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DOCUMENT RESUME
ED 447 544 CS 510 461
TITLE Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Association forEducation in Journalism and Mass Communication (83rd,Phoenix, Arizona, August 9-12, 2000). Graduate EducationInterest Group.
INSTITUTION Association for Education in Journalism and MassCommunication.
PUB DATE 2000-08-00NOTE 133p.; For other sections of this proceedings, see CS 510
451-470.PUB TYPE Collected Works Proceedings (021)EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Broadcast Industry; Cable Television; Comparative Analysis;
Economic Factors; Foreign Countries; Global Approach; HigherEducation; Internet; *Journalism Education; JournalismResearch; Newspapers; Presidents of the United States;*Programming (Broadcast)
IDENTIFIERS Malaysia; Reagan (Ronald); Television News; War on Drugs
ABSTRACTThe Graduate Education Interest Group section of the
proceedings contains the following five papers: "The Press, President, andPresidential Popularity During Ronald Reagan's War on Drugs",(Hyo-Seong Lee);"Malaysia's Broadcasting Industry in Transition: Effect of New Competitionson Traditional Television Channels" (Tee-Tuan Foo); "The Transparency ofCulture and Politics in Economic Discourse" (Jennie Rupertus); "Convergenceof the Internet Websites by Newspaper, Broadcast, and Internet NewsOrganizations" (Sang Hee Kweon); and "The Impact and Relationship of Policyand Competition on the Program Diversity in Cable TV" (Seung Kwan Ryu). (RS)
Reproductions supplied by EDRS are the best that can be madefrom the original document.
Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Associationfor Education in Journalism and Mass Communication(83rd, Phoenix, Arizona, August 9-12, 2000). Graduate
Education Interest Group.
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The Press, President, and Presidential Popularity
During Ronald Reagan's War On Drugs
byHyo-Seong Lee
(Ph.D. Candidate)
Address: 2022 Evergreen Terrace Dr. E. Apt. 3Carbondale IL, 62901
E-Mail: [email protected]: (618) 457-8939
School of JournalismSouthern Illinois University at Carbondale
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
Abstract
This study tested a path model of agenda-building examining the relationships
among the press, president, and presidential popularity rating during the Reagan
administration in the 1980s. This study found that as presidential emphasis on the drug
issue increased, so did the press coverage of the drug issue. Also, as the press coverage of
the drug issue increased, so did presidential emphasis about the drug issue.
L..
24
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
The Press, President, and Presidential Popularity
during Ronald Reagan's War On Drugs
I. Introduction
According to the 1985 survey of the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA),
70.4 million Americans have used marijuana, cocaine, or other illicit drugs at least once
during their lifetimes.' With one in eight Americans estimated to be users of illicit drugs
in 1985, it was apparent that drug use was a significant phenomenon in society at that
time. In particular, cocaine related deaths became frequent in the early 1980s, and the
number of addicts accelerated when crack became available in 1985.2
The drug problem caught the attention of public officials during the Reagan
administration in the 1980s. In 1982, National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) began to
design the 'Just Say No' campaign, the objective of which was to present a drug-free life
as a healthy norm for teenagers.3 To counter increasing cocaine use among older
teenagers and young adults, NIDA developed a multi-media program, 'Cocaine, The Big
Lie,' which was implemented in two phases, the first in April 1986 and the second in
spring 1988. Needham Harper Worldwide (NHW) produced 13 public service
announcements for the first phase, which aired 1,500 to 2,500 times per month within 75
local television markets, according to the Broadcast Advertisers Report, Inc.4
National Institute on Drug Abuse, "Population Projections, based on the National Survey on Drug Abuse,"(Washington DC: GPO, 1987).2 P. J. Shoemaker, W. Wanta, and D. Leggett, "Drug Coverage and Public Opinion, 1972-1986," In PamelaJ. Shoemaker (ed.), Communication Campaigns about Drugs: Government, Media and the Public(Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989), 67-80.3 Susan B. Lachter and Avraham Forman, "Drug Abuse in the United States," In Pamela J. Shoemaker(ed.), Communication Campaigns about Drugs: Government, Media and the Public (Hillsdale, NJ:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989), 7-12.4 Susan B. Lachter and Avraham Forman, "Drug Abuse in the United States," In Pamela J. Shoemaker(ed.), Communication Campaigns about Drugs: Government, Media and the Public (Hillsdale, NJ:Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989), 7-12.
3
5
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
In particular, President Reagan announced that drug abuse was "one of the gravest
problems facing us internally in the United States."5 Secretary of State, George Shultz
lamented that "indeed, in almost every American city, people face the drug problem in
the streets and learn about it daily in the media."6 With the recognition of the drug
epidemic, the public, the members of the Congress, and the Administration all took up
arms to renew America's war on drugs, culminating in the Anti-Drug Abuse Act being
passed by the Congress and signed by the President Reagan in late October 1986.7
Along with the reality of drug problems and concerns from public officials of
Reagan administration, the mass media dealt heavily with drug issues such as drug-
caused tragedies, new illegal drugs, the social ramifications of a drug-dependent
population,8 the pleas for reform from celebrities, and the information campaigns of
public health agencies. In the early 1980s, the drug issue accounted for about 1% of the
total national coverage in the National Media Index of the Conference on Issues and
Media, roughly equivalent to 10,000 inches of print coverage in major newspapers
around the country or about 15 minutes of evening network news in a two-week period.9
The increase in the drug coverage among the national media during Reagan
5 President, News Conference, "The President's News conference," Public Papers of the Presidents of theUnited States 1981: Ronald Reagan (Washington DC: GPO, 1982), 210.6 Secratery Shultz, Address, "The Campaign Against Drugs: The International Dimension," Current PolicyNo. 611 (Washington DC: DSBPA, 1984), 1.
President, Remarks, "Remarks on the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986," Public Papers of the Presidents ofthe United States 1986: Ronald Reagan (Washington DC: GPO, 1987), 1447, 1452.8 Pamela J. Shoemaker, Wayne Wanta, and Dawn Wanta, In P. J. Shoemaker (ed.) "Drug Coverage andPublic Opinion," Communication Campaigns About Drugs: Government, Media, and the Public (Hillsdale,NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, 1989), 67-80.9 Cited in John E. Merrian, "National Media Coverage of Drug Issues, 1983-1987," In Pamela J.Shoemaker (ed.), Communication Campaigns about Drugs: Government, Media and the Public (Hillside,NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989), 21-29.
4
6
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
administration was accentuated in 1986 by the tragic death of Maryland basketball star
Len Bias due to cocaine intoxication which occurred in the early summer of 1986.10
Drugs might represent a social problem that was dealt seriously by mass media, in
terms of the amount of attention paid to the issue and the media awareness of what was
happening in the 1980s. Some speculate the drug issue was driven by the media which
lacked any objective evidence of an epidemic. Others speculate the drug issue relates to
the concern and emphasis the president has given to the issue, as exemplified by
Presidents Reagan's and Bush's wars on drugs."
In this vein, this study investigates whether the press or president had an influence
on each other directly or through the factor of presidential popularity in the 1980s. That
is, this study examines the relationships among the press, president, and presidential
popularity during President Ronald Reagan's War on Drugs through an agenda-building
framework.
II. Literature Review
Early Studies of Agenda Setting
McCombs and Shaw hypothesized that the issues emphasized in the news media
influence the issues the voters regard as important. 12 In other words, the media agenda
determines, to some degree, the public agenda. Determining what to select for attention
and what to ignore among a number of existing issues means determining the perspective
you apply to view the political world as a whole. Media coverage gives salience cues to
the members of the public showing them which issues are important. The public receives
10 Review & Outlook: An Athlete Dying Young (New York: Wall Street Journal, 1986), June 26. DrugsCloud Len Bias Story (Omaha: Omaha World-Herald, 1986), June 21.'I Paul M. Barrett, "Though the Drug War isn't over, spotlight turns to other issues," (New York: WallStreet Journal, 1990) November 19.
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
these salience cues and ultimately believes that the issues receiving extensive coverage
are more important than those issues receiving little coverage.13
The majority of early agenda setting researches focused on the influence of mass
media on the public agenda, adopting a simple "mirror-image" hypothesis about media
effects.14 That is, research on the subject has generally tried to establish some overall
match between the relative frequency of the news media's coverage of a set of issues, on
the one hand, and the relative salience of the same set of issues among the public, on the
other.15 The agenda setting hypothesis in many studies has been generally supported
through a wide range of studies.
The work of McCombs and Shaw16 focused on the hypothesis that although the
media may not tell the public what to think, they may influence what the public thinks
about that is, set the public agenda. The approach had its roots in the oldest concerns of
scholars and politicians about the potential power of the press in controlling public
opinion.17 They investigated this notion of press power with a sample of Chapel Hill,
12 M. McCombs and D. Shaw, D. "The Agenda-Setting Function of the Mass Media," Public OpinionQuarterly 36 (1972), 176-187.13 M. McCombs and D. Shaw, D. "The Agenda-Setting Function of the Mass Media," Public OpinionQuarterly 36 (1972), 176-187.14 Most early agenda setting studies focused narrowly on election campaigns. McCombs and Shaw (1972)found that issues emphasized by the media in Chapel Hill, North Carolina during the 1968 presidentialcampaign were the same as those considered important by a sample of voters interviewed during the sameperiod. McLeod, Becker, and Byrnes (1974) found that partial similarities in issue emphasis betweenregistered voters in Madison, Wisconsin, and the local newspapers these voters read during the 1972election campaign.15 Jack M. McLeod, Lee B. Becker, and James E. Byrnes, "Another Look at the Agenda-Setting Functionof the Press," Communication Research 1 (April, 1974), 131-166. Maxwell E. McCombs and G. Stone, eds,Studies in Agenda-Setting (Syracuse: Newhouse Communication Research Center, Syracuse University,1976). Donald L. Shaw and Maxwell E. McCombs, The Emergence of American Political Issues: TheAgenda-Setting Function of the press (St. Paul, Minnesota: West Publishing Co, 1977).16 M. McCombs and D. Shaw, D. "The Agenda-Setting Function of the Mass Media," Public OpinionQuarterly 36 (1972), 176-187. The authors hypothesized that "the mass media set the agenda for eachpolitical campaign, influencing the salience of attitudes toward the political issues (p. 177)."
H. D. Lasswell, "Propaganda technique in the world war (New York: Knopf, 1927). G. LeBon, "TheCrowd (Dunwoody, GA: Norman S. Berg, 1968). W. Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: HarcourtBrace, 1922).
6
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
North Carolina, voters during the 1968 presidential campaign. It was found that voters
share the media's composite definition of what is important.
Jack McLeod18 provided direct empirical evidence for the hypothesis in a study of
the 1964 presidential campaign. His content analysis of two newspapers revealed sharp
differences in media reports of two issues federal spending policies and control of
nuclear weapons. Readers exposed to the newspaper espousing nuclear control ranked
that issue higher than the spending issue, while the reverse was found for the other paper.
On the other hand, researchers have found the media's agenda setting effect with
the drug issue. Shoemaker, Wanta, and Leggett found that the more the media
emphasized drugs, the more the public considered drugs as a problem. In particular,
newspapers had a strong agenda setting influence as the New York Times and the Los
Angeles Times exerted a greater influence on the public agenda than all three major
television networks and all three major newsmagazines combined.19 Gonzenbach found
an interactive relationship between the press and the public on the drug issue between
1985 and 1990 with each influencing, and in turn being influenced by each other. He
found that the press mirrored and had an immediate impact on the public agenda, but that
the public agenda also filtered into the press agenda which, in turn, reinforced public
opinion at a later time.20
18J. McLeod, "Political Conflict and Information-Seeking," Paper presented to the American PsychologicalAssociation, Chicago, 1965.19 P. J. Shoemaker, W. Wanta, and D. Leggett, "Drug Coverage and Public Opinion, 1972-1986," In P. J.Shoemaker (ed.), Communication Campaigns about Drugs: Government, Media, and the Public (Hillsdale,NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989).20 W. J. Gonzenbach, "Time-Series Analysis of the Drug Issue, 1985-1990: The Press, the President andPublic Opinion," International Journal of Public Opinion Research 4 (Summer 1992), 126-147.
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
From Agenda Setting to Agenda Building
Despite promising beginnings, the nearly quarter century of agenda setting
research that has followed the McCombs and Shaw study has produced mixed results.
The agenda-setting process does not always work. This "failure" has been variously
attributed to such factors as media usage, contingent conditions affecting the audience
and the actors, and the level of obtrusiveness of the issues involved.21 Whatever the case,
this ambiguity has led to the search for constructs that either complement or supplant the
theory. It is highly doubtful given the growing complexities of contemporary political
communication environments that any single medium or entity can solely serve as the
agenda setter. Instead, the individual influence of any particular entity must participate as
an agenda builder.22
In many instances the media manipulate the political scene by creating a climate
for political action. This makes them major contributors to agenda building, the process
whereby news stories influence how people perceive and evaluate issues and policies.
Agenda building goes beyond agenda setting.23 The media set the public agenda when
news stories rivet attention on a problem and make it seem important to the public. Mass
media build the public agenda when they create a political climate that determines the
likely thrust of public opinions.
