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Universidade Federal Fluminense , Belo Horizonte , BrazilPublished online: 16 Jul 2013.

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REVIEW ESSAY

Recent books on crime and police in Brazil

In this review, authors Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta Correaexamine a few of the key publications on crime and law enforcement in Brazil thathave appeared in the past few years. The publications illustrate how the field hasstructured itself in Brazil. They identify pioneering studies and how the directionsthese took shape in the studies area today, as expressed in the current literature. Oneof these volumes is a compendium of interviews with the so-called foundingfathers of criminology in Brazil; the others are anthologies that reflect the work ofresearch groups that have sprung around them. The anthology organized byMachado da Silva centers on the concept of violent sociability and its importancefor understanding crime and the relations between the police and citizens at themargins of Brazilian society. The second volume, Roberto Kant de Limas anthology,stresses that crime is managed via a mosaic of assembled truths, and contends thatthe apparatus of law enforcement and the criminal justice system aim to reinforceBrazilian societys characteristic inequality.

Keywords: crime; policing; public security; sociology of crime; Brazil

As cincias sociais e os pioneiros nos estudos sobre crime, violncia e direitos

humanos no Brasil, edited by Renato Srgio de Lima e Jos Luiz Ratton, So Paulo,

Frum Brasileiro de Segurana Pblica, Urbnia, ANPOCS, 2011, 304 pp., BRL 35,00,ISBN: 9788565102001

Vida sob cerco: violncia e rotina nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro edited by Luiz

Antnio Machado da Silva, Rio de Janeiro, Nova Fronteira, 2008, 316 pp., BRL 48,90,

ISBN: 8526010190

Conflitos, Direitos e Moralidades em Perspectiva Comparada (Volume II) edited by

Roberto Kant de Lima Lucia Eilbaum e Lenin Pires, Rio de Janeiro, Garamond, 2010,

284 pp., BRL 42,00, ISBN: 978857617172

In early October 2011, the United Nations (UN) issued a report on the growing crime

rates over the past 10 years, calling attention to the size of the issue in Brazil, a nation

with one of highest homicide rates in the world: 30 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants for

2009 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDC, 2011). If the data assembled

by the UNDC showed growing levels of violence over the past decade, Brazilian crime

literature showed that interest in the topic has risen comparably. According to specialist

literature reviews published through the Associao Nacional dos Programas de Ps

Graduao em Cincias Sociais (ANPOCS), the number of papers published on crime,

violence, police, and justice, all of which can be subsumed under sociology of crime

has more than doubled over the past 10 years. This trend is illustrated in Table 1.

Police Practice and Research, 2013

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This increase in the number of publications has also helped confirm the status of a

few authors as the fields founding fathers,1 and the citation of their work has become

standard practice in the field. Thus, anyone venturing into research on crime and its

impact on Brazilian institutions (and the dynamics of the Brazilian criminal system)

must develop a deeper understanding of the trajectory of these authors.

The book organized by Renato Srgio de Lima and Jos Luiz Ratton (2011) is a

collection of interviews given by the pioneers in crime, violence, and human rights

studies in Brazil. It shows us that the subject matter was first addressed in Brazil in the

1970s, focusing especially on an analysis of the workings of law enforcement agencies.

These enthomethodologial studies evaluated how the viewpoints of members of the

police forces define crime and criminals, and how it affected police statistics.

The pioneers in the field Antnio Luiz Paixo and Edmundo Campos Coelho2 both

spent a few months in the USA in the early 1970s. Their stay brought them into

contact with academic literature that focused not on the causes of crime, but rather

stressed that crime is a social construct that arises from the interaction of various

control agencies and individuals who share specific stereotypes. The concept contrib-

uted to their understanding of how prisons translate into associations of individuals whoare young, poor, and black, a topic was widely analyzed by both researchers.

Elizabeth Leeds (2011, p. 08) believes that Paixo and Campos Coelhos importance

goes beyond their innovating analyses of law enforcement and the corrections system.

Leeds notes that Paixo was the first to start a partnership between universities and law

enforcement: it was the first step in bringing down barriers that isolated the police

academy, it fostered an interest in public security studies among police officers and in a

new generation of university students.

Following similar lines, Roberto Kant de Limas work on law enforcement and the

judiciary system stands out. Kant de Lima employs ethnographic methods in his

analysis of the workings of offi

cial control agencies and the belief systems, values, andattitudes of those involved in law enforcement and the judicial system. In Kant de

Limas view, these organizations operate according to distinct systems of judicial think-

ing that ultimately reifies the vast inequality of society and greatly shapes the actions of

law enforcement agents. It was precisely due to this almost postmodern diagnosis that

Kant de Lima along with Paixo has shown an interest in generating closer ties with

the police. Kant de Lima has contributed to their training by adding a perspective that

fosters reflection in contrast with the standard training based on rote learning more

commonly offered in Brazilian police academies.

