RIZAL SPT Primary Notes

8/13/2019 RIZAL SPT Primary Notes

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sacrifices pleasures if necessary! and wisdom or prudence forthe rational element, which rules the whole humanbehaviour. The virtue of the soul as a whole is $ustice, whichsettles order and harmony between those three elementsand is, obviously, the most important virtue.

#long with this practical e"planation of virtue Plato defends aore intellectual theory particularly related with the theoryof the /deas: virtue is the knowledge of what is right for anor, better, the knowledge of the /dea of Rightness, and isainly identified with wisdo or prudence. 4e shouldreeber the /deas allow Plato surpasses the oralrelativis of the sophists as the /dea of Rightness ipliesthere is an absolute point of view.

The Philosohe! "i#g: #s every Greek, Plato thinks an isnaturally a social being2 thats why there are &tates 'Polis.The individual can reach his utost accoplishent in the

&tate, but only in a perfect &tate. Plato divides the &tate orsociety in three classes following the three eleents of thesoul2 the &tate is a great organis with the sae aterialand iaterial re5uireents and ethical ais as an. Therational eleent of the soul is represented by the class of thegovernors, who are philosophers2 the irascible eleent isrepresented by the social class of the soldiers2 theconcupiscent eleent by the craftsen.

The philosophers, whose particular virtue is wisdoor prudence, are the only ones capable for governent2 the

soldiers, whose virtue is the strength, ust defend and keepsafe the polis2 the craftsen, whose virtue is self-control,provide the coodities needed in the &tate. Thus, a totalparallelis between anthropology, ethics and policy issettled down. The three social classes are needed, but eachone enoys different rank and dignity.

Plato set forth the idea of public service-governent as thehighest oral and practical task to which en of knowledgeand virtue ought to devote theselves. !etter governentand public service can be achieved through education2 he

proposed an elaborate syste of adult training and

education. Plato reserved prolonged educationalopportunities for future rulers only. Plato believed that theselection of rulers could be ade best through prolongedtraining of en and woen fro the ruling class.

The Republic is coposed of a three-fold division of thepopulation-Philosopher kings 'guardians, soldier-adinistrators 'au"iliaries and producers '0arers, artisansand traders, society is divided into functions 6 ruling ordefending the state is ust as uch as a speciali7ed craft asshoeaking and if the principle of division of labor forbidsthe shoeaker fro aking furniture, he is e5ually e"cludedfro ruling. 8nly the philosopher kings have the politicalwisdo and technical knowledge, they have insight tohuan probles2 insight is ore than a highly speciali7edlearning. Training of the rulers start fro the tie they wereborn and their parents are selected and paired fro theruling class2 they are educated in literature, usic, physical

and ilitary instruction, atheatics, philosophy andetaphysics.

The aim of the %tate is $ustice: the common welfare of all theciti&ens, which would only be possible if every class fulfil itsown role. Plato distinguishes the social class of the leaders:since the /dea of Rightness can be known, its only naturalphilosophers guide society ruled by their superiorknowledge2 philosophers have to be governors or governorshave to be philosophers2 of course, philosophers do not seektheir own interests but the counitys.

Philosophers must see' the general welfare and so, trying toavoid temptations and useless distractions, they neitherhave private property nor family! their main purpose iswisdom which enables them to carry out their mission ofgovernment. &oldiers also sacrifice faily and privateproperty, only the craftsen are allowed to the 'thoughliited and controlled by the &tate. $raftsen do not neededucation, e"cept the professional for their own tasks, andthey ust obey political powers. /n this ideal &tate only avery best selected inority have power. Though the social

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eleent should be its subordinate and ally. Teperanceis when there is unaniity and no conflict between theruling eleent and the spirit and appetites.

)n e*uality of women:;. There is no occupation concerned with the anageent

of social affairs which belongs either to woan or to an.atural gifts are to be found in both creatures alike andevery occupation is open to both, so far as their naturesare concerned, though woan is for all purposes theweaker.


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and carrying sculptures that represent different obects'anials, trees, artificial obects.... &ince there is this secondwall between the prisoners and the people walking, we onlysee the shades of the obects they carry proected on the farend wall of the cavern. aturally, the prisoners would thinkthe shades and the echoes of the voices they hear are truereality.

Plato argues a liberated prisoner would slowly discoverdifferent levels of authentic reality: first he would see theobects and the light inside the cavern, later he would coeout of it and see first the shades of the obects, then thereflections of those obects on the water and finally the realobects. #t last he would see the &un and conclude it is thereason of the seasons, it rules the realm of visible ob$ectsand is the reason of everything the prisoners see. #ndreebering his life in the cavern, reebering what hethought he knew there and his captivity corades he would

feel happy for being free and would feel sorry the2prisoners life would see unbearable for hi. !ut in spite ofit and in spite of the dangers, his clusiness and theprisoners laughs and scorns, he would return to theunderground world to free the.

These are the keys Plato gives us to read the yth: weshould copare the shadows of the cavern with the sensibleworld and the light of the fire with the power of the &un. Theescape to the outer world to conteplate real beings'etaphor of the 4orld of the /deas should be copared

with the path our souls take towards the intelligible world.Plato declares the ost difficult and the last obect we reachis the /dea of Rightness 'syboli7ed by the etaphor of the&un, the last obect the released prisoner sees, which is thereasonof all the good and beautiful things of the world 2 it isalso the reason of the light and the &un in the sensible andvisible world and the reason of truth and understanding inthe intelligible world2 is the reality we need see to live withwisdom.

$. ARISTOTLE: POLITICS

#ristotle was born at &tagira, in Thrace, in +?( !.$. is fatherwas a physician to the king of 9acedon, so science was in hisbackground. #t the age of seventeen, he went to #thens andoined PlatoBs school, where he stayed until PlatoBs death in+(>. # few years later, he becae the tutor to the youngprince of 9acedon, #le"ander the Great. #lthough #le"anderwas a stellar pupil, #ristotle returned to #thens three yearslater, founded his own school, the Cyceu, and taught andstudied there for twelve years. !ecause #le"ander begancon5uering all of the known world, 9acedonians becaesoewhat unwelcoe in #thens and #ristotle wasaccordingly shown the door in +


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they represent his or soebody elseBs notes on his classes2what we can say for certain is that the words, %/ donBt know,%never cae out of his outh. /n addition to studyingeverything, #ristotle was the first person to really think outthe proble of evidence. 4hen he approached a proble, hewould e"aine a. what people had previously written or saidon the subect, b. The general consensus of opinion on thesubect, c. #nd a systeatic study of everything else that ispart of or related to the subect. /n his treatise on anials, hestudied over five hundred species2 in studying governent,he collected and read ;=? individual constitutions of Greekstates as his fundaental data. This is called inductivereasoning: observing as any e"aples as possible and thenworking out the underlying principles. /nductive reasoning isthe foundation of the 4estern scientific ethod.