In what McCombs has called the "fourth phase" of agenda setting studies,
researchers have been attempting to answer the question "Who sets the media's
21 D. A. Graber, Processing the News: How People Tame the Information Tide (New York: Longman,1984). G. E. Lang and K. Lang, "Watergate: An Exploration of the Agenda Building Process," In G. C.Wilhoit and H. deBok (eds.), Mass Communications Review Yearbook (2-16) (Newbury Park, CA: Sage,1981).22 M. Robers, "Political Advertising's Influence on News, the Public, and Their Behavior," inCommunication and Democracy, M. McCombs, D. L. Shaw, and D. Weaver, ed.(Mahwah, NJ: LawrenceErlbaum Associates, 1997).
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
agenda."24 These studies moved agenda setting into an earlier point in time in the public
opinion process by examining potential sources of the news media agenda.
Some researchers have examined the influence of public officials and other actors
on the media's agenda. Gandy examined the way in which the media interact with other
actors to create the items that eventually appear on the media agenda.25 According to
Gandy, those actors include public officials and other professional public relations
practitioners. They make up an integral component of the newsgathering process, since
they are the initial source of much of what appears in the press. As a matter of fact, the
new phase of agenda setting research is imbued with opportunities to apply the agenda
setting process' central concept, the transfer of salience, to all forms of corporate,
governmental, and non-governmental organization's public relations efforts that attempt
to shape public opinion, media coverage, and public policies in the society.
That is, government officials can set the media's agenda.26 Iyengar and Kinder
found that on certain issues, the president influences the public's level of concern.27
They, for example, found that when the president delivered national speeches dealing
with energy, public concern with the issue of energy rose by more than 4%. On other
issues, however, the president was less successful in influencing public concern and had
to rely on the news media to put forth his issue priorities before the public. Yet, relatively
23 D. G. Graber, Mass Media and American Politics (Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 1993).24 M. E. McCombs, "Explorers and Surveyors: Expanding Strategies for Agenda-Setting Research,"Journalism Quarterly 69 (1992), 813-824.24 Wayne Wanta, Mary Ann Stephenson, Judy VanSlyke Turk and Maxwell E. McCombs, "HowPresident's State of Union Talk Influenced News Media Agendas" Journalism Quarterly (Summer, 1989),537-541.25 0. H. Gandy, Beyond Agenda Setting: Information Subsidies and Public Policy (Norwood, NJ: AblexPublishing, 1982).26 T. Atwater and F. Fico, "Source Reliance and Use in Reporting State Government: A Study of Print andBroadcast Practices," Newspaper Research Journal, 8 (1986), 53-61.27 S. Iyengar and D. R. Kinder, News That Matters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
few studies have considered whether government officials can directly affect the public's
agenda via mediated communication.
Recently, several studies have examined media, public and policy agenda
setting.28 For example, there have been studies on how U.S. presidents influence agendas
of the media and citizens.29 However, the researchers who have examined the president-
media relationships have found some contradictory results. President Nixon apparently
influenced subsequent press coverage through his State of the Union address while
President Carter appears to have been influenced by previous press coverage.
The contradictory findings of these studies generally acknowledge the existence
of a variety of factors that influence the relationship between the press and the public. In
this vein, when Lang and Lang proposed that traditional agenda setting research be
expanded to include the influence of political actors, they assumed that a reciprocal
agenda building relationship in which a third variable is added to form a three-way
relationship. That is, the press, public, and public officials would influence one another
and, in turn, be influenced by one another.3°
One possible variable which could play an important role in the agenda building
process is the presidential popularity rating.31 Wanta found that presidential popularity
appears to play a key role between the president and public even though the popularity
ratings had little influence on the relationship between the press and president. As a
28 E. M. Rogers, J. W. Dearing, and D. Bregman, "The Anatomy of Agenda Setting Research," Journal ofCommunication 43 (1993), 68-83. D. L. Protess and M. McCombs, eds. Agenda Setting: Reading onMedia, Public Opinion, and Policy Making (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1991).29 W. Wanta, M. A. Stephenson, J. V. Turk, and M. E. McCombs, "How President's State of Uniion TalkInfluenced News Media Agenda," Journalism Quarterly 66 (1989), 537-541.3° Gladys Engel Lang and Kurt Lang, The Battle for Public Opinion: The President, the Press and the PollsDuring Watergate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), 58-59.31 Wayne Wanta, "Presidential Approval Ratings as a Variable in the Agenda-Building," JournalismQuarterly 68 (Winter, 1991), 672-679.
10
12
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
matter of fact, presidential approval ratings have become an increasingly examined facet
of public opinion. The frequency of approval ratings polls has made them "a fact of
American political life."32
On the other hand, some researchers have examined the relationship among the,
press, president, and public on the issue of drug abuse using the agenda building
framework during Nixon administration's War on Drugs. Johnson and Wanta33 employed
a path analysis model to find linear relationships with drug issues. They suggested that:
first, drug arrests rose in the United States, next, the media increased coverage of the drug
issue, then, the public learned of the importance of drug as an issue, and finally, the
president reacted to public concern. In addition, Sharp34 found that the Nixon's drug war
exhibited a pattern that suggests the mobilization model of agenda setting, which is
initiated by actors within government who then evoke popular interest and concern in
order to build support for their initiative.
The agenda building framework, which usually forms a three-way relationship,
could provide a useful tool in this study of examining the relationship among the press,
president and presidential popularity.
Research Questions
This study raises following research questions.
RQ1: As press coverage of drug issue increases, does presidential popularity
rating rise, which in turn increases subsequent presidential emphasis of drug issue?
32 Ithiel de Sola Pool, "Comments and Observations," In A Cantril (ed.), Polling the Issues (Washington:Seven Locks Press, 1980), 46-52.33 T. J. Johnson and W. Wanta, "Influence Dealers: A Path Analysis Model of Agenda Building duringRichard Nixson's War on Drugs," J&MC Quarterly 73 (1996), 181-194.34 E. B. Sharp, "Agenda-Setting and Policy Results: Lessons from Three Drug Policy Episodes," PolicyStudies Journal 20 (1992), 538-551.
11
13
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
RQ2: As press coverage of drug issue increases, does presidential emphasis of
drug issue rise?
RQ3: As presidential emphasis of drug issue increases, does presidential
popularity rating rise, which in turn increases subsequent press coverage of drug issue?
RQ4: As presidential emphasis of drug issue increases, does press coverage of
drug issue rise?
III. Method
The research design employed to measure the reciprocal influences among the
press, president, and presidential popularity rating was based on Wanta and associates.35
This study includes measures of press coverage of drug issues before and after the
measures of presidential popularity rating. This study also includes measures of
presidential emphasis on drug issues before and after measures of presidential popularity
rating of Ronald Reagan. These measures possibly allow the author look at the
relationships among the press coverage of drug issues, presidential emphasis on drug
issues, and presidential popularity rating.
Important Variables
Drugs Drugs refer to drug use, drug abuse and addiction to illegal drugs as well as
drug abuse of legal drugs including alcohol, cigarettes and over-the-counter medications.
A story about a murder which mentions that a person used drugs would be a drug story.
Furthermore, one in which the focus is a person was murdered during a drug deal would
be a drug story. Thus, a story about the Food and Drug Administration approving a new
35 Wayne Wanta, Mary Ann Stephenson, Judy VanSlyke Turk and Maxwell E. McCombs, "HowPresident's State of Union Talk Influenced News Media Agendas," Journalism Quarterly 66 (1989), 537.W. Wanta, "Presidential Approval Ratings as a Variable in the Agenda Building," Journalism Quarterly 68(1991), 672-679.
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
cancer drug would not be a drug story, but one about people using a cancer drug to "get
high" would be.
Presidential Popularity Rating To evaluate the Presidential popularity rating, the
Gallup Polls of presidential job performance conducted during two Reagan
administrations were employed. Results of four polls a year were used in this study. The
time periods examined in this study were determined by following the dates during which
the Gallup polls were conducted asking people their attitude toward President Reagan.
The polls asked respondents "Do you approve or disapprove of the way Ronald Reagan is
handling his job as President? The percentage of respondents who said they approved of
the President's job formed the popularity measure.
Press Coverage of Drug Issue The amount of the press coverage of drug issue was
measured by counting all news stories on the drug issues appeared on the front pages of
four of the leading newspapers in the United States-the New York Times, the Washington
Post, the Los Angeles Times, and the Chicago Tribune-for 28 days before and after the
periods of the Gallup Poll of the presidential popularity rating. Intercoder agreement rate
was 98.3% for counting the number of drug stories from the four newspapers.
Presidential Emphasis on Drug Issue To determine the amount of emphasis that
President Reagan devoted to drug issues, copies of the Weekly Compilation of
Presidential Documents were consulted. Content analysis of the Presidential Documents
identified the number of drug speeches and the number of statement lines prior to and
subsequent periods of each presidential popularity rating poll during 1981 to 1988
periods. Since the Presidential Documents are uniform in size and column width, the
number of lines devoted to the drug issue should be an accurate measure of presidential
13 15
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
emphasis on the drug issue. It was considered a line if it extends more than half way
across the column. Intercoder agreement rate was 96.1% for counting the amount of
presidential speeches during the periods.
Path Analysis
The relationships among the variables were then investigated using a path
analysis. The path analysis appears to be a useful tool for mass communication
researches.36 In particular, path analysis is a statistical tool to use in examining patterns of
causation among a set of variables.37 Because the agenda building model proposed here
implies causality, using a causal modeling test such as path analysis is appropriate.
Path analysis examines the predictability of dependent variables based on
knowledge of independent variables. The analysis allows for two tests. First, the path
coefficients determine if the paths from one variables to another are statistically
significant. In other words, path coefficients test the direction of influence from one
variable to another. Statistically significant coefficients suggest that the independent
variable has a causal relationship with the dependent variable. Also, path coefficients
determine the degree of influence that each of the independent variables has on the
dependent variable. In other words, the path coefficients allow for the comparison of
influence between the different independent variables. Large coefficients show that one
independent variable has a stronger effect on the dependent variable than a second
variable that produced a smaller coefficient.
36 Wayne Wanta and Tien-Tsung Lee, "Agenda-Setting and Priming: A Comparision of Two TheoreticalModels," Paper presented to the Mass Communication Division at the annual conference of theInternational Communication Association, Montreal, 1997.37 Elazar J. Pedhazur, Multiple Regression in Behavioral Research: Explanation and Prediction, 2'd ed.(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982).
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
If agenda building is a cycle, as Lang and Lang38 argue, then the three variables
(press, president, and popularity rating) should interact with one another. Path
coefficients determine if one variable in the model can predict subsequent variables.
Figure 1 shows the path analysis model examined in this study. Thus, the agenda building
path model predicts six possibilities in this study as implied in the research question
section. First, press coverage of drug issue will lead to presidential popularity rating.
Second, presidential popularity rating will lead to presidential emphasis on drug issue.
Third, press coverage of drug issue will directly lead to presidential emphasis on drug
issue. Fourth, presidential emphasis on drug issue will lead to presidential popularity
rating. Fifth, presidential popularity rating will lead to press coverage of drug issue.
Sixth, presidential emphasis on drug issue will directly lead to press coverage of drug
issue.
Figure 1. Path Model of Press, President and Popularity Rating
Press
President
Press
President
38 G. Elan and K. Lang, The Battle for Public Opinion: The President, the Press and the Polls DuringWatergate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983) 58-59.
15 17
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
IV. Results
The path analysis coefficients which are equivalent to betas in regression analysis
are shown in Figure 2. Two of six paths show significant coefficients. First of all, the
path from pre-poll presidential emphasis on drug issue (president) to post-poll press
coverage of drug issue (press) was strongly significant (beta=.63, p=.0001). In other
words, as presidential emphasis on the drug issue increased, so did press coverage of the
drug issue. However, path coefficients were not significant in the paths from presidential
emphasis on drug issue to presidential popularity rating and from presidential popularity
rating to press coverage of drug issue. That is, the increased presidential emphasis about
drug issue did not have any significant influence on the presidential popularity rating
among the public. Also, the popularity rating did not affect the subsequent press coverage
of the drug issue.
The path from pre-poll press coverage of drug issue to post-poll presidential
emphasis on drug issue was also statistically significant (beta=.37, p=.04). In other
words, as press coverage of drug issue increased, so did presidential emphasis about the
issue. However, path coefficients were not significant in the paths from press coverage of
drug issue to presidential popularity rating and from presidential popularity rating to
presidential emphasis on drug issue. That is, increased press coverage about the drug
issues did not affect on the presidential popularity rating among the public. Also, the
popularity rating did not affect the presidential attention to the drug issue.
16 18
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
Figure 2. Path Analysis Results
Press Press
President001)
President
V. Discussion
This study tested a causal model of agenda-building, examining the relationships
among the press, president, and presidential popularity rating through drug issue during
the Reagan administration in the 1980s. The results suggest that as President Reagan
increased emphasis about drug issue, the press increased its coverage dealing with drug
issue. Also, as the press coverage about drug issue increased, President Reagan increased
his emphasis on drug issue.
However, the press and president did not affect and were not affected by the
presidential popularity rating. The results suggest that, in considering the president's job
performance, the pubic did not pick up any salience cues from the press coverage of drug
issues and presidential emphasis on drug issue. Probably, this is due to the relative
absence of popular attention to the issue in the early years of the Reagan administration
(1981-1984).39
The results of this study suggests that, on the issue of drug, President Reagan had
a significant agenda building influence on the press. That is, President Reagan might
direct the press attention toward the drug issues through increasing the amount of
39 E. B. Sharp, "Agenda-Setting and Policy Results: Lessons from Three Drug Policy Episodes," PolicyStudies Journal 20 (1992), 538-551.