Other researchers began their careers employing a symbolic interactionist approach

to understanding deviance, a notion introduced in Brazil by Gilberto Velho3 after his per-

iod at Austin University, coincidentally also in the early 1970s (Velho, 2002). Velhos

US experience led him to organize a few courses and seminars at Rio de Janeiros

Museu Nacional, and they sparked an interest in crime among local researchers. Among

Table 1. Number of studies published in sociology of crime, by time period.

Time frame Number of papers Bibliographic Reference

19721993 264 Adorno (1993)

1974

1998 397 Zaluar (1999)19702000 1166 Kant de Lima, Misse, and Miranda (2000)20002010 1374 Barreira and Adorno (2010)

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them were Michel Misse (noted for his study on juvenile justice), Alba Zaluar, (who

studied how crime affects associativism in shantytowns), and Julita Lemgruber (who

looked into the workings of female prisons).

In parallel, another group of researchers worked somewhat independently of the

North American sociological tradition and experience in the USA. These researchers,

based mostly in So Paulo, focused their crime research on re-democratization and on

the change that came over institutions that transitioned from having an ideological role

to taking on the mission of providing equal human rights protection for all. Here, we

find scholars such as Paulo Sergio Pinheiro and Srgio Adorno who devoted themselves

to an empirical study of the workings of the criminal justice system in the postauthori-

tarian period.

Taken as a whole, all of these branches of crime sociology in Brazil are consistent

in their distinctiveness. While criminological research in North America began by look-

ing into the social causes of crime, scholarship in Brazil focused on the sociology of

institutions from the very beginning. From early on, Brazilian crime studies focused on

how crime management institutions work, whether they involve the military police andcivil police forces, the judiciary, or the corrections system.

True to its origins, Brazilian literature in the field thus entered heavily into the field

of public policy. It focused on the issue of state involvement in the institutional

management of crime and the public authorities' potential role in a number of respects:

in limiting the criminalization of those at the margins of society (Coelho, 1978); in

reducing social discrimination on the part of law enforcement (Paixo, 1982; Kant de

Lima, 1995) and the criminal justice system (Adorno, 1995); and with respect to the

virtual abandonment of prisoners in the corrections system, turning it into a school of

crime (Coelho, 1987; Lemgruber, 1993).

According to Claudio Beato, the fact that researchers privileged the criminal justiceand corrections system as research topics while failing to address the causes of crime

created an environment that was not conducive to the institutionalization of the sociol-

ogy of crime per se, and this had consequences for public policy. Firstly, the lack of

theory on the social causes of crime leaves researchers at a loss when faced with any

fluctuations in the homicide rate, whether it rises or drops. Researchers are left with

factoids and operate virtually bereft of theory. Secondly, the subsequent generation of

researchers has been content to merely describe any crime-related social phenomena

that may engender public policy, ready for immediate implementation by any authority

at any government level, be it federal, state, or municipal.

In Machado da Silvas view, sociology of crime has over the past few years struc-

tured itself in Brazil in a way that is reminiscent of the Chicago School in the early

twentieth century4; its focus on understanding social issues and positing solutions

through state management, bringing researchers and policy-makers together. This rests

on the crucial assumption that researchers are independent and free to criticize decisions

taken by various administrations through empirical data, while making sure that acade-

mia does not itself become a purveyor of public policy which is essential to a

well-balanced relation between the production of academic knowledge and public policy.

For Kant de Lima, however, such caution is excessive and unnecessary. In his view

academia should intervene directly through training professionals and crafting public

policies. Kant de Limas views are shared by many founding fathers in the field,

researchers known not only as precursors in terms of research, but also as academicresearchers who entered public administration. Among them: Julita Lemgruber,5 Luiz

Eduardo Soares,6 Csar Barreira,7 Cludio Beato8, and Jos Luiz Ratton.9

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While it is possible to make a distinction among Brazilian sociologists of crime,

distinguishing pure researchers from those who have developed a deeper connection

with public security institutions, Machado da Silva (p. 172) suggests yet another form

of classification. In his view, there are two main forms of academic literature: (1)

centers on societal forces, including attempts to understand criminal and violent

relations, as well as the interactions between the police and society seen as a product of

the social order itself; and (2) state-centric, where we include the analyses of state

institutions and their role in defining crime and the belief, and value systems and

postures that come into play when these institutions are called into action.