Doctrine of the 9ean

#ristotle describes ethical virtue as a EhexisF 'EstateFEconditionF EdispositionFa tendency or disposition, inducedby our habits, to have appropriate feelings ';;H=b


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doctrine of the ean. 0irst, there is the thesis that everyvirtue is a state that lies between two vices, one of e"cessand the other of deficiency. &econd, there is the idea thatwhenever a virtuous person chooses to perfor a virtuousact, he can be described as aiing at an act that is in soeway or other interediate between alternatives that hereects. /t is this second thesis that is ost likely to be foundobectionable. # critic ight concede that in soe casesvirtuous acts can be described in #ristotleBs ters. /f, fore"aple, one is trying to decide how uch to spend on awedding present, one is looking for an aount that is neithere"cessive nor deficient. !ut surely any other probles thatconfront a virtuous agent are not susceptible to this5uantitative analysis. /f one ust decide whether to attend awedding or respect a copeting obligation instead, it wouldnot be illuinating to describe this as a search for a eanbetween e"treesunless Eaiing at the eanF siplybecoes another phrase for trying to ake the rightdecision. The obection, then, is that #ristotleBs doctrine ofthe ean, taken as a doctrine about what the ethical agentdoes when he deliberates, is in any cases inapplicable orunilluinating.

# defense of #ristotle would have to say that the virtuousperson does after all ai at a ean, if we allow for a broadenough notion of what sort of aiing is involved. 0ore"aple, consider a uror who ust deterine whether adefendant is guilty as charged. e does not have before hisind a 5uantitative 5uestion2 he is trying to decide whether

the accused coitted the crie, and is not looking forsoe 5uantity of action interediate between e"trees.onetheless, an e"cellent uror can be described as soeonewho, in trying to arrive at the correct decision, seeks toe"press the right degree of concern for all relevantconsiderations. e searches for the verdict that results froa deliberative process that is neither overly credulous orunduly skeptical. &iilarly, in facing situations that arouseanger, a virtuous agent ust deterine what action 'if anyto take in response to an insult, and although this is not itselfa 5uantitative 5uestion, his attept to answer it properly

re5uires hi to have the right degree of concern for his

standing as a eber of the counity. e ais at a eanin the sense that he looks for a response that avoids toouch or too little attention to factors that ust be taken intoaccount in aking a wise decision.

Perhaps a greater difficulty can be raised if we ask how#ristotle deterines which eotions are governed by thedoctrine of the ean. $onsider soeone who loves towrestle, for e"aple. /s this passion soething that ust befelt by every huan being at appropriate ties and to theright degreeI &urely soeone who never felt this eotion toany degree could still live a perfectly happy life. 4hy thenshould we not say the sae about at least soe of theeotions that #ristotle builds into his analysis of the ethicallyvirtuous agentI 4hy should we e"perience anger at all, orfear, or the degree of concern for wealth and honor that#ristotle coendsI These are precisely the 5uestions thatwere asked in anti5uity by the &toics, and they cae to theconclusion that such coon eotions as anger and fear arealways inappropriate.+ristotle assumes, on the contrary, notsimply that these common passions are sometimesappropriate, but that it is essential that every human beinglearn how to master them and experience them in the rightway at the right times.# defense of his position would haveto show that the eotions that figure in his account of thevirtues are valuable coponents of any well-lived huan life,when they are e"perienced properly. Perhaps such a proectcould be carried out, but #ristotle hiself does not atteptto do so.

e often says, in the course of his discussion, that when thegood person chooses to act virtuously, he does so for thesake of the E'alonFa word that can ean Ebeautiful,FEnoble,F or Efine.F '&ee for e"aple ;;


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designed and produced by a good craftsan, is not erelyuseful, but also has such eleents as balance, proportionand haronyfor these are properties that help ake ituseful. &iilarly, #ristotle holds that a well-e"ecuted proectthat e"presses the ethical virtues will not erely beadvantageous but 'alonas wellfor the balance it strikes ispart of what akes it advantageous. The young personlearning to ac5uire the virtues ust develop a love of doingwhat is 'alon and a strong aversion to its oppositetheaischron, the shaeful and ugly. Deterining what is 'alonisdifficult ';;H)b


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sae. ence, when the relation between aster andslave are natural, they are friends and have a cooninterest, but where it rests erely on law and force, thereverse is true.

Property: e*uality and ine*uality;. /t is better that property be private but the use of it

should be coon2 and the special business of thelegislator is to create a benevolent disposition. Propertybrings out the noble nature of an which is teperance,to censure the love of self in e"cess and to be liberal.


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the city of Roe. Roe was known as the 1ternal $itybecause the Roans thought that it would literally never fall,and the year (;H shook this belief to its foundations andultiately led to the collapse of the Roan 1pire. Theworld itself seeed to have been destroyed, and everyonesought answers about what to do and what to believe in.Those who adhered to the waning pagan faith were 5uick toblae the $hristians, claiing that the gods had abandonedRoe because any Roans had forsaken the and takenthe new faith. These Roans claied that $hristians werenot patriotic enough because they asked people to serve Godrather than the state, and they advocated forgiveness towardeneies. 9ore iportant, they said the $hristian God hadfailed to protect Roe, as he should have done, since$onstantine had declared hi to be the one true God. Theangry wrangling between the two counities propted#ugustine to begin writing The -ity of 7odin (;+.

The first ten books of The -ity of 7od, which ake up thefirst part of the work, refute the pagans charges that$hristians brought about the fall of Roe. The first five boo'sdeal with the pagan belief that people must worship the oldgods to achieve material advantages in this world, includingthe continuation of the Roman 8mpire and the supremacy ofthe city of Rome./n book /, #ugustine attacks the pagans,who claied that Roe fell because the $hristian religionhad weakened it, and he stresses that isfortune happens toeveryone. /n book //, he deonstrates that the fall of Roe isnot a uni5ue event in huan history. The Roans suffered

calaities before, even when the old gods were beingactively worshipped, and those gods did nothing to preventthose calaities fro happening. e suggests Roansbecae weak because of these gods, since they gavetheselves up to oral and spiritual corruption. /n book ///,#ugustine continues discussing catastrophes that occurred inpagan ties to further prove that $hristianity did not causeRoe to fall. To drive hoe his point, he asks again why theold gods did not defend Roe in the past.