The Press, President and Presidential Popularity
emphasis he gave drug issues in his public statements. In other words, the press's agenda
related to drug issue was influenced by presidential agenda dealing with drug issue.
However, the press was not forced unilaterally to pay attention to the president, because
the press also was a source of President's attention dealing with drug issue during Reagan
administration. The press and president interacted each other dealing with the drug
agenda.
The findings of this study are partly consistent but partly inconsistent with other
earlier studies dealing with drug issue. Undoubtedly, other variables may have affected
the press-president, popularity rating-press, and popularity rating-president relationships.
Future studies should include other variables which may have affected the relationships.
Also, future studies should consider employing different settings. As in other issues, the
development of drug issue is shaped by the ideological predilections of different
administrations, electoral considerations, and historical situations ranging from the
occurrence of unexpected events that help to focus public concern (such as the cocaine-
related death of basketball star Len Bias in 1986) to budget constraints to the competition
from other agenda items.
18 2 0
Malaysia's broadcasting industry in transition:Effect of new competitions on traditional television channels
By
Tee-Tuan FooSchool of Telecommunications,
Ohio UniversityAthens, OH 45701
Submitted to Graduate Education Interest Group(Guido H. Stempel III paper competition) of the
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass CoM,munication,Phoenix, Arizona, August 9-12, 2000.
21 BEST COPY AVAILABLE
Abstract
Between July 1995 and December 1996, three new competitorsMetrovision, a
private television station; Mega TV, a cable television; and ASTRO, a satellite
television entered the Malaysian television scene. This study seeks to answer the
question how would the emergence of these new competition change (1) the total airtime,
(2) the language of broadcast, (3) and types of program during the peak hour slots of the
three traditional television channels: RTM 1, 2 and TV 3. The findings show that the
new competition caused these traditional channels to (1) increase their total airtime (2)
increase Malay and Chinese programs and decrease English programs during peak hour
slots.
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Introduction
In the mid-1990s, after years of having only three television channels, RTM 1,
RTM2 and TV3, the Malaysian television industry facd a dramatic change. From 1995 to
1997, three new players entered the Malaysian television scene. The introduction of
Metrovision in July 1995, the second private television channel in Malaysia since the
launch of TV3 in 1984, opened a new chapter in the country's broadcasting history.
Shortly after the launch of Metrovision, two other players were ushered in. The first cable
television operator in the country, Mega TV was introduced in August 1995. Mega TV
initially offered five 24-hour international channelsCNN International News, the
Cartoon Network, ESPN, Discovery Channel, and Home Box Office (HBO). These were
aimed at providing programs that would serve the 3.2 million population viewers in the
Kiang Valley. In late 1996, All Asian Television and Radio Company network (or
ASTRO), the first digital satellite broadcast service was introduced to the Malaysian
population. The network provided 22 television channels and eight radio stations for its
subscribers nationwide.
With this drastic change in the television broadcasting scent of Malaysia within
an eighteen-month time span, one should ask: how would the three national television
channels, RTM1, RTM2 and TV3, respond to such development and reflect these
accordingly in their programming strategy? This study seeks to answer this question by
analyzing the three national television channels' programming schedules. By comparing
these channels' program schedules, a year before July 1995 and a year after the end of
1996, the period where Metrovision, Mega TV and ASTRO were introduced, this study
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seeks to understand the impact that new competitors, such as cable and satellite
television, have on traditional television broadcasters.
Background on the Malaysian broadcasting industry
Television was introduced to Malaysia in the 1960s. The first television network,
Talivishen Malaysia, was inaugurated by then Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman on
December 23, 1963. In 1969, a second channel was added to serve the nation's viewers.
According to Nawiyah, today, these two state-run television channels, commonly known
as RTM 1 and RTM 2', serve slightly different functions. While RTM 1 "is committed to
promoting national unity, security and development,"2 RTM 2 "has been given a more
entertainment-oriented role."3 From 1963 to 1984, RTM 1 and 2 dominated the
Malaysian broadcasting scene. In 1983, however, a privately owned television channel,
TV 3, was granted a license to operate alongside the two channels. This provided an
alternative for the Malaysian viewers.
To understand the relationship between the Malaysian government and the mass
media, one must begin by looking at the history of this multiracial society. As Malaysian
population is mainly comprised of three ethnic groupsMalay (58%), Chinese (27%)
and Indian (8%)4the tensions among these communities, in particular between the
Chinese and Malay, have been high since Malaysia's independence in August 31, 1957.
On 13 May 1969, due to the outcome of a national general election, a communal riot
eventually erupted, which left two hundred dead. As the media were not decisively used
'Radio Television Malaysia.2 Zainur Sulaiman and Nawiyah Che'Lab, "Media Monitors in Malaysia." In Myia Monitors in Asia. ed.
Asian Media Information and Communication Center (Singapore: AMIC, 1996), 45.3 Ibid.'This statistic is based on information provided in Country profiles: Malaysia. Edited by AnuraGoonasekera and Duncan Holaday. Asian communication handbook 1998. Singapore: Asian MediaInformation and Communication center 1998.
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during the crisis and "in the absence of credible and complete accqvnts of events, wild
rumors circulated, greatly worsening the situation," hence "corrective measures were
imposed and government policy on developing a 'Malaysian identity and culture' led to
reorganizations in broadcast services following the 1969 clashes."5 In 1970, then Minister
of Information Hamzah bin Abu Samah formulated a code, which later evolved into the
five objectives of Radio Television Malaysia (RTM). In these objectives RTM is:
1. To explain in depth and with the widest possible coverage, policies and
programs of the government in order to ensure maximum understanding by
the people;
2. To stimulate public interest and opinion in order to achieve changes in line
with the requirements of government;
3. To foster national unity in our multi-racial society throtagh the extensive use
of Bahasa Malaysia [the national language of Malaysia];
4. To assist in promoting civic consciousness and in fostering the development
of Malaysian arts and culture; and
5. To provide suitable elements of education, general information and
entertainment. (Ministry of Information, 1980)
McDaniel has pointed out that "of the five goals, the most important has been promotion
of national unification and use of the national language."6 Furthermore he points out that
the Malaysian government's broadcasting efforts to foster unification can be seen in
virtually every program. Of all the concerns about the unification of Malaysians
whether they are Malay, Chinese or Indianthe most significant policy is the
emphasis on Bahasa Malaysia as the national language.
5Drew 0. McDaniel, Broadcasting in the Malay World. (Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation,1994), 84.6 Ibid., 85.
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Malaysian Television 4
Related Studies:
Language and Television program in a plural society
To promote Bahasa Malaysia as a national language, the Malaysian government
expected its electronic media to emphasize the use of Bahasa Malaysia through its
programs from 1969 to 1989. During this period, pressure groups constantly required
English programs for RTM to be dubbed into Bahasa Malaysia in order to honor the
national language.7 In 1989, when Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad began
to stress the importance of English as a second language, English pi-ograms, which are
imported mainly from the West were allowed to be presented the original language8 in
RTM. Other then Malay and English, RTM and TV3's languages of broadcast also
include Chinese and Tami1,9 which targeted the minority population.
The language of broadcast is an important element in understanding the
Malaysian broadcasting scene. In his analysis of the controversies over media
imperialism in the modern age, Straubhaar (1991) found that languages and the source of
the products play an important part in television programming.1° He argues that in
general, the audience prefer electronic products produced by their home country and
when that cannot be filled, they look for material that are relativelx,close to their own
culture. For this reason, in the early 1990s, soon after his takeover of Star TV, "Murdoch
decided that the company should 'go local': offer programs that are tailored to local tastes
Ibid., 87.8 Ibid.9 Zainur Sulaiman and Nawiyah Che'Lab, "Media Monitors in Malaysia." In Media Monitors in Asia. ed.Asian Media Information and Communication Center (Singapore: AMIC, 1996), 45.1° Straubhaar, Joseph D. (1991) Beyond Media Imperialism: Assymetrical Interdependence and CulturalProximity. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8. 39-59.
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and values."' 'Very often localization is related to the language that the people in the
region commonly use. In the case of Malaysia, it would be Bahasa Malaysia (or Malay),
Tamil, and Chinese. On the other hand English although it is seen as a second language
for most Malaysians is regarded more as a language for conducting business rather than
being culturally related. As the new competitorsMetrovision, Mega TV and
ASTROcame into the Malaysian television scene, more program in different
languages were offered and competed for the audience traditionally held by RTM 1, 2
and TV 3. How the traditional channels restructured their language of broadcasting
during peak hour slots (7 to 11 pm) to counter this challenge is a question this study seek
to answer.
Studies on media in a competitive environment
Another subject that this study is interested in looking into is how the television
industry respond to an increasingly competitive environment while at the same time
catering to the demands of the government. Shoemaker and Reese (1996) presented a
comprehensive model indicating the hierarchical relationship among different levels of
forces in a media environment. At the extramedia level, two important players are the
government and advertisers. While the former influences the media through laws,
regulations, licenses, and taxes, the latter flexes its muscle by_providing financial revenue
to the stations.
In an earlier model, Mc Quail (1994) pointed out four types of social forces that
could pressure a media organization: (1) Social and political pressure, which includes
legal/political control and other social institutions, (2) Economic pressures such as
G. Wang, "Protecting the local cultural industry: A Regulatory Myth in the Global Age." In TV withoutborders: Asia speaks out. ed. Anura Goonasekera & Paul S. N. Lee. AMIC (Singapore: AMIC, 1998), 264.
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competitors, news/information agencies, advertisers, owners and union, (3) Events plus
constant information and culture supply, and (4) Distribution channels, audience
interest/demand.
In the case of broadcasting, both these models posit that on the one hand, the
broadcasters follow government regulations closely while on the other hand, they have to
compete against each other for the advertisers' dollars. For public service broadcasters in
a Third World country such as Malaysia that have in the recent years embraced the
concept of privatization (or corporatization in Malaysia context), the struggle between the
two forces could be extremely difficult. Hence, the programming strategies that the
broadcasters employ to gain market share become interesting to study.
In a content analysis of three decades (1962-1991) of Korean television networks'
program during prime time, Joo-Ho Lee and Sug-Min Youn (1995) found that in Less
tDeveloped Countries (LDC), strong competition has the effect of decreasing
programming diversity. Huller' and Brants (1992), who studied the issue of
commercialization and competition in the Western Europe media scene, have identified
two important competitive tactics that public service broadcasters use to gain market
share: (1) composition of program schedules, especially during the peak hours, and (2)
increase of airtime. In studying Malaysia's television industry in the early 1990s,
McDaniel (1994) confirms Hulten and Brants' understanding of the matter. He pointed
out:
[A] significant factor which has shaped the TV program schedule has been the
anticipated restructuring of RTM [Radio Television Malaysia]as a public
corporation. To prepare for a life separate from governmen't, the organization is
trying to balance its expenditures with its income. In a climate of cost cutting and
28
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commercialization, programs are required to develop their advertising potential.
This has also led to schedules which place the most populaiti programs in periods
when viewership peaks... (p. 114).
While these studies have identified the effects a competitive environment has on
the media, none of these authors have looked into the matter of program types during
peak hours. It is therefore the objective of this study to look into the types of programs
used by Malaysian broadcasters at a time of stiff competition.
Research Questions
The main purpose of this study is to understand the impact that an increasingly
competitive environment has on the three traditional Malaysian television channels,
namely RTM 1, RTM 2 and TV 3. The main purpose of this study is to determine how
the three traditional channels respond to the new competition in tars of their television
programming. The following are the specific research questions this study seeks to
answer:
RQ1: Did the total airtime of RTM 1, 2 and TV 3 increase after the newcompetitors entered the Malaysian broadcasting scene?
RQ2: Did RTM 1, 2 and TV 3 increase programs that targeted at particularlanguage groups of viewers for the peak hour slots (7 to I 1pm slots)?
RQ3: Did RTM 1, 2 and TV 3 decrease types of programs for the peak hour slotsdue to the new competition?
Methodology
Programming schedules for RTM 1, 2, and TV 3, were analyzed to understand the
impact that the increasingly competitive environment had on these channels. RTM 1 and
2 were selected because these two state owned television channels, which main purpose
is to serve for the public interest, could inform the study on how Malaysian public
broadcasters respond to the competition. TV 3 was selected because this privately owned
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channel, which was also RTM's main competitor before the arrival of new competition,
could provide an additional dimension in understanding the interaction between private
and public broadcasters in Malaysia.
The unit of analysis is the television program schedule. Based on Riffe, Lacy and
Fico's method12 for television sampling, a random selection of two weekdays a month is
the most efficient way to pull a sample. This study randomly selected two days per
month for a period of one year for the before period (from July 1994 to June 1995) and
the after period (from January to December 1997). The programrtiing schedules were
then printed from a Malaysian major English newspaperThe New Straits Times.
For each program schedule, the channel's total airtime for the day, the languages
of broadcast and the types of programs for peak hour slots were coded (see appendix A).
The evening hours from 7 to 11 pm were selected for this study because these are the
hours that generally attract the most audience in Malaysia.
A member of RTM who is familiar with Malaysia television programming was
consulted to identify the programs' types and language of broadcasting (see appendix B)
for all three channels.