In order to exemplify the content of the two categories, we will analyze two

anthologies: one that consolidates the work of the group led by Machado da Silva,

representing the societal perspective; and the other that brings together the work coordi-

nated by Kant de Limas group, representing the state-centric view.

According to Machado da Silva, his groups work endeavors to show how residents

of Rio de Janeiros favelas struggle to live with the inescapable territorial contiguity they

share with armed gangs (linked to the illegal drug trade), with the violent attacks of thepolice and the militias, and the distrust that this close proximity generates, especially

among the part of the population that does not live in these areas.

This group of researchers argues that to live in that reality generates a sharp sense of

territorial confinement, since the constant confrontations among armed gangs and

between the latter and the police apparatus make it challenging when not outright impos-

sible to enjoy the regular and constant essential right, the freedom to come and go.

Alongside the violent dynamics involving young boys engaged in the activities of

drug gangs, it is possible to note the presence of groups in the favelas that try to

achieve a form of symbolic cleansing. They reaffirm their identity as workers in

contrast to that of criminals as a mechanism for asserting a few of their citizen rights,as seen in the first study on this topic (Zaluar, 1985). However, the major change in the

organization of life in these areas is that, while before the police tried to confine crimi-

nals to the shantytowns in order to prevent their entry into more affluent parts of the

city (Paixo, 1982), with the emergence of the militias over the past few years 10 work-

ers have also been confined to these areas (Machado da Silva, 2008).11 The detrimental

outcome of this phenomenon is the implementation of public security policies against

and not with the underclass, which in turn reinforces the role of the police as an instru-

ment of confinement and reifies the notion of life under siege as the defining trait of

existence in shantytown.

Thus, a new form of sociability emerges as a result of the action of groups of drug

dealers, police, and the militia, one that is characteristic of the criminals that reside in

these areas but which also subjects the ordinary residents to the same rationale. It is a

violent form of sociability in which actions are almost exclusively coordinated accord-

ing to levels of physical force. In this scenario, the key players do not share common

values that could regulate the use of violence to achieve their goals, instead limiting it

to a means among various others to achieve ones desires. It is exactly for this reason

that the only element taken into consideration by the key players involved in networks

of violent sociability is the capacity of resistance that others may put up to prevent

them from fulfilling their more immediate desires (Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 21).

Therefore, in violent sociability, the person with more power will use others, as

well as any tools to impose their will without considering any ethical principles, moralduties or affections, etc. As a result, ordinary shantytown residents are twice domi-

nated: under the dominant social order, they compose the inferior strata of the social

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structure; under violent sociability, they are forced to submit to the drug dealers

(Machado da Silva, 2008, p. 22). To survive in this scenario, residents need not only to

distinguish changes in the command of rivaling drug factions that fight over control of

the area, the interactions between criminals and the police, or the militia rule that is

spreading across the city, but they must also be capable of noticing the changes in the

command of the actual police organization, which may also define how state organiza-

tions interact with the fringes of society.12

In this regard, the Pacification Police Units (Unidade de Policia Pacificadora or UPP

in Portuguese) that have regulated a new perspective for residents in the favela, may be

seen as a privileged example of how sociability in these communities is the result of

the capacity to impose power, either by drug gangs, militia, or by the now permanent

occupation of the Military Police in these communities.13

The point in common between Machado da Silvas (2008) approach and Kant de

Lima, Eilbaum, and Pires (2010) is the idea that the presence of the State in different

regions of society is not homogeneous. The factors that condition not only the states

presence in general, but especially of police action are defined according to the charac-teristics of the subject targeted. The difference lies in the fact that Machado da Silvas

group tries to understand the impact of crime and police action on the life of favela

residents, whereas the group coordinated by Kant de Lima seeks to understand which

factors determine police and legal action.

Thus, using ethnography as a research technique, the researchers of the group

coordinated by Kant de Lima seek to identify and understand how certain acquired sets

of knowledge of legal operators are implemented, and which are reflected in the way

that these operators negotiate the existence of crimes (for example, in the case of the

quantity of drugs that defines who is a user or a dealer, when the law does not make

that distinction), how offences are filed (in terms of the production of criminal statistics)and modes of conflict administration at various judicial levels.

