelAfrika (God Bless Africa) was the unofficial national anthem ofSouth Africa; freedom fighter Thandi Modise describes it as asoothing prayer that would raise everyones spirit just bylistening to it (Hirsch 2002) Even more so, the songsymbolizes more than any other piece of expressive culture thestruggle for African unity and liberation in South Africa. TheANC, as well as political and religious leaders across the African

continent adopted the song as their anthem and as an emblemof hope and unity (Olwage 186). The combining of the twosongs (Britains Die Stem van Suid Afrika coupled withNkosiSikelel Afrika) was a political act that actively contributed tothe construction of a community that is the new South Africa(Nicholas Cook 1998: 75-76). Indeed, the meaning of theliberation songs emerges out of the act of performing them; it isa communal expression and movement that not only symbolizesunity, but enacts it (Cook 1998). For the lyrics to the originalsong, composed by a Xhosa poet in the early 19th see the index


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on page 23.

The meaning of the word culture in the vocabulary of the ANCfacilitated the mobilization of music in the service the struggle

against apartheid. The word was used to refer to music, poetry,graphic arts, theatre, dance, crafts, and other peoples arts. Inthis sense, the strengthening and preserving of an oppressedculture becomes inherent in the act of creating art. Music wasable to bridge especially powerful divides; though the songswere often used as a mode of communication that wasinaccessible to police and government, they also functioned as away of communicating across cultural and racial borders. AsSufiso Ntuli notes inAmandla,

A song is something that we communicate to those people whootherwise would not understand where we are coming from.You could give them a long political speech they would stillnot understand. But I tell you: when you finish that song,people will be like Damn, I know where you niggas are cominfrom. Death unto Apartheid! (Hirsch)

This observation, which comments on the power of song to

communicate across opposing cultural dogmas, points directlyto the central role that music can play in the context of politicalstruggle. The communal ownership of liberation songs, and theadoptability of their message within different movements,allows for them to strengthen, mobilize, and unify a community.Music does not create political change as a solitary force, assome viewers ofAmandla may mistakenly conclude; rather, it isa conduit for change that stirs a community into action,expresses and calls attention to oppression, and bridges the

divide between people of different cultures. In the next section Iwill trace the history of Apartheid through the events thatcreated the framework for its implementation, the major figuresand events of Apartheid, and the resistace that resulted.

The Sounds of Resistance: Freedom Songsand the Struggle for Liberation

South AfricasRadio Freedombroadcasted a discussion on theliberation music of the anti-apartheid movements in which disc


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jockey Rude Boy Paul defines freedom songs as liberationsongs that were sun by activists and protesters that were used tomobilize and strengthen the community at large (Hirsch2002). Another journalist taking part in the discussion, Gail

Smith, said of the music: The freedom songs evoked a kind ofpride in me. You could be standing next to a 60 year old womanwho would be singing Senzenina and there would be a bond, animmediate acknowledgment of commonality in what we wereabout (Hirsch 2002). This discussion points directly to musicas the heart of the anti-apartheid movement. Motivated bypolitical and social oppression, the resistance was held togetherand reinforced by its musical outpourings.

Exiled Musicians: Broadcasting the Anti-Apartheid Message on a Global Scale

Apartheid created an environment of denial and lies. You hadto live it from day to day. Abdullah Ibrahim

The Apartheid era drove its music and its musicians away fromhome, underground, and apart from fellow musicians, or intothe banalities of commercial music-making. (Olwage 146) Theapartheid state prohibited broadcasting of musicians who wentinto exile or who sang in opposition to apartheid. Thegovernment destroyed archives of black music such as AfricanJazz, deeming them unworthy of a remembered past. Inaddition, Olwage notes,

many black artists who remained in South Africa throughoutthe struggle resent the spotlight given to exiles who to wereaway during the height of the struggle, leaving, as singerDorothy Rathebe pronounced, us inziles to keep the homefires burning (Olwage 263).

Holding up selective pockets of resistance as definitive of theprotest movements and the liberation music fails to tell acomprehensive story. Still, there is value in focusing the lensupon exiled musicians who found commercial success abroad.Musicians such as Miriam Makeba, Hugh Masakela, Abdullah

Ibrahim, and Vusi Mahlasela, who became internationallyacclaimed South African voices, were able to broadcast anti-


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apartheid messages to an audience that inziled musicianscould not have reached under the governments censorshiplaws.