Results and Discussion1i
The data of this study show that the emergence of new competitors did have an
impact on RTM 1, 2 and TV 3 programming strategy. Four tables were used to present
the findings. Table 1 compares the total airtime of the three traditional channels before
and after the new competitors emerged. Table 2 compares the languages of broadcasts for
RTM 1, 2 and TV 3 during peak hour slots before and after the new competitors entered
12 Lacy Rife, and Fico, Analyzing Media Message: Using Quantitative Content Analysis in Research.Mahwah, (New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998), 97.
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the Malaysian market. Table 3 compares the types of programs in the peak hour slots
before and after Malaysia's broadcasting scene became more competitive. Finally, Table
4 compares the types of programs that dominate RTM 1, 2 and TV 3's peak hour slots
before and after the new competitors emerged.
RQ1: Total Airtime and Competition.
The total airtime of the three traditional television channelsRTM 1, 2 and TV
3before and after the new competitors entered the Malaysian market were coded to see
if there is an impact in this regard. The Data in Table 1 shows that there was an increase
of total airtime for all three traditional channels after the end of 1996 and the chi-square
goodness-of-fit test demonstrated significant differences in these findings. RTM 1 has a
5% increase from 26,649 hours to 27910 hours (X2 = 29.14, df=1, 0.001). RTM 2 on
the other hand has 58% increase from 16,070 to 25,425 hours (X2 = 2109, df=1,
0.001). TV 3 has a 13% increase from 27190 to 30,695 hours (X2 = 212.2, df=1, P5.. 0.01).
Table 1
Total Airtime for RTM 1, RTM 2 and TV 3before and after
the New Channels entered the Malaysia Market, 1 My, 95.
RTM 1Before After
(July I, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
N=24 N=24
RTM 2Before After
(July 1, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
N=24 N=24
Airtime 26,649 27,910 16,070 25,425% increase 5% 58%
X2=29.14 df=1 1).001 X2=2109 Df= 125-0011
The percentage of increase apparently is closely related to the total airtime that a
television channel has before the new competitors entered the market. Comparing the
three channels, the study found that RTM 2 has the least airtime before the competitors
TV 3Before After
(July I, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
N=24 N=24
27,190 30,69513%
X2=212.2 df=1 p.5-001
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entered the market. Such situation allowed RTM 2 to have more room to increase its
airtime in order to stay competitive. Although RTM 2 has the largest percentage of
increase due to the competition, its total hours of airtime remain the least compared to the
other two channels. TV 3, on the other hand, had only a 13% increase in total airtime,
but it still remained as the channel with the most hours of airtime (before: 27,190 and
after: 30,695). This statistics show that TV 3, a privately owned station, is apparently
more aggressive in using airtime as a way to attract viewers than the state run channels
even before the environment became increasingly competitive. It is important to note
that RTM 1 and RTM 2 are two channels under the same broadcasting organization. Such
a setup gives the organization an advantage in competing against the new competitors as
well as TV 3.
RQ2: Languages of Broadcast and Competition.
The chi-square goodness-of-fit test was also used to see if there was a significant
difference for programs that targeted particular language groups of viewers for peak hour
slots before and after the change in the broadcasting environment. The data in three out
of five categoriesMalay, Chinese and Englishindicates a significant level of
difference. All three channels increased their Malay programs for the peak hour slots
between 7 and 11 pm. TV 3 has the most increase, from 31% (before: 1784 hours) to
40% (after: 2280 hours), in this category (X2 = 60.54, df---1, P< 0.001). While RTM 1 has
the second highest increase in this category (5.5%), an increase from 92% (5299 hours) to
97.5% (5,616hours) (X2 = 9.21, df=1, 0.01), RTM 2 has only a 3.5% increase. Its
Malay programs increased from 488 to 713 hours (X2 = 42.15, df=1, P5 0.001).
3
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Table 2Languages of broadcasts for RTM 1, RTM 2 and TV 3
during peak hour (from 7pm to 11 pm)before and after
the new channels entered the Malaysia Market, 1 July, 1995.
RTM 1 RTM 2 TV 3
Malay% in Peak Hrs
English% in Peak Hrs
Before(July I, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=24
5,29992%
X2=9.21
3596%
After(January to
December, 97)
N=24
5,61697.5%
df=1 1)5_01
841.5%
Before(July I, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=24
4888.5%
X2=42.15
432275%
After(January to
December, 97)
N=24
71312%
df=1 13.001
384067%
Before(July I, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=24
1,78431%
X2=60.54
254644%
After(January to
December, 97)
N=24
2,28040%
df=1 11/...001
99017%
X2=170.7 df=1 13..001 X2=28.46 df=1 Plc.001 X2=-648.7 df=1
Chinese 0 0 950 1,149 1,430 2,280% in Peak Hrs 16.5% 20% 25% 40%
X2=18.87 df=1 X2=194.7 df=1 ;1)5-001
Tamil 0 0 0 0 0 0% in Peak Hrs
Mixed 102 60 0 58 0 210% in Peak Hrs 2% 1% 1% 3%
X2=10.89 df=1 N.001
English, the language which the Malaysian government has encouraged its people
to pick up as the second language since the 1960s, became less prevalent in the peak hour
slots after the new competition entered the scene. Of the three channels, TV 3 has the
most dramatic drop in this category. Its English programs dropped from 2546 hours
(44%) to 990 hours (17%) (X2 = 648.7, df=1, 0.001) in peak hour slots before and
after the new competitors entered the scene. As for the state owned channels, RTM 2
dropped 7% from 4,322 hours (75%) to 3,840 hours (67%)(X2 = 24.46, df=1, 13 0.001)
and RTM 1 English programs dropped from 359 hours (6%) to 84 hours (1.5%) (X2 =
170.7, df=1, 1)5_ 0.001).
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The Chinese programs during peak hours increased in two channelsRTM 2 and
TV 3with a significant level of difference. By the way, it is important to point out at
this point that, since its inauguration RTM 1 has been mainly serving the Malay and
English speaking community. Therefore it comes as no surprise that no Chinese or Tamil
programs appeared in the peak hour slots for this channel in any of the samples selected
for the study. TV 3 increased the most in the Chinese program category. Its Chinese
programming increased from 1430 hours (25%) to 2280 hours (40%) (X2 = 170.7, df=1,
13'_ 0.001). RTM 2, on the hand, increased its Chinese programs from 950 hours (16.5%)
to 1149 hours (20%) (X2 = 18.87, df=1, 0.001).
The most interesting data in Table 2 however is the Tamil program category. In
all three channels regardless of whether the time frame was before or after the new
competitors came into the Malaysia market, Tamil programs did not exist in the 7pm to
11 pm slots. Such statistic shows that all three channels were not interested in serving the
Indian population, which occupied only 8% of the total Malaysian population, a market
that is apparently too small for both state run and private own channels.
Mixed language programs appeared to go towards different directions for
different channels. While RTM 1 has decreased from 102 to 60 hours (X2 = 10.89, df=1,
0.001), RTM 2 and TV 3 increased this category of programs. kTM 2 increased from
none to 58 hours and TV 3 increased from none to 210 hours. However, the statistic tool
(the chi-square goodness-of-fit test) that this study used is unable to establish the level of
significance.
In this category, the study found that all three channels in general moved towards
a similar direction. While Malay and Chinese programs increased, English programs
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decreased for all three channels. As Malaysia's population consist of 60% Malay and
28% Chinese, this statistic apparently supports Straubhaar's (1991) notion that languages
and the source of the products play an important part in television programming. On the
other hand, the complementary function that each of these channels performs in terms of
serving the different language communities is also worth mentioning. With more than
90% of its programs in Malay in its peak hour slots, it is obvious that RTM 1 is mainly1.
targeting at the Malay population. RTM 2, on the other hand, is primarily aiming at the
English speaking community (75% before and 67% after) with the Chinese speaking
community second (16.5% before and 20% after). The privately owned television
channel, TV 3, apparently tried to encompass as many viewers as possible in their peak
hour slots programming-31 % before and 40% after were Malay programs, 25% before
and 40% after were Chinese programs, 44% before and 17% after were English
programs. Such findings indicate that while RTM seeks to compete for a larger market
share, its obligation as a public service broadcaster prompts it to allocate a substantial
amount of hours in the 7 to 11 pm slots to support the Malaysian government's effort to
promote English as the second language. TV 3 on the other hand did not have such a
constrain, therefore it was able to decrease English and increase Chinese programs in the
peak hour slots dramatically.
RQ3: Diversities and competition.
The third research question is concerned with understanding if competition caused
television channels to concentrate in broadcasting certain types of programs during peak
hour slots. Compared to the first two questions, the answer to the third question is a
much more sophisticated one. This is because unlike the previous findings, most of the
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subcategories in Table 3 did not show the same trend. Only four out of twelve
subcategories Musical /variety, News, Movie and Magazineshow the same trend
after the competition became stiff (see Table 3).
The subcategory of MusicalNariety was the only type of ptiogram that increased
after the new competitors entered the market. RTM 1 increased from 3% (162 hours) to
15% (857 hours) (X2 = 474, df=1,13 0.001), RTM 2 increased from 1.5% (90 hours) to
3% (178 hours) (X2 = 28.9, df=1, PS 0.001) and TV 3 increased from 5% (276 hours) to
10% (570 hours)(X2 = 102.2, df=1, 13.. 0.001). The chi-square goodness-of-fit test shows
significant level of difference in these data. The number of programs in three other
subcategories have also dropped in all three channels. News programs dropped in all
three channels during peak hours. Before the new competitors entered the scene, 28%
(1,628 hours) of RTM 2 program was news, this dropped significantly to 17% (962
hours)(X2 = 171.3, df=1,13 0.001) after the competition became cf. RTM 1 and TV 3
also showed the same trend. RTM 1 news programs dropped from 29.3% (1,690 hours)
to 25% (1,450 hours) (X2= 18.34, df=1, P5 0.001). TV 3 news program dropped 3%,
from 27% (1,550 hours) to 24% (1,380 hours) (X2 = 9.42, df=1,N 0.01). Movies were
another type of program that suffered due to the competition. Movie programs in RTM 2
had a 25% drop. It dropped from 39% (2,217 hours) to only 14% (760 hours) (X2 = 713,
df=1, 0.01). Movie programs in RTM 1 dropped from 12% (695 hours) to zero
percent after the new competitors entered the market. However, due to the constraint of
the chi-square goodness-of-fit test, this study is unable to show the significant level of
difference in this data. Movie programs in TV 3 also dropped, however, there is no
significant difference.
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Table 3Types of Programs for RTM 1, RTM 2 and TV 3 during peak hour (from 7pm to 11pm)
before and after the New Channels entered the Malaysia Market, 1 July, 1995.RTM 1 RTM 2 TV 3
Musical/ Variety
% in Peak firs
News% in Peak Hrs
Before(July I, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=241623%
X2=474
1,69029.3%
X2=18.34
After(January to
December, 97)
N=2485715%
df=1 135.001
1,45025%
df=1 P5.001
Before(July 1, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=2490
1.5%X2 =28.9
1,62828%
X2=171.3
After(January to
December, 97)
N=241783%
df=1 P5.001
96217%
df=1 135.001
Before(July 1, 94 toJune 30, 95)
N=242765%
X2=102.2
1,55027%
X2=9.42
After(January to
December, 97)
N=2457010%
df=1 P5.001
1,38024%
df=1 P5.01
Movie 695 0 2,217 760 1,432 1,350% in Peak Hrs 12% 39% 14% 25% 23.6%
X2=713 df=1 P5.001 X2=2.42 df=1 N. S.
Magazine 110 49 150 120 58 0% in Peak Firs 2% 1% 3% 2% 1%
X2=23.4 df=1 135.001 X2=3.33 df=1 N. S.
Forum/Discussion 210 270 0 208 0 0Vo in Peak Firs 4% 5% 3.7%
X2=7.5 df=1 P5.01
Public Service 201 336 30 90 0 0% in Peak firs 3.4% 6% 0.5% 1.5%
X2=33.94 df=1 P5.001 X2=30 df=1 P5.001
Children 414 542 0 0 0 0% in Peak Hrs 7.3% 9%
X2=17.14 df=1 P5.001
Game Show 0 304 540 150 0 0% in Peak Hrs 5% 9% 3%
X2=220.4 df=1 P5.001
TV Drama 1,753 1,720 890 2,724 1,904 1,560% in Peak Hrs 30% 30% 15.5% 47% 33% 27%
X2=.31 df=1 N. S. X2 =930.7 df=1 P5.001 X2=34.16 df=1 p5.001
Sports 310 60 90 216 0 120% in Peak Hrs 5.4% 1% 1.5% 3% 2%
X2=168.9 df=1 P5.001 X2 =51.88 df=1 P5.001
Sit-corn 180 172 125 302 540 420% in Peak Hrs 3% 3% 2% 5% 9% 7.2%
X2=.18 df=1 N. S. X2=73.37 df=1 P5.001 X2=15 df=1 P5.001
Information 35 0 0 50 0 360% in Peak firs 0.6% 0.8% 6.2%
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The third subcategory that shows the same trend of decline in all three channels is
the Magazine program. However, using the chi-square goodness-of-fit test only the data
for RTM 1 shows significant level of difference. The Magazine program in RTM 1
dropped from 2% (110 hours) to 1% (49 hours) (X2 = 23.4, df=1, 0.01).