/n book /A, #ugustine suggests an alternative view. Roe

endured for any centuries because it was the will of the

true God, and its survival had nothing to do with pagan godssuch as 3ove, who behaved only in the lowest anner. /nbook A #ugustine addresses the pagan notion of fate, whichany people saw as a viable force that had held the Roan1pire together. Rather, says #ugustine, the Roans ofancient ties were virtuous, and God rewarded that virtue,even though they did not worship hi. 4hen he reachesbook A/, #ugustine shifts focus and devotes the ne"t fivebooks to refuting those who said people ust worship the oldgods to gain eternal life. #ugustine uses pagan authors todestroy this notion by saying that the gods were never heldin high regard and so all the old ways, old yths, and oldlaws are useless in ensuring eternal happiness. Thispieceeal destruction of pagan theology continues throughbook J.

!ook J/ begins the second part of The -ity of 7od, where#ugustine describes the doctrine of the two cities, oneearthly and one heavenly. /n the ne"t three books he detailshow these two cities cae about, based on his reading of the!ible. The ne"t four books e"plain the prehistory of the cityof heaven, fro Genesis to the age of &oloon, whose storyis allegori7ed as $hrist and the church. /n book JA///,#ugustine undertakes a siilar process of portraying theprehistory of the city of the world, fro #braha to the 8ldTestaent prophets.

#ugustine focuses on how the two cities will end in book J/J,and in the process he outlines the nature of the supree

good. e ephasi7es the idea that the peace and happinessfound in the heavenly city can also be e"perienced here onearth. !ook JJ deals with the Cast 3udgent and theevidence found for it in the !ible. #ugustine continues withthis thee in book JJ/ and describes the eternal punishentof the daned, arguing that it is not a yth. The final book,book JJ//, tells of the end of the city of God, after which thesaved will be given eternal happiness and will becoeiortal.

3ustice is the foundation of the state, without ustice the state

is but great robberies. 3ustice is conforing to order and10


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every society involves a certain order. #s Plato said, usticeis right ordering of self and society. Peace is seen in ters ofustice, without ustice there is no peace.

Two cities as formed by two loves:;. 1arthly city is fored by love of self and contept of God.


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(. Tyrannicide is not ustified even in e"cessive tyranny.#ny action should be done by public authority. 4hoeverput hi up can put hi down. /f there is no huanreedy, only God can bring relief.

=. Tyrants rule by divine perission, as a punishent frosins of the people. To escape the, people ust not sin.

inds of law:

;. 1ternal law is the wisdo of God or divine reasondirecting the universe to its end


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is priarily the character or vitality or skill of the individualleaderthat deterines the success of any state. The booksurveys various bold eans of ac5uiring and aintaining theprincipalityand evaluates each of the solely by referenceto its likelihood of augenting the glory of the prince whileserving the public interest. /t is this focus on practicalsuccess by any eans, even at the e"pense of traditionaloral values, that earned 9achiavelliBs schee a reputation

for ruthlessness, deception, and cruelty.

The Prince:

/t has been a coon view aong political philosophers thatthere e"ists a special relationship between oral goodnessand legitiate authority. 9any authors 'especially those whocoposed irror-of-princes books or royal advice booksduring the 9iddle #ges and Renaissance believed that theuse of political power was only rightful if it was e"ercised bya ruler whose personal oral character was strictly virtuous.

Thus rulers were counseled that if they wanted to succeedthat is, if they desired a long and peaceful reign and aied topass their office down to their offspringthey ust be sureto behave in accordance with conventional standards ofethical goodness. /n a sense, it was thought that rulers didwell when they did good2 they earned the right to be obeyedand respected inasuch as they showed theselves to bevirtuous and orally upright. /t is precisely this oralisticview of authority that 9achiavelli critici7es at length in his

best-known treatise, The Prince.

0or 9achiavelli, there is no oral basis on which to udge thedifference between legitiate and illegitiate uses of power.Rather, authority and power are essentially coe5ual: whoeverhas power has the right to coand2 but goodness does notensure power and the good person has no ore authority byvirtue of being good. Thus, in direct opposition to a oralistictheory of politics, 9achiavelli says that the only real concernof the political ruler is the ac5uisition and aintenance ofpower 'although he talks less about powerper sethan about

Eaintaining the state.F /n this sense, 9achiavelli presents a

trenchant criticis of the concept of authority by arguingthat the notion of legitiate rights of rulership adds nothingto the actual possession of power.

The Prince purports to reflect the self-conscious politicalrealis of an author who is fully awareon the basis of directe"perience with the 0lorentine governentthat goodnessand right are not sufficient to win and aintain political

office. 9achiavelli thus seeks to learn and teach the rules ofpolitical power. 0or 9achiavelli, power characteristicallydefines political activity, and hence it is necessary for anysuccessful ruler to know how power is to be used. 8nly byeans of the proper application of power, 9achiavellibelieves, can individuals be brought to obey and will the rulerbe able to aintain the state in safety and security.

9achiavelliBs political theory, then, represents a concertedeffort to e"clude issues of authority and legitiacy froconsideration in the discussion of political decision-akingand political udgeent. owhere does this coe out oreclearly than in his treatent of the relationship between lawand force. 9achiavelli acknowledges that good laws andgood ars constitute the dual foundations of a well-orderedpolitical syste. !ut he iediately adds that since coercioncreates legality, he will concentrate his attention on force. esays, E&ince there cannot be good laws without good ars, /will not consider laws but speak of arsF '9achiavelli ;*)=,(>. /n other words, the legitiacy of law rests entirely uponthe threat of coercive force2 authority is ipossible for

9achiavelli as a right apart fro the power to enforce it.$onse5uently, 9achiavelli is led to conclude that fear isalways preferable to affection in subects, ust as violenceand deception are superior to legality in effectivelycontrolling the.

9achiavelli observes that Eone can say this in general ofen: they are ungrateful, disloyal, insincere and deceitful,tiid of danger and avid of profitM. Cove is a bond ofobligation which these iserable creatures break whenever itsuits the to do so2 but fear holds the fast by a dread of

punishent that never passesF '9achiavelli ;*)=, )


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translation altered. #s a result, 9achiavelli cannot really besaid to have a theory of obligation separate fro theiposition of power2 people obey only because they fear theconse5uences of not doing so, whether the loss of life or ofprivileges. #nd of course, power alone cannot obligate one,inasuch as obligation assues that one cannoteaningfully do otherwise.