Before going into the actual analysis of the book by Kant de Lima et al. (2010), it is

important to underline that he coordinated14 an extremely multidisciplinary group, com-

posed not only of lawyers, sociologists, anthropologists, and political scientists, but also

of judges, public defenders, and police officers. This group also boasted an extensive

contribution by people beyond academic circles, because Kant de Lima spent several

years teaching the specialty course that the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro must com-

plete to be promoted from major to colonel. As this course is independently coordinated

by the Federal Fluminense University (UFF), the class is also open to other police orga-

nizations and people with an overall interest in the topic. As a result of this interaction,

the police officers themselves were given an opportunity to reflect on their practices and

also open the doors of their departments to those with an interest in the topic. 15

To a certain extent, this multidisciplinary aspect is reflected in the collection

analyzed in this study, as the compiled articles emphasize the processes of the produc-

tion of knowledge, truth, security and justice by the institutions of the systems of public

security and criminal justice. The works involve discussions on various legal and moral

meanings of issues such as truth, evidence, incidences, justice and legal equality, as

well as on criminal investigation procedures, legal decision-making and their multiple

ties to the nature of the conflicts involved (Kant de Lima et al., 2010, p. 07).

Unlike the work of Machado da Silva (2008) that focused on how the residents of

the favela perceived the violence of which they had been participants and victims, thefocus of Kant de Lima et al. (2010) is the operational standard of the state institutions

and how these perceive the citizens that seek their assistance or who are processed by



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Notes

1. This book includes interviews with the following researchers: Alba Zaluar, Antnio LuizPaixo, Csar Barreira, Cludio Beato, Edmundo Campos Coelho, Elizabeth Leeds, GlucioSoares, Jos Vicente Tavares dos Santos, Julita Lemgruber, Luciano Oliveira, Luiz Antnio

Machado da Silva, Luiz Eduardo Soares, Maria Stela Grossi Porto, Michel Misse, PauloSrgio Pinheiro, Roberto Kant de Lima and Srgio Adorno. Thus, whenever any of theseresearchers are cited in reference to this book, citations will preclude the date of the

publication.2. There are just three women in a group of 16 people.3. At this point, both of them are deceased.4. Gilberto Velho passed way on April, 2012. By this time, Howard Becker (a prominent author

on interactionism approach) published A few words about Gilberto Velho (19452012)presenting the importance of Velhos work for sociology in general and how this friendshiphas changed Beckers own work.

5. Since the academic research in this field is very tight to public policy.6. Julita Lemgruber was the first female to direct the penitentiary system on the state of Rio de

Janeiro (19911993) and the first police ombudsman of this state (19992000). Probably, shewas who started the straight connection between academy and public policies in this field.

7. Luiz Eduardo Soares was National Public Security Secretary (JanuaryOctober 2003);Subsecretary and Coordinator of Security, Justice and Citizenship of the State of Rio deJaneiro (January 1999March 2000); consultant of Porto Alegre City Hall and author of thecitys municipal security plan, as well as responsible for implementing its pilot Project (in2001); Municipal Secretary for the Protection of Life and Prevention of Violence at NovaIguau, RJ (20072009).

8. Csar Barreira has headed the Academia Estadual de Segurana Pblica, responsible for theintegrated training of civil and military police officers, firemen, and corrections security agentssince 2011. It is a groundbreaking experience in the country, since in other states each force hasa separate academy and training is often closed within their ranks, making integration amongforces during operations more challenging.

9. Cludio Beato is a consultant of the State of Minas Gerais in the field of Social Defense.10. Jos Luiz Ratton is a consultant of the Government of the State of Pernambuco in the field of

public security.11. According to Cano (2008), the militia can be defined as irregular armed groups, led by state

public security officers (which include civil and military police, state firemen, and correctionsagents) who exercise coercive control over a region and its population motivated byopportunities of individual gain, while legitimizing their actions with a discourse of providing

protection to residents and establishing order.12. According to Machado da Silva (2008, p. 25), under the pretext of preventing drug gangs

from controlling favelas, the militia have organized themselves like corporations, typical ofthe adventure capitalism mentioned by Max Weber, in addition to charging protection like themafia and monopolizing important local economic activities (alternative transportation, the

sale of bottled gas, the illegal distribution of cable TV signals, etc.).13. According to an article by Brazilian newspaper O Globo on 30 October 2011, the militia have

not only spread throughout the city of Rio de Janeiro, but are also present in 11 Brazilian statesand are no longer an exclusive characteristic of Rio de Janeiro.