Other subcategories in Table 3 do not show the same trend in all three channels,
however, the data shows that two types of programsPublic service and
Forum/Discussionappear to be associated closely with state-run channels than the
private-own television channel. Both types of programs increased in the state-run
channels: RTM 1 and 2. For RTM 1, Forum/Discussion programs Oncreased from 4%
(210 hours) to 5% (270 hours) (X2 =--- 7.5, df=1, 0.01). RTM 2 increased from zero
percent to 3.7% (208 hours), however, the chi-square goodness-of-fit test was not able to
determine the level of significant difference as one of the data is zero. TV 3 on the other
hand did not have any Forum/Discussion program during the peak hour slots before and
after the new competitors emerged. Public service programs such as prayer reminders
also seem to be closely associated with RTM 1 and 2. RTM l's Public Service increased
from 3.4% (201 hours) to 6% (270 hours) (X2 = 33.94, df =1, P 0.01) and RTM 2
increased from 0.5% (30 hours) to 1.5% (90 hours) (X2 = 30, df=1,13 0.001). TV 3
again did not have any Public Service program during the peak hotfr slots before and after
the change occurred.
Children's program is another subcategory that is worth mentioning. Only RIM
1 carried children's programs during the peak hour slots and the channel increased this
type of program from 7.3% (414 hours) before to 9% (542 hours)(X2 = 17.14, df=1,
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0.001) after the new competitors emerged. RTM 2 and TV 3 did not have any children's
programs before or after the change of the broadcasting scene in Malaysia.
Table 4Ranking of program types for RTM 1, RTM 2 and TV 3
during peak hours (from 7pm to 11 pm)before and after
the new channels entered the Malaysia market, 1 July, 1995.
% upon peak hrs
RTM 1Before After
(July I, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
TV Drama TV Drama30% 30%
RTM 2Before After
(July 1, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
Movie TV Drama39% 47%
TV 31. Before After`(July I, 94 to (January toJune 30, 95) December, 97)
TV Drama TV Drama33% 27%
Accumulative % 30% 30% 39% 47% 33% 27%
News News News News News News% upon peak hrs 29.3% 25% 28% 17% 27% 24%
Accumulative % 59.3% 55% 67% 64% 60% 51%
Movie Musical TV Drama Movie Movie Movie% upon peak hrs 12% 15% 15.5% 14% 25% 23.6%
Accumulative % 71.3% 70% 82.5% 78% 85% 74.6%
% upon peak hrsAccumulative %
Children7.3%
78.6%
Sports
Children9%
Public79%
Game9%
9 / . 5%
Magazine
Sit-corn5%
83%
Forum
Sit-corn9%
94%
Musical
Musical10%
84.6%
Sit-corn% upon peak hrs
Accumulative 'Ye5.4%
84%6%
85%
3%94.5%
3.7%86.7%
5%99%
7.2%9 / .8%
% upon peak hrsAccumulative %
Forum4%
88%
Game5%
90%
Sit-corn2%
96.5%
Sports3%
89.7%
Magazine1%
/00%
Info.6.2%
98%
% upon peak hrsAccumulative %
Public3.4%
91.4%
Forum5%
95%
Musical1.5%
98%
Musical3%
92.7%
Children
Sports
Sports2%
100%
% upon peak hrsAccumulative %
Sit-com3%
94.4%
Sit-corn3%
98%
Sports1.5%
99.5%
Game3%
95.7%
Children
Musical Sport Public Magazine Forum Forum% upon peak hrs 3% 1% 0.5% 2%
Accumulative % 97.4% 99% 100% 97.7%
Magazine Magazine Children Public Public Public% upon peak hrs 2% 1% 1.5%
Accumulative % 99.4% 100% 99.2%
Info Movie Forum Info Info Magazine% upon peak hrs 0.6% 0.8%
Accumulative % 100% 100%
Game Info Info Children Game Game% upon peak hrs
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To better understand the consequences of competition on the three traditional
channels in Malaysia, Table 4 was formulated to see if the most popular types of
programs have changed due to the emergence of the new competitors. Table 4 shows that
before the new competitors entered the Malaysia market, the most Ropular type of
program during peak hours for RTM 1 (30%) and TV 3 (33%) was TV Drama. As for
RTM 2, the most popular type of program was Movie (39%). After the change of the
Malaysian broadcasting scene, the most popular type of program during peak hour slots
for all three channels was TV Drama (RTM1: 30%; RTM 2: 47%; TV 3: 27%). The
second most popular program during peak hour slots was News program for all three
channels before and after the stated period. The third most popular program during peak
hour slots, however, was not as uniform. For RTM 1, before and after the stated period
was Movie (12%) and Musical/variety (15%). For RTM 2, before and after the stated
period was TV Drama (15.5%) and Movie (14%). For TV 3, before and after the stated
period was Movie (before 25% and after 23.6%). It is important td note that the top three
most popular types of program combined make up for more then 70% of all programs
during the peaks hour slots before and after the stated periods for all three channels. This
shows that the most popular type of programsTV Drama, News, Movie, and
MusicalNarietydominated the three channels' peak hour slots regardless of the period
there were situated. This indicates that before the new competitors entered the Malaysia
market, the competitions among the three traditional channels already prompted the
broadcasters to use limited types of program for peak hour slots. Table 4's data
apparently supported Joo-Ho Lee and Sug-Min Youn's notion that strong competition has
the effect of decreasing programming diversity. However, the competition that affected
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the Malaysian broadcasting scene happened long before the new competitors entered the
market.
Another observation that can be made in Table 4 is that the privately owned
channel TV 3 has less diversity than the state-run channels during the peak hour slots.
Before the stated period, RTM 1 had eleven and RTM 2 has nine types of program in its
peak hour slots, TV 3 on the other hand had only six types of programs. After the stated
period, RTM 1 had ten and RTM 2 had eleven but TV 3 had only seven types of
programs during the peak hour slots. This observation shows that the privately owned
channel was more inclined to invest on limited types of programs, which tend to be more
entertainment oriented such as TV Drama, Movie, Sit-com and Musical/variety, than the
state owned channels. However, whether such a programming strategy would result in it
having more market share than the other channels or not is a topic that needs further
study.
Conclusions and further studies
This study shows that the emergence of new competitorsMetrovision, Mega TV
and ASTROdid have an impact on the total airtime and languages of broadcast in peak
hour slots for the three traditional channelsRTM 1, 2 and TV3. On the other hand, the
impact that the new competitors had on the traditional channels' choice of program types
was not as conclusive. Although certain types of program such as TV Drama, News,
Musical/variety, and Movie did increase or decrease to a certain degree due to the
introduction of the new competitors, this did not change the progr4rming structure
which is still dominated by three types of programs: TV Drama, News and Movie.
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Another observation that could be made in this study is that in terms of language
of broadcast during the peak hour slots, we found that the Indian population in Malaysia
was not targeted by the three traditional channels at all during this time slot. This finding
supported the claim made by Kaarthigesu's study (1998) where he pointed out that only
55.5% of the Malaysian Indian respondents in his survey said that they watched
television more than two hours per day and "the low percentage can be assumed to be due
to the small number of Indian programs on Malaysian TV."I3
The difference between state owned (RTM 1 and 2) and privately owned channels
(TV 3) is another point worth mentioning. RTM's position as the state-owned television
station does have an effect on the way it schedules peak hour programs. As the nation's
public service broadcaster, it has the obligation to provide programssuch as
Forum/Discussion and Public Servicethat serve the public interest. As a result, this
might cripple its ability to compete against TV 3 or the new competitors. On the other
hand, TV 3 as a privately owned channel seems to has more room to maneuver in this
regard hence it has an advantage over the state owned channels in competing against the
new competitors.
As this study only concentrated on Total Airtime, language of broadcast and types
of programs during peak hours, further studies need to be conducted to better understand
the impact that the emergence of new competitors have on the threi channels. Firstly, an
analysis of the commercials that appeared in these channels before and after the stated
period could lead researchers into further understanding the impact of competition.
Secondly, a study on the correlation between types of program and viewership is also
13 R. Karthigesu, "Transborder Television in Malaysia." In TV without borders: Asia speaks out. ed. AnuraGoonasekera & Paul S. N. Lee. AMIC (Singapore: AMIC, 1998), 52.
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needed to better understand the rationale behind these programming decisions and the
differences between state owned and private channel's programming strategies.
Malaysian Television 22
References
Adhikarya, R. (1977). Broadcasting in Peninsular Malaysia. London: Rout ledge &Kegan Paul in association with the International Institute of Communications.
Hu lten, 0., & Brants, K. (1992). Public service broadcasting: Reactions to competition.In Siune, K. & Truetzschler, W. (Eds.), Dynamics of media politics: Broadcastand electronic media in Western Europe. (pp. 116-128). CA: Sage.
Karthigesu, R. (1986). Television as a tool for Nation-Building in the Third World: Apost-colonial pattern, using Malaysia as a case study. Paper presented at theannual meeting of the International Television Studies Conference, London,England. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 293526)
Karthigesu, R. (1994). Broadcasting deregulation in developing Asian nations: Anexamination of nascent tendencies using Malaysia as a case study. Media, Culture& Society, 16, 73-90.
Lee, J., & Youn, S. (1995). Industrial structure, government control and networktelevision programming: The case of South Korea. Asian Journal ofCommunication, 5(1), 52-70.
Lee, Paul S. N. (1998). Towards a theory of transborder television. In G. Anura & Lee, P.S. N. (Eds.), TV without borders: Asia speaks out. Singapore: Asian MassCommunication Research and Information Center.
Lowe, V. & Kamin, J. (1982). TV programme management in a plural society: Decision-making processes in radio and television Malaysia. SingapOre: Asian MassCommunication Research and Information Center.
McDaniel, D. 0. (1994). Broadcasting in the Malay World: Radio, television, and videoin Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. NJ: Ablex PublishingCorporation.
McQuail, D. (1994). Mass communication theory: An introduction, 3rd ed. CA: Sage.
Nain, Z. (1996). The impact of the International marketplace on the organization ofMalaysian television. In French, D., & Richards, M. (Eds.), Contemporarytelevision: Eastern perspectives. (pp. 157-180). New Delhi: Sage.
Shoemaker, P. J. and Reese, S. D. (1996) Mediating the Message: Theories of
44
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iInfluences on Mass Media Content, 2nd ed. NY: Longman publisher USA.
Straubhaar, Joseph D. (1991) Beyond Media Imperialism: Assymetrical Interdependenceand Cultural Proximity. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8. 39-59.
Wang, L. K. (1999). Malaysia: Ownership as control. In Balgos, C. C. A. (Eds.), News indistress: The Southeast Asian media in a time of crisis. (pp. 69-90). Philippine:Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism.
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RECEIVEDJUL @ 7 2r
THE TRANSPARENCY OF CULTURE AND POLITICS IN ECONOMIC DISCOURSE
By Jennie Rupertus
Masters Student, The University of Texas at AustinDepartment of Radio-TV-Film
Contact Information:
10142 Cassandra DriveAustin, TX 78717(512) [email protected]
Paper submitted to the Guido H. Stempel III paper competition, Graduate Education InterestGroup of The Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
for the August 2000 conference, Phoenix, Arizona
4E
The Transparency of Culture and Politics in Economic Discourse
Jennie RupertusUniversity of Texas at Austin
In today's world, with its unprecedented expansion and interconnection of commercialmarkets, it is increasingly difficult to contest that economic structures influence our socialrealities. Likewise, it is equally problematic to discuss economics without also referencing
issues of culture and politics. This referencing can be explicitly stated, or else implicitly
invoked. However, despite these assertions, the latter manner more accurately describesrepresentations of economic discourse in an overwhelming proportion of today's popular mediapublications. In these cases, it is often difficult to recognize the presence of cultural and political
values, for they become subtly masked as common sense. This seems to suggest the necessity ofdeconstructing economic discourse if we hope to better understand our social realities.
Although a highly nuanced topic, the media regularly frame 'globalization' with regard toeconomic issues. Representations in The Wall Street Journal, for example, exemplify this pointmost explicitly through statements such as: "By 'globalization,' people mean not only trade but
also foreign direct investment," (October 27, 1995). Therefore, I have chosen to utilizeglobalization as a site for the interrogation of economic discourse. I am not suggesting thatpopular representations of globalization fail to reference culture and politics. Rather, my intentis to demonstrate how culture and politics can become so enmeshed within our understanding ofeconomics that their presence is rendered transparent.
Marjorie Ferguson's "The Mythology About Globalization" has greatly inspired thisproject. She states:
the topic of globalization provides a conceptual entry point to an evolving worldorder and a concept of evaluating 'a particular series of developments concerningthe concrete structuration of the world as a whole (Robertson, 1990: 20) ... ourincorporation into a one-world, global society is contingent on changing valueorientations (1992, p. 70).
Subsequently, this essay will draw a connection between globalization, ideology, and thestructuring of our realities. It will champion the utility of semiology, as an approach to unmask
the values and beliefs layered in notions of 'globalization.' It will demonstrate how mediarepresentations and globalization mythology have contributed to the naturalization of 'sensibleeconomics' as value-free by incorporating an analysis of globalization discourse from The Wall
Street Journal. This essay will emphasize the significance of linguistic codes. It will alsodesignate critical consciousness as key to recognizing our potential to shape the future. To beginthough, let me further contextualize the genesis of this project and then sketch a brief overviewof how globalization, as an economic construct, has been examined in the past.