$oncoitantly, a 9achiavellian perspective directly attacksthe notion of any grounding for authority independent of thesheer possession of power. 0or 9achiavelli, people arecopelled to obey purely in deference to the superior powerof the state. /f / think that / should not obey a particular law,what eventually leads e to subit to that law will be eithera fear of the power of the state or the actual e"ercise of thatpower. /t is power which in the final instance is necessary forthe enforceent of conflicting views of what / ought to do2 /can only choose not to obey if / possess the power to resistthe deands of the state or if / a willing to accept theconse5uences of the stateBs superiority of coercive force.

9achiavelliBs arguent in The Prince is designed todeonstrate that politics can only coherently be defined inters of the supreacy of coercive power2 authority as aright to coand has no independent status. esubstantiates this assertion by reference to the observablerealities of political affairs and public life as well as byarguents revealing the self-interested nature of all huanconduct.

0or 9achiavelli it is eaningless and futile to speak of anyclai to authority and the right to coand which isdetached fro the possession of superior political power. Theruler who lives by his rights alone will surely wither and dieby those sae rights, because in the rough-and-tuble ofpolitical conflict those who prefer power to authority areore likely to succeed. 4ithout e"ception the authority ofstates and their laws will never be acknowledged when theyare not supported by a show of power which rendersobedience inescapable. The ethods for achieving obedience

are varied, and depend heavily upon the foresight that the

prince e"ercises. ence, the successful ruler needs specialtraining.

The art of politics to ac*uire, retain and expand power: #prince ust have a constant readiness for war. Prince obtaintheir doinions with difficulty because they have tointroduce a new order of things and new regulations to aketheir positions secure. The reforer has eneies who would

profit by the old order of things, who are lukewar becauseof fear of adversaries and who are credulous because lack ofactual e"perience. The prince runs great danger. The princeust not be dependent on others. e should copel and notentreat.

;achiavellis advice for the Prince:;. #rrange to coit all cruelties at once2 inuries should be

done once altogether. !enefits ust be granted little bylittle to be better enoyed. othing should deflect theprince fro this course.


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they see, less of what they feel. 1verybody sees whatyou appear to be.

?. Cet the prince ai at con5uering and aintaining thestate and the eans will always be udged as honorableand praised by everyone for the vulgar is always taken byappearances. 0ew are not vulgar.

The political value of religion:

;. #uthors of religion are best eulogi7ed. People fear tobreak oath ore than laws because of fear of the Gods.


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/n obbess tie, ost 1uropean governents wereonarchies of one kind or another, and virtually all of thebased their legitiacy on the divine right of kings: the notionthat God, not an, deterines who shall have the right torule. /n Ceviathan, obbes ignored the concept of divineright and instead placed the source of governent legitiacys5uarely in huanitys hands. The people in his view, have a

natural right to choose their own for of governent.

obbes proposed that the ideal for of governent is not adeocracy but a state so powerful that its subects will havelittle control over it once they have installed it. /n otherwords, obbes proposed a kind of dictatorship on the basis ofthe consent of the governed:

The only way to erect such power as ay beable to defend the fro invasion of foreignersand the inuries of one another, isM to confer alltheir power and strength upon one an or uponone assebly of en, M and therein to subittheir wills every one to his will and theirudgents, to his udgent. This is ore thanconsent, or concord2 it is real unity of the allMade by covenant of every an, in such aanner, as if every an should say to everyan, / authori7e and give up y right ofgoverning yself, to this an or this asseblyof en, on this condition, that thou give up thyright to hi, and authori7e all his actions in likeannerM to the end he ay use the strengthand eans of the all, as he shall thinke"pedient, for their peace and coon defense.

obbess notion of a covenant is precisely what is eant bya social contract: people freely agreeing with one another tobe governed in a certain way. /t is Ceviathan, a giant of astate to which everyone should voluntarily subit for theirown good. obbes favored an absolute onarchy as thebest for of governent. /n his view, the purpose of the all

powerful state was to reduce fear and violence and not toperpetrate it.

3. 4oh# Loc5e: T!eatises o' (o0e!#+e#t

Cocke believed that when huankind lived in a state ofnature, before the establishent of governents, insecurityand uncertainty prevailed. &ociety without governent was

full of fears and continual dangers, e"acerbated by thecorruption and viciousness of degenerate en, life withoutgovernent would be very unsafe.

Cocke contended that huans were born free. People ownedtheir own lives and their own labor. #s a result, everybodyhad a right to own whatever they could appropriate or takeadvantage of with their own labor, as long as they did nothar anyone else in the process. There were no liitsplaced on the aount of goods one could ac5uire. Thesewere natural laws, Cocke declared, discernible throughreason.!efore there were governents, all en are created e5ual:all enoyed a natural right to their lives and liberties as wellas to tangible goods 'or estates they ac5uired through theirown efforts. /n Cockes ters, these three possessions 6 life,liberty and estate 6 together coprised each individualsproperty.

0or Cocke, a coonwealth is a for of governent that iscreated precisely to preserve these natural rights andpossessions. The great and chief end therefore, of ensuniting into coonwealths and putting theselves undergovernent is the preservation of their property.

The fundaental source of the coonwealths legitiacy iscoon consent. People voluntarily establish a governentof this sort by utual agreeent2 in other words, on thebasis of a social contract. They further agree to aintainsuch governents only so long as it anages to secureeveryones property and preserve the basic freedos to befound in the state of nature. Cocke iplicitly argued that any

governent that pursues these basic purposes is legitiate,17


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because it springs fro natural laws. The powers of the stateust be strictly liited and always subordinate to popularcontrol.

&econd Treatise of Governent: The natural liberty of an isto be free fro any power on earth, and not to be under thewill or legislative authority of an, but to have only the lawof nature for his rule. The liberty of an is to be under no

other legislative power, but that is established, by coonconsent, in the coonwealth2 nor under the doinion ofany will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislative shallenactM. 0reedo of en under governent M is not to besubect to the inconstant, unknown, arbitrary will of anotheran: as freedo of nature is, to be under no restraint butthe law of nature.

Cocke ade it clear that these natural rights and freedosdid not apply to slaves. &laves were captives taken in a ustwar, who, through their own fault, had forfeited their right tolife, liberty and estate. These rights applied only to free enin civil society and slaves were outside civil society. #s aconse5uence, Cocke contended, slaves were by the right ofnature subected to the absolute doinion and arbitrarypower of their asters.