14. The Pacification Police Units (UPPs) were created in January of 2009, by order of decree nr.41.650, as a way to execute a different kind of policing in areas under its responsibility, in

partnership with the population. The community policing exercised by the UPP not only aimsto prevent and reduce crime, but above all, to reduce the risk of harm to victims and residents.It is a preventative strategy for the benefit of the common good, aimed at improving thequality of life of the population served (from the official website of the RJ Military Police).However, according to Batista (2011, p. 06), the foundation and operation of the UPP may beexplained differently: To expel these armed groups [of drug gangs] from communities, a

policing technique was devised that subjects the entire daily routine of the favela to a militarypolice regime. After the massacre of boys (Rios police kills approximately 1,500 youth a year)a police force is set up in the favela, whose commander usually a captain controlseverybody and everything. He is the one who authorizes which events take place, even those



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held on private premises, as well as what time they should finish; some also decree an eveningcurfew. This is called a UPP. But in fact, the UPPS are centers of collective human rightsmisappropriation. It is exactly in this sense as described by Batista (2011) that the UPP unitsare seen in the context of the presentation of the work of Machado da Silva (2008).

15. Located at the UFF.16. It is worth highlighting that this center is also concerned with publicizing the efforts of the

criminal justice system operators in reflecting on their daily routine, and thus the final papers ofthis course (which in 2008 was transferred to the Getulio Vargas Foundation) are included inthe following collections: MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; LIMA, Lana Lage da Gama(Org.). Polticas pblicas de segurana, informao e anlise criminal (translation: PublicSecurity Policies, Information and Criminal Analsysis). Niteri, RJ: EdUFF, 2008. p. 585(Coleo Antropologia e Cincia Poltica, 43. Srie Justia Criminal e Segurana pblica, Vol.1). PIRES, Lenin; EILBAUM, Lucia (Org.). Polticas pblicas de segurana e prticas policiaisno Brasil (translation: Public Security Policies and Police Practices in Brazil). Niteri, RJ:EdUFF, 2009. p. 558 (Coleo Antropologia e Cincias Polticas, 45. Srie Justia Criminal esegurana pblica, Vol. 2). MIRANDA, Ana Paula Mendes de; MOTA, Fabio Reis (Org.).Prticas punitivas, sistema prisional e justice (translation: Punitive Practices, the Prison Systemand Justice). Niteri, RJ: EdUFF, 2010. p. 547 (Coleo Antropologia e Cincia Poltica, 47.

Srie Justia Criminal E Segurana Pblica; Vol. 3). GUEDES, Simoni Lahud; SILVA, EdlsonMrcio Almeida da. (Org.). Conflitos sociais no espao urbano (translation: Social Conflicts inUrban Spaces).

17. In this sense, one of the articles of this collection reconsiders the perspective of a distinctivestate action according to the population it targets by examining how the residential address, aright of each and every citizen, is the basis that motivates these institutions to coerce or createsituations in which a person feels humiliated (p. 52).

References

Adorno, S. (1993). A criminalidade urbana violenta no Brasil: um recorte temtico [Theviolent urban crime in Brazil: A thematic focus]. BIB: Boletim Bibliogrfico e

Informativo em Cincias Sociais, So Paulo, 35, 3

24.Adorno, S. (1995). Discriminao racial e justia criminal em So Paulo [Racial discrimina-tion and criminal justice in So Paulo]. Novos Estudos, So Paulo, Cebrap, 43, 4563.

Barreira, C., & Adorno, S. (2010). A violncia na sociedade brasileira [The violence in Bra-zilian society]. In C. Martins & H. Martins (Eds.), Horizontes das Cincias Sociais no

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Batista, N. (2011), Sobre el filo de la navaja [On the razors edge]. Revista EPOS, Rio deJaneiro RJ, 2, 1, 120. janeiro-junho.

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Kant de Lima, R., Eilbaum, L., & Pires, L. (2010). Conflitos, direitos e moralidades emperspectiva comparada [Conflict, rights and moralities in a comparative perspective].Volume II. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond.

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Lemgruber, J. (1993). Cemitrios dos vivos [The living cemetery]. Rio de Janeiro: Forense.Machado da Silva, L. A. (2008). Vida sob cerco: violncia e rotinas nas favelas do Rio de

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anthropology in Brazil]. Sociologia, Problemas e Prticas. 38, 917.Zaluar, A. (1985). A mquina e a revolta [The machine and the insurgency]. So Paulo:

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Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro

Center for Studies of Crime and Public Security (CRISP)

Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais

Belo Horizonte, Brazil

[email protected]

Roberta M. Correa

Universidade Federal Fluminense

Belo Horizonte, Brazil

[email protected]

2013, Ludmila Mendona Lopes Ribeiro and Roberta M. Correa


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Ribeiro, Ludmila & Correa, Roberta (2013)