This project has been fundamentally driven by a desire to expose the false representationsof 'globalization' as an inevitable stage in the 'natural' evolution of economic life. Therefore, it
47
is highly informed by Roland Barthes' concept of "myth [as] a type of speech chosen by history...[not able to evolve from the 'nature' of things," (1980, p. 110). My primary concern inconceptualizing this project was to illustrate how current discourse and popular representationsfail to reveal the political nature of globalization as a business strategy. My plan was to analyzeglobalization discourse as a sign system, making a requisite call for the inclusion of semioticanalysis as a way to approach the topic and thereby demonstrate its hidden agenda.
At the outset of my analysis, I found the opposite of what I intended. Although my planto examine constructions of discourse has endured, the following report emerged from this initialfinding: globalization was explicitly represented as a business strategy in a variety of popularmedia publications. My investigation of theoretical approaches that frame the study ofglobalization also revealed that far from distinguishing between the spheres of culture andeconomics, researchers have increasingly focused on their convergence. And additionally, farfrom discrediting the influence of culture, even the staunchest proponents of economicstructuration incorporated elements of cultural representation into their arguments. At this point,I turn my attention to some of those approaches.
Globalization: From Cultural Imperialism to Cultural Studies
The investigation of economic structuration and the study of globalization can be usefullycharted along a continuum of theoretical and methodological approaches. Cultural Imperialismis customarily categorized as a radical, leftist perspective that presumes the non-existence ofhuman agency as a force to resist dominant (generally, on a global scale) values, attitudes,customs and politics. According to John Tomlinson, "much of the writing on cultural
imperialism assigns a more central role to economic practices. Often the implication is that these
are what are really at stake, and that cultural factors are instrumental in maintaining political-
economic dominance," (1991, p. 3).
Tomlinson draws a solid connection between economic practices and society's culturalsphere. He also acknowledges the difficulty of defining 'cultural imperialism,' referring to the`broad range of issues' its discourse invokes. Therefore, Tomlinson problematizesdistinguishing culture from politics and economics. Through discursive deconstruction, hefurther relates the notion of imperialism to globalization by proposing that notions of culturalimperialism emerged not so much as an explanation of, but rather, as a reaction to the powerfulefforts of dominant nations to impose an increasingly globalized culture on the weaker nations of
the world.
Herbert Schiller has often been associated with theories of cultural imperialism.However, in the early 1990's, he attempted to revise his 1960's cultural domination thesis tobetter account for changing historical contexts. Although he concedes that the reality of culturaldomination has passed, he is quick to qualify that domination continues today in the form of a`total culture package' directed by the authority and influence of transnational corporations.
Schiller's essay, "Not Yet the Post-Imperialist Era," is, in part, a response to critics whoclaim that America's dominant position in the new global context is diminished. "A new hopefor overcoming the deepening economic and social disparities around the world is seen in what is
called the trend to globalization," (Schiller, 1991, p. 19). Globalization is changing the face of
48
domination. Power is now, according to Schiller, concentrated at an institutional (rather than anational) level. "The actual sources of what is being called globalization are not to be found inthe newly achieved harmony of interests in the international arena ... the infrastructure of what ishopefully seen as the first scaffolding of universalism is supplied by the transnational corporatebusiness order," (Schiller, 1991, p. 22).
Schiller develops his argument by referring to Joseph Nye's concept of soft power:"[quoting Nye] 'Soft powerthe ability to co-opt rather than commandrests on intangibleresources: culture, ideology, the ability to use international institutions to determine theframework of debate.' ... This is cultural imperialism with a semantic twist," (Schiller, 1991, p.
18). Soft power suggests a more hegemonic type of control. This new domination relies oncultural discourse to set a global agenda.
Herman and McChesney also emphasize the power of transnational corporations and theascension of a more pervasive global capitalism, preferencing a political economy perspective intheir book, The Global Media. They demonstrate the historical trend of American dominance, atthe global level, "to organize a new world order serviceable to its political and economicinterests," (Herman and McChesney, 1997, p. 17) which includes support of open markets,currency conversion, the reduction of trade barriers, and 'open-door' policies. They state:
In the 1980s a wave of global 'liberalization' gathered momentum ... Tariffs andnational barriers to foreign investment and trade also came under sharp attack asimpediments to economic growth and efficiency. The new economic, political,and ideological environment of the 1980s and 1990s has greatly stimulated TNCcross-border expansion and has more closely integrated the world economy(Herman and McChesney, 1997, p. 26).
It is significant that their approach also recognizes how politics and ideology are inherently partof economics. In this sense, their focus on structure does not necessarily deny the influence ofculture.
Herman and McChesney clearly indicate that today's global context was shaped by thepolicy decisions of the past. In addition, they also emphasize that today's trade agreements willgreatly affect the social, political and economic realities of the future. They note, "The politicaldesign of all these regional and global trade agreements has been to remove decision-makingpowers from local and national legislatures in favor of impersonal market forces and / orsupranational bureaucracies remote from popular control," (Herman and McChesney, 1997, p.
30).
When viewed in these ways, it is difficult to accept that globalization is value-free and
`naturally' evolved. This speaks then to the power of ideology. They reference a "strongideology [that] extends to non-beneficiaries [of a global consumer ideology] and genuinevictims, many of whom accept it in the face of contradictory experience. Those who question itspostulate of benevolence may still not escape its assumptions of naturalness and inevitability,"(Herman and McChesney, 1997, p. 35). For these authors, global media are mechanisms forsocial control. They function to perpetuate and re-articulate this ideology, and, in addition, theybenefit as well. Herman and McChesney indicate:
49
the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and U.S.A. Todayand severalothers ... set the agenda for the rest of the press and for broadcasters as well ...these are elite institutions closely linked to the corporate community andgovernment, and they tend to limit debate and investigative zeal within acceptableelite parameters (1997, p. 138).
Arjun Appadurai echoes Herman and McChesney's position that media are crucial to themaintenance and re-creation of an ideologically favorable environment for globalization.However, in his essay, "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," hecomplicates the conceptualization of a global cultural economy by also positing the relevance ofethnoscapes, technoscapes and finanscapes. He states, "The complexity of the current globaleconomy has to do with certain fundamental disjunctures between economy, culture and politicswhich we have barely begun to theorize," (Appadurai, 1990, p. 296). This complexitydemonstrates:
the global relationship between ethnoscapes, technoscapes and finanscapes isdeeply disjunctive and profoundly unpredictable ... each acts as a constraint and aparameter for movements in the other. Thus ... [a] model of global politicaleconomy must take into account the shifting relationship between perspectives onhuman movement, technological flow, and financial transfers, which canaccommodate their deeply disjunctive relationships with one another (Appadurai,1990, p. 298).
Therefore, for Appadurai, specificity is an essential component in any attempt to studyeconomics, politics and culture in a global context.
Appadurai makes the subtle observation that the globalization and the homogenization ofculture are distinct; homogenization is a vehicle for globalization. He goes on to note' thatconsumers have been transformed, through globalizing tendencies, into a 'sign' that functions to`mask' "the real seat of agency, which is not the consumer but the producer and the many forcesthat constitute production," (Appadurai, 1990, p. 307). Here, he alludes to the significationsembedded within 'globalization.' Of all the approaches mentioned thus far, Appadurai'sapproach represents the most concerted effort to bridge (without overtly preferencing one or theother) political economy and cultural studies perspectives.
Douglas Kellner also calls for a similar joining of theoretical approaches. I offer theposition detailed in his essay, "Overcoming the Divide: Cultural Studies and Political Economy"as a final example for this proposed continuum. Kellner wants to incorporate elements ofpolitical economy into studies of expressive culture. His account is clearly rooted in a culturaltradition, but he sees political economy enhancing and extending humanistic readings of culturaltexts. In his words, "culture must be investigated within the social relations and system throughwhich it is produced and consumed, and that analysis of culture is thus intimately bound up withthe study of society, politics, and economics," (Kellner, 1997, p. 103). He asserts, "Politicaleconomy thus encompasses economics and politics and ... the other central dimensions ofsociety and culture ... However, 'political economy' does not merely refer solely to economics... the term thus links culture to its political and economic context and opens up cultural studiesto history and politics," (Kellner, 1997, p. 105).
50
In front of the backdrop of a global media culture, Kellner goes on to equate emergingversions of common sense with respective, historically located political hegemonies. What isdeemed logical at any point in time is highly influenced by the ideologically driven politicalatmosphere. For instance, media conglomeration
was both a function of the general atmosphere of deregulation and a FederalCommunications Commission ruling under the Clinton administration ... relaxingthese rules and visions of 'synergy' between productions and distribution unitshas led to an even greater concentration of media conglomerates and will thusprobably lead to a narrower range of programming and voices in the future(Kellner, 1997, p. 108).
This example illustrates the impossibility of isolating elements of globalizing economic trendsfrom politics, culture, ideology and naturalized forms of 'reason.'
Keliner's call for a taultiperspectival' approach, informed by political economy, that notonly reads texts as hegemonically ideological, but also incorporates notions of meaningful socialrepresentations within systems of production and distribution, is unfortunately beyond the scopeof the project at hand. Instead, I wish to draw on scholars like Kellner to emphasize the value ofoverlapping approaches and demonstrate the connections between politics, culture andeconomics in the interstices of globalization discourse. Economics is a structuring force, butsemiotic and narrative analyses reveal links to the influence of culture and politics.
Each scholar represented in this spectrum of approaches has attributed a varying degreeof power to culture. But, they all significantly presuppose the intersection of culture andeconomics. Although each has substantiated that a relationship between discourse, ideology andglobalizing tendencies exists, few strive to explain how discourse envelops ideology andinfluences globalizing practices. However, Marjorie Ferguson, informed by Barthes, has focusedher attention on second order significations in globalization mythology. At this point, in aneffort to further substantiate the convergence of economics, politics and culture, and to re-articulate the value and necessity of a semiotic approach, I trace a similar relationship betweendiscursive mythology and structuration.
Connecting Semiotics, Structuration and Mythology
In his seminal work on mythology, Barthes posits: "in myth the meaning is distorted bythe concept. Of course, this distortion is possible only because the form of the myth is alreadyconstituted by a linguistic meaning...myth is a value," (1980, pp. 122-123). As a parallel,globalization mythology is more significant than its explicit linguistic meaning might suggest.Globalization myths also signify values.
Ferguson extends this line of analysis. She argues that representations of globalizationexplicitly function as explanations, but, more significantly, also implicitly serve ideological
objectives. She states:
As a conceptual notion, then, 'globalization' offers mixed messages. It soundslike a relatively value-neutral descriptor of a supranational universe ... But oncloser examination it reveals extensive causal assumptions, normative intentions
51
and value judgements ... Such rhetoric, far from being value-free, impliesreification and carries ideological baggage whereby globalization becomes thenew dynamic ... of world change ... [I]ts status may be moving from that ofmythology to ideology (1992, pp. 73-74).
The mythological, ideological rhetoric that Ferguson is referring to is not so much aboutglobalization per se as it is "about the objectives of and relationships between the disparateinterests and institutions seeking to ride on the back of the globalizing momentum," (1992, p.
74). In this sense, globalization rhetoric clearly operates and should be acknowledged as asecond order system of signification. Ferguson emphasizes the social and dynamic nature ofglobalization's myths:
The mythology about globalization also reveals how old myths adapt and newones arise ... Nothing is finite about this structuring of social reality. Like all thebest mythologies, this too is fluid, as new myths emerge to explain a changingworld so old ones adapt or fade away (Ferguson, 1992, p. 74).
She makes reference to the systemic power of narrative constructions to structure and confinesocial reality through the categorization of political, economic and cultural ideas. Unfortunately,absent from this account is the specificity that an explicit analysis would afford. In myestimation, the aforementioned signification supports a recognition of narrative constructions as
a unit of study and substantiates the value of discursive analysis in the interrogation of whatglobalization means, or, more specifically, what globalization myths signify.
Barthes makes a case that the very power and principle of myth lies in its ability totransform "history into nature ... the concept can remain manifest without however appearing tohave an interest in the matter: what causes mythical speech to be uttered is perfectly explicit, butit is immediately frozen into something natural; it is not read as a motive, but as a reason,"(1980, p. 129). Therefore, prior to incorporating semiotic analysis in the study of globalization,we are restricted to question only that which is said. Accordingly, we are unable (without thecontribution of semiotics) to delve beneath the surface, beyond what is said, to examine what the
messages might signify.
Barthes recognized that myths could exist in modes of writing, such as journalism. Forexample, in newspaper articles, "the signification becomes a parasite of the article," (Barthes,
1980, p. 132). Here, he reconfirms that language, as a system, is meaningful on both theconnotative and denotative levels. This is why deconstructing what the newspapers signify canexpose more critical explanations of culture and society. Mythology's hegemonic power is soeffective because it " does not deny things, on the contrary, its function is to talk about them ... it
purifies them, it makes them innocent, it gives them a natural and eternal justification ... it
organizes a world which is without contradictions because it is without depth ... things appear tomean something by themselves," (Barthes, 1980, p. 143). My initial error in approaching thisproject was to underestimate the subtlety of myths.
I originally mistook 'globalization as a business strategy' as globalization's myth. In asense then, disappointment over early readings of popular representations of globalization (as abusiness strategy) precluded my immediate recognition of mythology's more powerful effect: to
explicitly reveal global strategizing in a way that renders it natural, justified, and innocent while
conflating it with a seemingly inevitable strand of progress and sensible advancement.Discursive analyses and the study of second order signification are then central to exposingstructures. And, exposing the social construction of structural barriers is the crucial first steptoward recognizing our potential to re-construct social realities and influence social change.With this in mind, I turn toward the details ofthis analysis.