Cockes notion that the fundaental purpose of governentwas to preserve property 'i.e. life, liberty, and estate had atreendous ipact on any of the founding fathers of the@nited &tates a century later. The #erican revolutionariesbattle cry, Eno ta"ation without representationF was arestateent of Cockes notion that governent should notipose ta"es without popular consent. /ndeed, Cocke ayrightfully be considered the intellectual founding father of thedoctrine of liited governent, a doctrine that above alldefines the principal ai of the state as that of protecting therights of the individual, including the right to privateproperty. 'p.;


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Rousseau aintained that the people are united in anorganic Ebody politicF on the basis of the general will. Thegeneral will is the coon good2 it represents what is bestfor the counity as a whole rather than what ay be in theinterest of a single individual or a segent of the counityat any given oent. 0reedo ultiately depends uponconfority with the general will: the liberty of each dependsupon the liberty of all.

/f the general will were to break down into a plethora ofcopeting individual wills, huanity will lose its freedo togovern itself on the basis of coon consent. To avoid sucha breakdown of popular sovereignty, everyone ustultiately subordinate his or her private will to thecounitys collective interest. $onse5uently, whoeverrefuses to obey the general will shall be constrained to do soby the whole body, which eans nothing else that that heshall be forced to be free. 1ven the right to private property,while guaranteed, is always subordinate to the right withwhich the counity has over all. People agree to liit theirindividual freedo in order to share the blessings ofcollective freedo.

ow can the general will be ascertainedI 8n very iportantatters, Rousseau indicated that counity opinion shouldapproach unaniity. 8n less iportant issues, a sipleaority would suffice.

Rousseau defined a republic as any for of governent thatis based on general consent. !ut a republic he contendsdoes not have to be a deocracy. # state run by anaristocratic elite can also be considered a legitiate republicas long as the people, e"ercising their sovereign will,periodically eet in a free assebly to confir or withdrawtheir approval of governent and those who anage it. ebelieved that an elective aristocracy was the best of all forsof governent.

The wisest should govern the ultitude, he declared,provided that they govern for the coon good and not for

their own personal advantage. Popular sovereignty was ost

effective when it was confined to preventing the abuse ofgovernental power by the ruling elite. This goal ight beaccoplished in popular asseblies that could eet only afew days each year. 8therwise the day to day business ofgovernent was best left in the hands of enlightened elite,aristocrats who would probably have a better understandingof the coon good than would the asses theselves.

Rousseau opposed representative deocracy, in whichpeople elect their representatives to govern the. eaintained that the sovereign authority of the people residedin the counity as a whole: it was indivisible and could notbe delegated to elected representatives. The people coulde"ercise their sovereignty only in free asseblies open to all5ualified citi7ens, where every an could represent hiself.

7. "a!l a!8:

Geran philosopher, who together with 1ngels forulatedthe theory of dialectical aterialis 6 the econoic basedeterines the character of a given society through thethesis-antithesis-synthesis. 9ar" critici7ed the ill effects ofcapitalis, as the worker alienated and suffers worst workingconditions. 9ar" envisioned a utopia 6 the withering away ofthe state, there would be no governent, to each accordingto his own needs.

Geran philosopher, econoist and political thinker, usuallyportrayed as the father of


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9ar"is is a theoretical syste developed out of and drewinspiration fro the writings of Karl 9ar". owever, 9ar"isas codified body of thought cae into e"istence only after9ar"s death. The cornerstone of 9ar"ist philosophy is what1ngels called the Eaterialist conception of historyF. Thishighlights the iportance of econoic life and the conditionsunder which people produce and reproduce their eans ofsubsistence, reflected siplistically, in the belief that the

econoic base consisting essentially of the ode ofproduction or econoic syste, conditions or deterines theideological and political superstructure.

9ar"ist theory therefore e"plains social, historical andcultural developent in ters of aterial and class factors.The basis of the 9ar"ist tradition is 9ar"s teleological theoryof history, which suggests that history is driven forwardthrough a dialectical process in which internal contradictionswithin each ode of production are reflected in classantagonis. $apitalis then, is the ost technologicallyadvanced of class societies and is itself destined to beoverthrown in a proletarian revolution, which will culinatein the establishent of a classless, counist society.

9ar"is has constituted for ost of the odern period theprincipal alternative to liberalis as the basis for politicalthought. /ts criti5ue of liberalis aounts to an attack onindividualis and the narrow concern with civic and politicalrights, on the grounds that it ignores wider social andhistorical developents and thereby conceals the reality ofune5ual class power. Ciberalis is the classic e"aple ofbourgeois ideology, in that it serves to legitii7e capitalistclass relations. evertheless, odern 9ar"ists, repelled bythe !olshevik odel of orthodo" counis, havesoeties sought to blend 9ar"is with aspects of liberaldeocracy, notably political pluralis and electoraldeocracy. 9ar"ist theories have influenced feinis andprovide the basis of socialist feinis, which highlights linksbetween capitalis and patriarchy. 9ar"is, further,provided the basis for critical theory that attepted to blend9ar"ist political econoy with egelian philosophy and

0reudian psychology.

The intellectual attraction of 9ar"is has been that itebodies a rearkable breadth of vision, offering tounderstand and e"plain virtually all aspects of social andpolitical e"istence and uncovering the significance ofprocesses that conventional theory ignores.

Politically, it has attacked e"ploitation and oppression and

had a particularly strong appeal to disadvantaged groups andpeoples. owever, 9ar"iss proinence has died in thetwentieth century. &o soe e"tent, this occurred astyrannical and dictatorial features of counist regiestheselves were traced back to 9ar"s ideas andassuptions. 9ar"ist theories were for instances, seen asiplicitly onistic in that rival belief systes are disissedas ideological. The crisis of 9ar"is however intensified as aresult of the collapse of counis in the revolutions in;*?* to ;**;. This suggested that if the social and politicalfors which 9ar"is had inspired no longer e"ist.

The analysis of capitalism: 9ar" stated that capitalis is aneconoic syste in which ost people coe to be ebersof one of two large classes. The two proinent classes undercapitalis are the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Theproletariat is the class that lives priarily by selling its laborpower 'i.e. laboring ability for a wage. The bourgeoisie isthe class that lives priarily by purchasing the labor powerof others and using this labor to operate the factories andbusinesses owned by the bourgeoisie.

9ar" defined class in ters of function. /f person # functionsin society by selling labor power in return for a wage, theperson is a eber of the proletariat, regardless of how highor low the wage ay be. /n contrast, if the person functionsas soeone who operates a factory by eploying wagelaborers, the person is a eber of the bourgeoisie,whatever the persons incoe level.