The luminary names of exiled musicians are often held up asthe key revolutionaries in the struggle (Olwage 263). This isinsufficient in that the influence of musicians and activistswithin the country was equally vital to the struggle. It must berecognized that the music of exiled and inziled musiciansplayed very different roles within the body of the resistance, butequally essential to its eventual triumph.

Conclusions

The questions one faces when writing about music in thecontext of political struggle are numerous: Firstly, what role(s)can music play in the context of a political struggle, and how dothese roles resonate in practical political terms? How is thismusic generated, i.e., is the music created with the intent ofsocio/political activism? Or does any music created by anoppressed racial group constitute freedom songs? And lastly,can music ever be separated from its political context?

These questions are investigated with striking clarity in DanielFischlins and Ajay Hebles Rebel Musics. The book outlines thediverse ways in which sonic projections have impacted humanrights and social justice issues, and explores the concept ofmusic as dissident practice, as power, and as the contradictionof being silenced (Fischlin 2003: pg. 10). The authors use theterm rebel musics to describe music that functions within apolitical context. How this music functions politically is

dependent on the situation that the artist is responding to;however, there are consistencies in the ways in which music ispractical and effective as a form of political activism. It inspirescommunity members into individual and collective action, andplays a key role in the dissemination of pertinent informationthrough the activation of the emotive powers that are all toooften detached from the actual instruments of rights legislation(Fischlin).


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Nothing in sound is intrinsically revolutionary, rebellious, orpolitical. Simultaneously, to imagine sound as divorced from itssocial and political contexts, meaningful in its abstract andmetaphysical potential but irrelevant in what it has to say to the

here and now of daily life, (Fischlin 11) is to imagine sound asan abstraction, separate from its worldly consequences.As thecase of South Africa exemplifies, communities give shape tomusic, and are in turn shaped by it. Music can serve as both anexpression and a critique of culture, and as such has the powerto inform, influence, and instigate change.

The role of music in South Africas struggle to free itself fromwhite supremacy is evident in the music itself, which responded

directly to government actions. It is also evident in anexamination of the resistance movements in every stage of theirevolution; music was central to their communication and totheir survival. Looking beyond South Africa, I speculate thatmusic plays a key function in every struggle against socio-political oppression. From the civil rights movements We ShallOvercome to the Rockers music of Jamaica, it is difficult tofind a resistance movement that did not utilize the power ofmusic in some form. This recognition allows for the utilizationof rebel musics in every community, in every struggle, and inevery voice. For, as they say in South Africa, the struggle is stillon.

Works Cited

1.Clark, Nancy L.; Worger, William H.; South Africa: The Riseand Fall of Apartheid; Harlow; Pearson Education, 2007.

2. Olwage, Grant; Composing Apartheid: Music For andAgainst Apartheid; Johannesburg; WitwatersrandUniversity Press, 2008.

3. Fischlin, Daniel; Heble, Ajay; Rebel Musics: HumanRights, Resistant Sounds and The Politics of MusicMaking; Montreal; Black Rose Books, 2003.

4. Reddy, E.S. 1974. 'Vuyisile Mini: Worker, Poet and Martyrfor Freedom' in Notes and Documents, No. 31/74,November 1974.
http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.htmlhttp://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.htmlhttp://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.htmlhttp://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.htmlhttp://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.htmlhttp://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/mini.html


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5. Hirsch, Lee; Amandla! A Revolution in Four-PartHarmony; New York City; Artisan Entertainment, 2002

6. A. Uhlig, Mark; Apartheid In Crisis; Toronto; RandomHouse, Inc., 1986.

7. Cook, Nicholas; Music: A Very Short Introduction; Oxford;Oxford University Press, 1998.8. South African Native Affairs Commission; Report of the

Commission with Annexures; Cape Town, 1905 (TheSANAC Report).

9. Huddleston, Trevor; Naught For Your Comfort; GreatBritain; William Collins Sons, 1956.

LyricsNkosi Sikelel iAfrika

In Xhosa

Nkosi, sikelel' iAfrikaMalupakam'upondo lwayo

Yiva imitandazo yetuUsisikelele.

ChorusYehla Moya, Yehla Moya,Yehla Moya Oyingcwele

In English

Lord, bless AfricaMay her horn rise high upHear Thou our prayers And bless us.

ChorusDescend, O Spirit,Descend, O Holy Spirit.

Senzeni Na?

Senzenina(Zulu/Xhosa)

Senzenina

Sono sethu ubumnyamaSono sethu yinyanisoSibulawayo


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Mayibuye i Africa.

What Have We Done?(English Translation)

What have we done?Our sin is that we are blackOur sin is the truthThey are killing us

Let Africa return.