Representations of Globalization in The Wall Street Journal
It is not possible for even The Wall Street Journal to discuss economics without alsoinvoking issues of politics and culture, though it primarily does so in an implicit and purportedlyneutral manner. To the extent that economics is considered a 'science,' the 'logic' of producing,distributing and consuming appears universally evident and disinterested. However, in fact,
perhaps no publication more devoutly presupposes the 'logic' of economics as 'common sense.'As Herman and McChesney suggest, The Wall Street Journal functions as a model for theindustry, setting both professional standards and news agendas. It is therefore likely thatrepresentations of economic discourse in The Wall Street Journal influence similar coverage in a
variety of smaller newspapers.
The Wall Street Journal began indexing globalization, as a news topic, in 1995. It was
discontinued as an indexed topic of news in 1998. My sample therefore consists of the 31indexed articles, which ran between October, 1995 and December, 1997. I am not suggesting
that issues of or relevant to globalization were not mentioned in this publication prior to 1995,since 1997, or that additional articles published within the specified period of time made no
mention of globalization. Indeed, a multitude of such articles were excluded from this sample
and could prove to be a valuable starting point for future work. I have simply chosen to limit my
sample to the coverage The Wall Street Journal declared germane to the topic at hand.
Convention tells us that where articles are placed in a newspaper is indicative of the
story's perceived prominence. The stories judged to be most significant are customarily placed
in the front of the newspaper. It is quite revealing then that over fifty percent of the stories aboutglobalization appeared in the first section of The Wall Street Journal, and approximately onethird of the total sample appeared on the front page. In addition, the topic of globalizationwarranted the publication of four special reports. These details all speak to the tremendous sense
of presence that we associate with globalization.
Perhaps what was most significant in relation to placement was that, although all of the
articles explicitly represented globalization as intrinsically economic, only two stories wereclassified as 'Economy' pieces and only one was categorized as a 'Business' article. The paper'seditors demonstrated no show of apprehension as they overridingly positioned economicdiscourse throughout the newspaper, naturalizing associations between culture and politics as
economic.
It is also notable that nineteen percent of the sampled articles, all incidentally located inthe first section of the paper, were classified as 'International' stories. Globalization is obviouslyimpacting regions of the world beyond our national borders. However, what is telling about this
53
classification is the implication that 'International' stories are considered prominent news items
in terms of their relation to economic issues, events and activities.
Headlines are often considered the most important narrative element in any news story.Because few people read a newspaper from front to back, it is not uncommon for the headline tobe the only part of an article that is actually read. From the sample of headlines, broken apartinto word groups and narrative phrases, two primary themes emerged: globalization wasunavoidably powerful; and / or unquestionably positive.
In the first case, headlines expressed the strength and powerful momentum ofglobalization with phrases such as: 'driving force,' flood of deals' and 'continental shift.'Globalization was represented as something that should inspire panic. It demanded that we
defend ourselves; it was a force that one needed to survive. The following excerpts evoked a
sense of urgency: 'head off crisis,' just survive,' gird for global battle,' threatened by globaleconomy' and 'scramble in race.' And the implied best defense, to avoid being conquered by the`global powerhouses' and the 'mega-mergers,' was to choose to join the race or risk beingovertaken.
The second theme aroused feelings of liberation and freedom. Globalization, in this
sense, was all about a new environment of bigger and better opportunities. For example, 'firmsexpand,' stocks surge' and 'firms thrive,' in this 'era of growth' with its 'freer global markets,'`no boundaries,' expanding strategies' and 'emerging markets.' The headlines urged, 'follow
customers,' forestall inflation' and `reorganize.' The barriers are few' for 'global
powerhouses.'
These suggestions are in no way value-free. They automatically assume the virtue ofgrowth and expansion, and herald freedom without. limitations. When globalization is positioned
as the result of reorganization, it implies that the latter stage is more organized and systematic.
In a sense then, globalization becomes conflated with order and efficiency. This type ofconflation is in and of itself considerable. But embedded deeper within that conflation is thevaluing of productive efficiency, which often connotes cost-effectiveness. If we grant that cost-effectiveness is a central tenet of economic logic, we can begin to see how cultural values aredeeply embedded within 'pure' economic reason.
Informed by the 'inverted pyramid' construction of news articles (itself a signifyingcode), the lead sentence (or lead paragraph) contextualizes the article by conveying to the readerthe pith of the story. In other words, readers are told what is (supposedly) at issue one inch intothe account'. The sampled leads frame the articles in accordance with a few dominant themesthat especially resonate with one of America's most fundamental cultural axioms: competition.More often than not, the leads conjured up images of contests. Phrases such as 'rapid pace,'`global powerhouses,' threat for U.S.,' compete around the globe' and 'bold step forward' allcontribute to generating an atmosphere of competition. There is a sense of needing to measure
up in the global context. An article began by naming the 'leaders in globalization,' suggesting
I wish to problematize my use of 'story' and 'account.' As synonyms for 'article,' they suggest the inherently
subjective construction of news that, unfortunately, is not often attributed to journalism.
54
the metaphor of an athletic event to connote that globalization was a race that we should strive to
lead.
As one example, the lead of the most recent article asserts that 'the big question for 1998'is whether or not the Asian `financial crisis' is a "welcome tranquilizer for the U.S. economy orthe first tremor of the Clinton recession," (December 29, 1997). Here it is assumed that theyear's 'biggest question' must be related to the state of the economy. This lead is richly layered
with signified meaning. First, financial problems are crises. Second, the use of the word`tranquilizer' suggests that the U.S. economy is witnessing unimagined growth and expansion (as
a result of this globally integrated market system). Similarly, the use of the word 'tremor'evokes images of a forthcoming earthquakea massive, natural disaster. The looming disasteris a threatening recession, though not just any recession. This recession is the Clinton recession,
as though Clinton's presidency is the only force that could lead to such an occurrence.
It would take the average reader approximately four seconds to read the leaddeconstructed above. And, I would argue that he or she would most likely accept the level ofsignificance granted to issues of economy by immediately and instinctively moving on to the
next sentence. In doing so, this reader probably would not overtly identify and question theassociations made between economic downturns and notions of crisis. He or she might skip overthe links connecting globalization and the phenomenal growth of the U.S. economy, and arecession with the Clinton administration. Hasty readings may lead readers to automaticallyabsorb these associations as naturally related, and therefore miss the presence of culture andpolitics in that which is economic.
Another article reports on the reality of globalization:
In a world stripped of the superpower confrontation that defined internationalbehavior during the Cold War, commercial interaction has more and more becomea force that shapes relations among nations ... In the U.S., international trade nowaccounts for about 24% of gross [sic] domestic product. This has been anextremely positive development. As trade barriers fall away, as flows of foreigndirect investment increase, new competitors enter the marketplace, creating newopportunities for consumers and job seekers (April 28, 1997).
This quotation characterizes the world as 'stripped' of Cold War politics. `[S]tripped' is aninteresting word choice when positioned in relation to 'superpower confrontation.' What itsuggests is that the world is so in need of an overarching ideology to 'guide internationalbehavior' that even the threat of Cold War confrontation is preferable to the absence of some sortof central dogma. But we need not worry, for 'more and more,' commercial interaction' hasapparently evolved to meet that need. In this sense economics is 'naturally' positioned as thenew world ideology, conflating the logic of economics with a sense of world order. This notonly naturalizes the incorporation of politics and culture into that which is economic, but alsopresupposes that what is economic is inevitably transnational, cross-cultural and orderly.
The passage continues with the assumption that a rising percentage of international tradeis 'an extremely positive development.' This may or may not be the case, but in this instancethere is no recognized need to back the stated assertion. Its content is understood to be evident.
55
Therefore, the falling away of trade barriers, increases in foreign direct investment andmarketplace competition that support this development must also be meritorious. The directednature of these political decisions becomes masked behind the logic of economic development.
Let me concede that critiques of globalization were incorporated into the narrativeconstructions of this sample. However, such critiques were more frequently placed at the end ofthe articles than in the beginning. This brief analysis was intended to be less about critiquingglobalization than it was to demonstrate that signified meanings and manifest values are layered
within the content of economic discourse.
It is important to recognize that discourse, significations, ideology and social structuresdo not mesh together in a seamless, uncomplicated fashion. Nevertheless, over time, linguisticcodes can become absorbed into our consciousness, in accordance with (in Stuart Hall's terms) a`pattern of preferred reading,' and meaningfully influence how we make sense of the world.
According to Hall, codes interact in a language system to produce 'dominant' readings oftextual representations. We do need to acknowledge that every reader is not going to interpretevery code in the same manner. Hall is careful to specify that 'dominant' is never equated with`determinant.' But this alone does not disqualify the power and presence of dominant ideology.We must not confuse the existence of 'negotiated' and 'resistive' readings as an extinguishmentof 'dominant' readings. Notions of negotiated and resistive readings seem, in fact, to require theexistence of a dominant reading. Otherwise, what would be negotiated and resisted?
Hall suggests that 'patterns of preferred reading' have
the institutional / political / ideological order imprinted in them ... The domainsof 'preferred meanings' have the whole social order embedded in them as a set ofmeanings, practices and beliefs: the everyday knowledge of social structures, of`how things work for all practical purposes in a culture,' the rank order of powerand interest and the structure of legitimations, limits and sanctions (Hall, 1980, p.
134).
Therefore, by accepting the preferred reading of codes as logical, we correspondingly accepttheir embedded social order.
The discursive analysis specified above demonstrates that there is considerable evidencesupporting the presence of cultural and political values in representations of globalization. But, Iwould argue that the patterns described in the analysis probably went undetected by the vastmajority of readers. From that, I infer two basic outcomes: 1.) culture and politics can becomenaturalized as intrinsically connected to economics, to the extent that their presence is invisiblewhen not deliberately pursued; and 2.) their invisibility can permit them to become furtherwoven into the fabric of economic discourse and, therefore, further structure our world.
Hall explains:
The media serve, in societies like ours, ceaselessly to perform the criticalideological work of 'classifying out the world' within the discourses of dominantideologies ... the work of 'ideological reproduction' which they perform ... is a
56
systematic tendency, not an incidental featureto reproduce the ideological fieldof a society in such a way as to reproduce, also, its structure of domination (1979,p. 346).
As we continue to interact with mediated representations, we inadvertently (but systematically)contribute to reinforcing the hegemonic power of dominant ideology to constrain our realities.Critical understanding of our role in this process is necessary if we hope to re-direct socialchange in the future. In order to negotiate and resist dominant, hegemonic readings, we mustconscientiously strive to identify the patterns of preferred readings.
Concluding Remarks
For this analysis, I have, throughout the essay, preferenced illustrations that are clearly
rooted in the economic. However, do not mistake this decision as a totalizing, Marxistunderstanding of the world. Doing so would entail missing my point entirely. For as much ascommunication scholars may explicitly recognize aspects of both culture and political economyin issues of globalization, more popular understandings overwhelmingly weigh in favor of aseemingly 'pure,' economic approach. Culture, it appears, is a factor only in the sense thathomogenization supports (and heterogeneity complicates) the expansion of the economicenvironment. My point is that accepting a popular representation of globalization as signifyingsomething 'purely' economic invariably involves accepting its political and cultural values as
well. Media (in this case, The Wall Street Journal) can articulate, reinforce and reproduceideologies that structure our world, even without explicitly referencing culture and politics.
The myth embedded in popular representations of globalization is not merely thatglobalization is a business strategy, but that it is a value-laden, historically-located, socially-
constructed, politically-motivated business strategy. The power of the myth renders suchconstructions and motivations transparent. The logic directing the strategy appears inherentlynatural, stripped of all its political purposefulness. Taken to an extreme, the influence of cultureand politics on economic values disappears and subsequent value judgements then appear not asthe choices they are, but as natural inevitabilities.
I am not attempting to imply that globalizing tendencies are all negative, or, on the otherhand, all positive. But rather, failing to recognize the full signification of 'globalization' is to be
ill-informed. Globalization cannot be considered value-free, innocent or evolved (as Bartheswould state) from the 'nature' of things. Any tendency or disposition to associate globalizationwith 'common sense' or 'neutrality' only confirms the hegemonic power of its myth.
Let me also clarify that I am not upholding semiotics and discursive analysis as the mostvaluable and appropriate ways to study globalization, its processes, structures, merits orconstraints. On the contrary, my opinion is that globalization, in particular, and economics, ingeneral, are too complex to be understood through any one method of analysis. My project hasthe more modest intention of advocating the incorporation of additional methods. This projectrepresents my attempt to demonstrate that semiotics and discursive analysis have the potential toilluminate additional components of a complex subject, and can therefore contribute toaspirations of greater understanding.
57
In this essay, I have utilized globalization as a site for the interrogation of economic
discourse and then drawn connections between globalization, ideology, and the structuring of
social reality. I have shown how globalization mythology functions to naturalize the purposeful
composition of 'logic' and therefore argued for the use of discursive analysis to expose the
values layered within our understanding of that which is economic. This essay has attempted to
illustrate some of the consequences of accepting representations without evaluating their
significations, and it has subsequently stressed the importance of critical consciousness for
greater understanding and participation in the future.
If we fail to identify significations in their entirety, we overlook their subtle but powerful
influence on the social construction of our realities. When this occurs, we accept those realities
as natural or inevitable and fail to address issues concerning how they are created andconstrained. Perhaps most significantly, when this occurs, we fail to recognize our potential to
re-construct reality and influence social change.