#ccording to 9ar", under capitalis, conflict between thebourgeoisie and the proletariat is inevitable. This is the case

because classes are rational. !oth pursue that which is in20


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their respective interests. $onse5uently, the bourgeoisie andproletariat clash over the price of wage labor. /t is in theinterest of the bourgeoisie to lower the price of labor, while itis in the interest of the proletariat to raise it.

Thus a rational capitalist will pay subsistence wages to theeployees. &ubsistence wages are defined as the lowestpossible wage for inducing sufficient nubers of capable

workers to fill ob openings. The capitalist keeps soe of thevalue created by workers2 this value is called surplus value 'ite"ist as a surplus above and beyond what is returned to theworkers in the for of wages or profit. Net the e"istence ofprofit is testiony to the fact that the workers have created avalue in e"cess of that paid to the in wages.

#ccording to 9ar", the state plays an iportant role inpreventing conflict between the classes fro erupting intorebellions and riots. /f workers rise up and attept to takeover a factory and deand for higher wages, the states lawenforceent officers will suppress their rebellion. The statesudicial officers will prosecute and the states legislativeofficials ay even respond by writing new laws to preventfuture rebellion. /n short, the state will work to prevent classconflict by enforcing law and order, which under capitalis,indirectly supports the bourgeoisies continued pursuit ofprofit through the payent of subsistence wages to workers.The class that benefits fro the status 5uo gains ost frothe states protection of the status 5uo.

9ar" believed that life under capitalis becae aneotional ordeal for any workers. #lienation is the terused to describe the eotional, cognitive and psychologicaldaage done to the proletariat by capitalis. #lienationeans loss, workers are vulnerable to different kinds ofalienation.

8ne type of alienation is alienation fro the self. # worker isalienated fro his or her self ha s lost a sense of selfawareness and identity, workers such as this live through theday, but they do not e"perience the day any ore than the

achines in the factories e"perience it. Proletarians are also

likely to suffer alienation fro the work process, fro otherworkers and fro society. The creative, productive andcollaborative diensions of working and living are lost to theproletarian who has becoe alost lifeless as the tool's theworkers utili7e. 3ust as capitalis affects the psyche, it alsoinfluences the intellect. 9ar" asserted that intellectualsystes 'ideologies for e"aple are shaped by the politicaleconoic systes in which they arise. /n other words, the

e"istence of capitalis akes soe ideas useful andtherefore renders the eans of obtaining andOor holdingpower.

9ar" believed that capitalis was dooed and that theproletariat was its grave digger. #ccording to his analysis,capitalis would pass through a serious crisis ofoverproduction. This would bring the proletariat torevolutionary class consciousness. 9ar" proclaied that theproletarian revolution was inevitable and predicted that itwould occur through spontaneous uprising aied at sei7ingcontrol of the eans of production.

9ar" predicted that proletarian revolution would usher in atransitionary socialist period during which a dictatorship ofthe proletariat would be re5uired to contain a counterrevolution ounted by the dispossessed bourgeois.owever, as class antagonis faded and a fully counistsociety cae into e"istence, this proletarian state wouldsiply wither away. # counist society would be classlessin the sense wealth would be owned in coon by all andthe syste of coodity production would be replaced byone of production for use geared to the satisfaction ofgenuine huan needs.

B. "e& I)eologies

A. Li2e!alis+

Ciberalis ideas resulted fro the breakdown of feudalis in1urope and the growth, in its place, of a arket capitalistsociety. /n its earliest for, liberalis was a political

doctrine, which attacked absolutis and feudal privilege,21


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instead advocating constitutional and later, representativegovernent.

!y the nineteenth century, a distinctively liberal politicalcreed had developed that e"tolled the virtues of laisse7-fairecapitalis and condened all fors of econoic and socialintervention. This becae the centerpiece of classical ornineteenth century, liberalis. 0ro the late nineteenth

century onwards, however, a for of social liberaliseerged which looked ore favorably on welfare refor andeconoic anageent. This becae the characteristicthee of odern liberalis.

Ciberal thought is characteri7ed by a coitent toindividualis, a belief in the supree iportance of thehuan individual, iplying strong support for individualfreedo. 0ro the liberal viewpoint, individuals are rationalcreatures who are entitled to the greatest possible freedoconsistent with a like freedo for fellow citi7ens. $lassicalliberalis is distinguished by a belief in the inial state,whose functions is liited to the aintenance of doesticorder and personal security.

$lassical liberals ephasi7e that huan beings areessentially self-interested and largely self sufficient2 as far aspossible, people should be responsible for their own lives andcircustances. #s a result, liberals look towards the creationof a eritocratic society in which rewards are distributedaccording to individual talent and hardwork. #s an econoicdoctrine, classical liberalis e"tols the erits of a self-regulating arket in which governent intervention is bothunnecessary and daaging.

$lassical liberal ideas are e"pressed in certain natural rightstheories and utilitarianis and provide a cornerstone of thelibertarian political thought. 9odern liberalis, however,e"hibits a ore sypathetic attitude towards the state. Thisshift was born out of the recognition that industrial capitalishad erely generated new fors of inustice and left theass of the population subect to the vagaries of the arket.

This view provided the basis for social or welfare liberalis,

which is characteri7ed by the recognition that stateintervention can enlarge liberty by safeguarding individualsfro the social evils that blight their e"istence.

The theoretical basis for the transition fro classical toodern liberalis was provided by the developent ofpositive view of freedo. 4hereas classical liberals hadunderstood freedo in negative ters, as the absence of

e"ternal constraints upon the individual, odern liberalslinked freedo to personal developent and self-reali7ation.This created clear overlaps between odern liberalis andsocial deocracy.

Ciberalis has undoubtedly been the ost iportanteleent in 4estern political tradition. /ndeed, soe identifyliberalis in 4estern civili7ation in general. 8ne of theiplications of this is that liberalis strives not to prescribeany particular conception of the good life, but to establishconditions in which individuals and groups can pursue thegood life as each defines it. The great virtue of liberalis isits unrelenting coitent to individual freedo, reasoneddebate and toleration.

-lassical


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#ccording to Cocke, what we learn fro a study of the stateof nature is that huan nature is characteri7ed by freedo,e5uality and reason. uans are naturally free, born withthe duty to subit to no one. That is, there are no naturalrulers to who we owe obedience in the state of nature. 8nthe contrary, each person is naturally e5ual to all others.1ach person is born e5ually free and e5ually in thepossession of certain natural rights. These rights are an

eleent of our natural huan nature. Cocke believed thatour natural rights include the right to life, liberty andproperty. /nsofar as each of us is e5ually huan, each of ushas an e5ual clai to enoy these rights freely.

uans possess a natural capacity to reason and can usethis reason to deduce a set of ethical codes by which to live.Cocke calls these ethical principles 6 the laws of nature.Cocke identified the following specific laws of nature:

;. Preserve yourself2 take yourself and your needs, workto proote your own survival.


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living fully and actively, utili7ing ones talents and fulfillingones potential.

#n interventionist state is needed to proote the cause ofe"pansive liberty, which is often called positive liberty.&tates should not be liited to the protection of individualis'i.e. Cocke and &ith are incorrect, but should intervene insociety on behalf of those whose positive liberty is violated.

9odern liberals like T.. Green supported governent actionto assist those who lacked the resources needed to developtheir own potential.

9odern liberals have called for governent assistance toworking woen and en who could not, in the absence oflaws supporting the, deand that eployers provide safeworking conditions and increased wages. 9odern liberalshave also proposed laws be enacted to regulate the aountof hours that eployers could be re5uired to work and thatlaws be passed to proote regulations to further public

health. /t was governents ob to intervene in society andrestrict the liberty of one person or group if that person ofgroup happened to be carrying out actions that denied othersthe opportunities of pursing the fullest reali7ation of huanpotential.

9odern liberals believe that state intervention can prooteand enhance individual freedo. Defining freedo aspositive liberty, odern liberals assert that state regulationsprotecting health for instance prevent the e"ploitation andthe denial of positive liberty. /ncreased state intervention insociety can lead to increased levels of e"pansive liberty.

9odern liberals are not as willing as are the classical liberalsto accept econoic ine5uality. &oeone who is poor ayhave a difficult tie reali7ing his or her potential2 therefore,poverty is an ipedient to e"pansive liberty and should bereedied by laws enacted by the interventionist state.9odern liberalis prootes the social welfare of society 6the logic of welfare policies designed to help the poor andthe disabled to achieve their potential.

ey figures:

;. =ohn %tuart ;ill: 9ills iportance to liberalis largelyrests upon his construction of a liberal theory s5uarelybased upon the virtues of liberty, as opposed to earlierideas such as natural rights and utilitarianis. isconviction of an as a progressive being led hi to recoilfro interventionis, but encouraged hi to develop a

notion of individuality that stresses the prospects forhuan developent and provides an iportantfoundation for odern liberal thought.


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significant contribution to both the odern liberal andsocial deocratic political traditions.

B. Co#se!0atis+:

$onservatis is an ideology that is generally thought of asseeking to conserve or preserve soe reality. &oe fors ofconservatis are oriented toward conserving the status 5uo.

$onservative ideas and doctrines first eerged in the lateeighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as a reactionagainst the growing pace of econoic and political change,which was in any ways syboli7ed by the 0renchRevolution. owever, fro the outset, divisions inconservative thought were apparent. /n continental 1urope,an authoritarian and reactionary for of conservatisdeveloped that reected out of hand any idea of refor.

# ore cautious, ore fle"ible and ultiately ore

successful for of conservatis nevertheless eerged in!ritain and the @nited &tates that prudently accepted naturalchange or change in order to conserve. This stance enabledconservatives fro the late nineteenth century onwards toebrace the cause of social refor under the banner ofpaternalis and social duty. evertheless, such ideas caeunder increasing pressure fro the ;*>Hs onwards as aresult of the developent of the ew Right.

$onservatives have typically distrusted the developedtheories and abstract principles, which characteri7e otherpolitical traditions, preferring instead to trust tradition,history and e"perience. #n enduring thee in conservativethought is the perception of society as a oral counity,held together by shared values and beliefs and functioning asan organic whole. This inclines conservatives to advocatestrong governent and the strict enforceent of law andorder but, indful of the danger of despotis, they haveusually insisted upon a balanced constitution.

#lthough traditional conservatives have been fir supporters

of private property, they have typically advocated a non-

ideological and pragatic attitude to the relationshipbetween the state and individual. 4hereas conservatis inthe @nited &tates carries with it the iplication of liitedgovernent, the paternalistic tradition, evident in E8neation conservatisF in !ritain and $hristian deocracy incontinental 1urope overlaps with the welfarist andinterventionist beliefs found in odern liberalis.

The ew Right encopasses two distinct and, soe wouldargue, conflicting traditions: econoic liberalis and socialconservatis. 1conoic liberalis or neo liberalis, oftenseen as the doinant thee within the ew Right, drawsheavily upon classical liberalis and advocates rolling backthe frontiers of the state in the nae of private enterprise,the free arket and individual responsibility. #s a backlashagainst the steady growth of state power perpetuatedthrough uch of the twentieth century by liberal, socialistand conservative governents, neo liberalis can be seenas a anifestation of the liberal tradition. &ocial

conservatives or neo-conservatives, draw attention to theperceived breakdown of order and social stability that hasresulted fro the spread of liberal and perissive values.They highlight the dangers of iplicit in oral and culturaldiversity, propose that traditional values ust bestrengthened and argue for the restoration of authority andsocial discipline.

$onservative political thought has always been open to thecharge that it accounts to ruling class ideology. /nproclaiing the need to resist change, it legitii7es thestatus 5uo and defends the interest of the doinant elitegroups. 8ther critics alleged that division betweentraditional conservatis and the ew Right runs deep thatthe conservative tradition has becoe entirely incoherent.

owever, in their defense, conservatives argue that they areerely advancing certain enduring if unpalatable, truthsabout huan nature and the societies we live in. Thathuan beings are orally and intellectually iperfect andseek the security that only tradition, authority and a shared

culture can offer, erely underlines the wisdo of traveling25


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light in theoretical ters. 1"perience and history will alwaysprovide a sounder basis for political theory than will abstractprinciples such as liberty, e5uality and ustice.

8dmund ur'e: on -onservatism - !urke begins hisdiscussion of political ideology with a critical analysis ofhuan nature. e argues that huan nature is notcharacteri7ed by rational supreacy. 4hile individuals have

the ability to reason, the ability is severely liited. 9ostpeople do not reason clearly. @pon e"aining history, onesees that people are often irrational, eotional andunpredictable. /ndividuals ost certainly do not possess thekind of reasoning capacity accorded to the by Cocke andthe $lassical Ciberals. !urke e"plains that individuals areincapable of using their reason to run their lives soothly.

People are naturally une5ual. People are naturally differentin ters of their political capacities of ruling than others.Thus society is best arranged when those who are natural

rulers do the ruling. To call for e5uality in the laws and todeand that all individuals be placed on the sae level ofdecision aking would be erroneous according to !urke.4ith regards, to natural rights, !urke contends that ifsoeone is that he or she has a right to soething, theperson begins e"pecting and deanding it.

These deands place undue pressures on society2 as peopleclaor for the power to enoy all that they are told they havea natural right to possess. Thus, !urke concludes, whilenatural rights technically e"ist in abstract, analytical sense,they should not be the basis of governent decision aking,nor should they be stressed in political speeches andplatfors. /f governents stress rights, they engendergrandiose e"pectations aong the populace.

Reason cannot be considered as a trustworthy guide toethical decision aking because reason alone is insufficientto generate ethical clarity. /f reason is weak, reason isinade5uate as a basis for individual decision aking and selfguidance. /f an individual cannot use his or her reason to

deduce any laws of nature, to figure out the conse5uences of

any potential decisions, to logically select between anypossible alternatives, then this individuals reason has lefthi or her copletely helpless.

Given this preise, traditional values are needed. /nstead oflooking to reason for answers, look to the oral guidelinespassed down by generations of woen and en. Theseguidelines have coforted huanity and provided strength

in ties of ethical confusion. $onservatives challenge us toconserve traditional orality because without traditionalorality, we lose our connection with ethical certainty.Traditional values teach us right fro wrong in a way thatreason cannot. Reason can only confuse us by suggestingthat there are no oral absolutes.

-ivil institutions should teach traditional morality. $ivilinstitutions are non governent organi7ations within society,e"aples include failies and religious institutions. !ypassing along long standing oral values fro one

generation to the ne"t, civil institutions prepare individuals tolive peacefully and orderly. 4hen civil institutions areoperating in this anner, society functions soothly, withoutthe violence and disruptions. Governents are to supportcivil institutions by providing a secure setting in which theycan operate.

9orality is ore iportant than individual freedo./ndividual freedo ust not be coproised so thatindividuals confor to the teachings of traditional values.0reedo should not include freedo to act in an ioralanner. People should not insist on the freedo to act outon any ipulse or desire. Thus traditional conservativesbelieve in freedo, but freedo with boundaries. Thus,traditional conservatives favor freedo liited by anacknowledgeent of the duty to live in copliance withgoodness.

ey figures:

;. 8dmund ur'e: # Dublin born !ritish statesan and

political theorist, !urke was the father of the #nglo26


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evertheless, feinist theory and practice is highly diverse.The earliest feinist ideas derived largely fro liberalisand reflected a coitent to individualis and forale5uality. /n contrast, socialist feinis, largely derived fro9ar"is has highlighted links between feale subordinationand the capitalist ode of production, drawing attention tothe econoic significance of woen being confined to thefaily or doestic life.

8n the other hand, radical feinists oved beyond theperspectives of e"isting political traditions. They portraygender divisions as the ost fundaental and politicallysignificant cleavages in society and call for the radicalrestructuring of personal, doestic and faily life. owever,the breakdown of feinis into three traditions-liberal,socialist and radical feinis-has becoe yet oresophisticated and diverse. #ongst it ore recent forshave been black feinis, psychoanalytic feinis, eco-feinis and postodern feinis.

The aor strength of feinist political theory is that itprovides a perspective on political understanding that it isuncontainated by the gender biases that pervadeconventional thought. 0einis has not erelyreinterpreted the contribution of aor theorists and shednew light upon established concepts such as power,doination and e5uality, but also introduced a newsensitivity and language into political theory related to ideassuch as connection, voice and difference. 0einis hasnevertheless been critici7ed on the grounds that its internaldivisions are now so sharp that feinist theory has lost allcoherence and unity.

8thers suggest that feinist theory has becoe disengagedfro a society that is increasingly post feinist, in that,largely thanks to feinis, the doestic, professional andpublic roles of woen, at last in developed societies, haveundergone a aor transforation.

6eminism is an ideology that opposes the political, economicand>or cultural relegation of women to positions of inferiority.

0einis criti5ues laws, custos and beliefs which positsthat woen are inferior to en, contribute to discriinationover woen andOor value ens freedo and well being overthat of woen.

0einis criti5ues historical, conteporary, national andcross cultural practices that deny woen the possibility ofliving as free, self governing individuals. 0einis is

philosophically siilar to liberalis2 in that both ideologieschapion autonoy and reect as illegitiate and unethicalthe notion that one personOgroup has a natural clai todoinate or to e"ercise arbitrary power over another.

/n upholding the fundaental e5uality of woen and en,feinists have criti5ued and argued against the institution ofpatriarchy. Patriarchy is a ter used by feinists to describethe rule of en, as a social group, over woen as a socialgroup. Patriarchy is anifested in the following preises:

;. 4oen have been denied e5uality of resources. 4oen have been denied e5ual protection by the

state

0einist further contend that this patriarchy has been heldup as legitiate and ustifiable by the teachings of nuerousreligions, intellectual traditions and cultural authorities.

9ary 4ollstonecraft 'Aindication of the Rights of 4oen 6&he wanted woen to be included within the concept ofhuan nature. &he wanted woen, no less than en to beregarded as rational beings capable of self deterination andliberty, that reason is a huan trait not ust a ale one. &hecontends that oppression creates vice. &pecifically, whenwoen are oppressed by patriarchy, woen develop

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behavioral habits designed to appeal to ale conceptions ofproper feinity. &uch traits include superficiality,obse5uiousness, and feigned weakness, supposedhelplessness and ealousy of other woen.

These behaviors are deeaning, irresponsible and dishonest.9en also develop vices under patriarchy. 4hen societyplaces en in a privileged position and tells the they are

superior to woen, en are in danger of becoing arrogant,full of theselves and self absorbed. 9en and woen shouldlive virtuously 6 if woen were seen as ens e5uals, woenwould stop acting helpless and would begin to develop asense of responsibility for their own lives and en would stoprelegating to woen fro a position of condescension.

ey figures:

;. ;ary 1ollstonecraft: 4ollstonecrafts E# vindication of theRights of 4oenF is usually regarded as the first odern

te"t of odern feinis and was written against thebackdrop of the 0rench Revolution, any years before theeergence of the woens suffrage oveent. /narguing that woen should be entitled to the sae rightsand privileges as en on the grounds that they arehuan beings, she established what was to becoe thecore principle of liberal feinis.

Documents

RIZAL SPT Primary Notes