REFERENCES
Appadurai, Arjun. (1990). "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy," in Mike Featherstone
(ed.), Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization and Modernity. London: Sage Publications, pp. 295-310.
Barthes, Roland. (1980). Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang. (Translated from the French edition, 1957).
Ferguson, Marjorie. (1992). "The Mythology about Globalization." European Journal of Communication,
7(1992): 69-93.
Hall, Stuart, Dorothy Hobson, Andrew Lowe, and Paul Willis. (1980). Culture, Media, Language. London:
Hutchinson.
Hall, Stuart. (1979). "Culture, the Media and the 'Ideological Effect,'" in James Curran, Michael Gurevitch and
Janet Woollacott (eds.), Mass Communication and Society. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.
Herman, Edward S. and McChesney, Robert W. (1997). The Global Media: The New Missionaries of Global
Capitalism. London: Cassell.
Kellner, Douglas. (1997). "Overcoming the Divide: Cultural Studies and Political Economy," in Marjorie Ferguson
and Peter Golding (eds.), Cultural Studies in Question. London: Sage Publications, pp. 102-120.
Nye, Joseph S., Jr. (1990, October 3). "No, the U.S. isn't in Decline," The New York Times, p. A-33.
Robertson, R. (1990). "Mapping the Global Condition: Globalization as the Central Concept," Theory, Culture and
Society, 7(2/3): 15-30.
Schiller, Herbert I. (1991) "Not Yet the Post-Imperialist Era." Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 8(`91):
13-28.
Tomlinson, John. (1991). Cultural Imperialism. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
58
Run
ning
Hea
d: C
onve
rgen
ce o
f th
e In
tern
et
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
Web
site
s
by N
ewsp
aper
, Bro
adca
st, a
nd I
nter
net N
ews.
Org
aniz
atio
ns
Sang
Hee
Kw
eon
Col
lege
of
Mas
s C
omm
unic
atio
n an
d M
edia
Art
Sout
hern
Illi
nois
Uni
vers
ity a
t Car
bond
ale
Mai
ling
addr
ess:
1960-1
Eve
rgre
en T
erra
ceC
arbo
ndal
e,IL 62901
E-m
ail:s
ang@
siu.
edu
Pape
r pr
esen
ted
at th
e A
EJM
C G
radu
ate
Edu
catio
n In
tere
stG
roup
Res
earc
h D
ivis
ion
in P
hoen
ix, A
Z, A
ugus
t9-12, 2000
59
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
1
Abs
trac
t
Thi
s pa
per
exam
ines
nin
e ne
ws
web
site
s, in
clud
ing
thos
e of
thre
e di
ffer
ent m
edia
org
aniz
atio
ns, w
hich
hav
e co
nver
ged
into
Inte
rnet
web
site
s. T
he w
ebsi
tes
of th
e ne
ws
orga
niza
tions
are
com
pare
d w
ith n
ewsp
aper
, TV
bro
adca
stin
g, a
nd I
nter
net o
nly
web
site
s. T
he c
ompa
red
units
are
fra
me
fact
ors:
pic
ture
s, n
ews
cont
ribu
tors
, and
inte
ract
ivity
. New
spap
er w
ebsi
tes
pres
ente
d
mor
e ne
ws
item
s th
an b
oth
TV
bro
adca
stin
g an
d In
tern
et
orga
niza
tion
web
site
s, w
here
as T
V w
ebsi
tes
mad
e gr
eate
r us
e
of b
oth
phot
os a
nd g
raph
ics.
New
spap
er s
ites
have
a h
igh
inte
ract
ivity
sco
re. T
his
stud
y fo
und
that
TV
bro
adca
stin
g ha
s
high
pic
tori
al c
onte
nt, n
ewsp
aper
site
s ha
ve m
any
new
s ite
ms
and
a hi
gh p
ortio
n of
sta
ff c
ontr
ibut
ion,
whi
le I
nter
net o
nly
new
s si
tes
rely
hea
vily
on
outs
ide
new
s co
ntri
butio
n.
60
Inte
rnet
Con
tent
Ana
lysi
s:
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
Web
site
s
by N
ewsp
aper
, Bro
adca
st, a
nd I
nter
net N
ews
Org
aniz
atio
ns
Intr
oduc
tion
The
Int
erne
t has
bec
ome
impo
ssib
le to
igno
re in
mas
s
com
mun
icat
ion
stud
y, b
ecau
se th
e us
e of
the
Inte
rnet
kee
ps g
row
ing
as b
oth
mas
s m
edia
com
pani
es a
nd in
divi
dual
s ha
ve jo
ined
as
cont
ent p
rovi
ders
. It
is g
ener
ally
acc
epte
d th
at a
new
med
ium
bec
omes
a m
ass
med
ium
whe
n it
is a
dopt
ed b
y 50
mill
ion
user
s (N
eufe
ld, 1
997)
. If
that
pro
posi
tion
is
acce
pted
, Com
mer
ceN
et (
1999
) es
timat
es I
nter
net u
sers
to n
umbe
r 76
mill
ion.
The
Int
erne
t, es
peci
ally
the
Wor
ld W
ide
Web
has
join
ed th
e ra
nks
of th
e m
ass
med
ia. W
hile
one
in f
ive
peop
le u
se th
e In
tern
et a
t lea
st o
nce
a
wee
k, th
is n
umbe
r m
ore
than
trip
led
in th
e pa
st tw
o ye
ars
(Pew
, 199
8), a
nd
new
s m
edia
com
pani
es h
ave
built
thei
r on
line
site
s ac
cord
ingl
y.
Tod
ay, i
t is
now
est
imat
ed th
at m
ore
than
4,0
00 n
ewsp
aper
s co
uld
be o
nlin
e by
the
year
200
0, a
nd T
V n
ews
orga
niza
tions
suc
h as
CN
N, A
BC
,
and
MSN
BC
are
team
ing
up w
ith p
artn
ers
on th
eir
web
site
s ra
ther
than
com
petin
g w
ith th
em (
Gel
si, 1
998)
. Ste
ve G
elsi
sta
tes,
"sy
nerg
y be
twee
n
TV
and
Web
new
s is
bec
omin
g a
bigg
er is
sue.
" T
hey
are
lear
ning
that
web
site
s ca
n be
use
d to
bri
ng m
ore
dept
h to
a s
tory
, hel
ping
it r
ival
new
spap
ers
in th
is a
rea,
whe
reas
new
spap
er p
ublis
hers
bui
ld th
eir
own
new
s w
eb s
ite to
prov
ide
a hi
ghly
gra
phic
new
s so
urce
that
com
pete
s w
ith T
V n
ews.
As
a
61
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
2
resu
lt, th
e In
tern
et n
ews
has
shif
ted
the
para
digm
for
bot
h ne
ws
prod
uctio
n
and
cons
umpt
ion.
Def
initi
on o
f C
onve
rsio
n
The
Int
erne
t exe
mpl
ifie
s th
e tr
end
of m
edia
con
verg
ence
. Pri
nt
new
s m
edia
and
bro
adca
st n
ews
med
ia a
re e
spec
ially
det
erm
ined
to b
ring
thei
r ow
n ch
arac
teri
stic
s to
a w
ebsi
te a
nd tr
y to
ove
rcom
e th
eir
wea
knes
s in
kind
of
new
s tr
ansm
issi
on. T
his
tend
ency
of
new
s or
gani
zatio
ns, a
cros
s
med
ia ty
pes,
to d
uplic
ate
cont
ent c
ame
to I
nter
net t
o be
cal
led
"med
ia
conv
erge
nce"
(M
cQua
il, 1
994)
.
Con
verg
ence
is th
e co
min
g to
geth
er o
f al
l for
ms
of m
edia
ted
com
mun
icat
ions
in a
n el
ectr
onic
, dig
ital f
orm
dri
ven
by th
e
com
pute
rs a
nd e
nabl
ed b
y ne
twor
k te
chno
logy
. Con
verg
ence
pres
ents
pro
foun
d ch
alle
nges
for
the
exis
ting
med
ia o
rder
and
has
pave
d th
e w
ay f
or th
e de
velo
pmen
t of
mul
timed
ia p
rodu
cts
blen
ding
text
, dat
a, g
raph
ics,
ful
l-m
otio
n vi
deo,
and
thei
r un
iver
sal
acce
ssib
ility
and
inte
ract
ivity
in th
e on
line
wor
ld (
Pavl
ik, 1
998,
p.13
4).
Whe
n su
ch a
mer
ger
of f
orm
s ha
ppen
s to
the
Inte
rnet
, is
the
cont
ent f
orm
and
styl
e si
mila
r to
or
diff
eren
t fro
m o
ther
med
ia?
On
the
Inte
rnet
, is
ther
e
any
diff
eren
ce b
etw
een
cont
ent p
rovi
ded
by n
ewsp
aper
com
pani
es,
broa
dcas
ting
orga
niza
tions
, and
the
Inte
rnet
pro
vide
r or
gani
zatio
ns?
Reg
ardl
ess
of th
e w
ebsi
te n
ews
prov
ider
s, th
ere
are
sim
ilari
ties
and
diff
eren
ces.
The
re a
re m
any
new
spap
er w
ebsi
tes
usin
g au
dio,
vid
eo, a
nd
grap
hics
, whe
reas
oth
er w
ebsi
tes
adop
t the
inte
ract
ive
mod
e.
62
The
refo
re, t
his
pape
r's r
esea
rch
ques
tion
is b
ased
on
the
Inte
rnet
tech
nolo
gy's
two
conv
ersi
on c
hara
cter
istic
s: m
edia
con
vers
ion
and
text
conv
ersi
on. O
vera
ll, th
e In
tern
et h
as a
two-
side
d co
nver
genc
e: o
ne is
the
med
ia c
onve
rgen
ce o
f th
e co
mpu
ter
and
tele
phon
e, th
e ot
her
is th
e te
xt
conv
erge
nce
of v
ario
us m
ass
med
ia te
xts
incl
udin
g T
V, n
ewsp
aper
s, a
nd
mag
azin
es. A
s a
resu
lt, th
e In
tern
et's
use
s an
d gr
atif
icat
ions
are
dif
fere
nt
from
trad
ition
al m
edia
and
mor
e co
mpl
ex. W
hen
the
trad
ition
ally
dist
inct
ive
med
ia p
rovi
de th
eir
new
s co
nten
t on
the
Inte
rnet
, the
text
,
grap
hics
, and
nar
rativ
e w
ill b
e af
fect
ed. A
ccor
ding
to M
arsh
al M
cLuh
an
(196
0), t
he m
ediu
m is
key
to th
e ne
ws
form
and
con
tent
. Fur
ther
mor
e, th
e
neo-
form
alis
ts s
aid
that
for
m a
nd c
onte
nt c
an n
ot b
e se
para
ted
(Mey
er,
1999
).
The
con
verg
ence
in th
e In
tern
et in
volv
ed a
lso
radi
o, m
agaz
ine,
gam
es a
nd m
usic
. The
oth
er m
edia
con
verg
ence
is in
com
mun
icat
ion
aspe
cts
such
as
e-m
ail,
text
or
file
tran
sfer
(FT
P) o
r gr
oup
disc
ussi
on.
Rog
er F
idle
r (1
997,
p.2
7) s
tate
s th
at:
A m
erge
r im
plie
s th
at tw
o or
mor
e en
titie
s (f
or e
xam
ple
com
pani
es, t
echn
olog
y, o
r m
edia
) ar
e co
min
g to
geth
er to
form
a s
ingl
e, in
tegr
ated
ent
ity. C
onve
rgen
ce is
mor
e lik
e
a cr
ossi
ng o
f pa
ths
or m
arri
age,
whi
ch r
esul
ts in
the
tran
sfor
mat
ion
of e
ach
conv
ergi
ng e
ntity
, as
wel
l as
the
crea
tion
of n
ew e
ntiti
es.
Fidl
er e
mph
asiz
es th
e co
evol
utio
n an
d co
exis
tenc
e of
dif
fere
nt m
edia
form
s. A
s th
e re
sult,
the
Inte
rnet
's c
onte
nt w
ould
eith
er c
hang
e fo
rm o
r
mai
ntai
n its
cur
rent
for
m b
y fo
llow
ing
trad
ition
al m
edia
's s
tren
gths
. Thu
s,
63
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
3
Inte
rnet
con
tent
will
be
dist
ingu
ishe
d fr
om th
e co
nten
t con
stru
ctor
's o
r
prov
ider
's c
hara
cter
istic
s. T
here
fore
, thi
s re
sear
ch f
ocus
es o
n th
ree
diff
eren
t med
ia w
ebsi
tes:
pri
nt, T
V b
road
cast
ing,
and
Int
erne
t onl
y
orga
niza
tions
.
Thi
s st
udy
cons
ists
of
com
pari
son
rese
arch
to te
st e
ither
the
diff
eren
ces
or s
imila
ritie
s am
ong
prin
t, br
oadc
astin
g, a
nd I
nter
net-
only
new
s w
ebsi
tes.
The
foc
uses
of
the
com
pari
son
are
digi
tal i
mag
es (
grap
hic
and
phot
ogra
phic
), in
tera
ctiv
ity, a
nd n
ews
cate
gori
es. A
s a
resu
lt of
conv
erge
nce
from
dif
fere
nt m
edia
to th
e In
tern
et, t
his
rese
arch
mea
ns to
anal
yze
the
diff
eren
ces
betw
een
Inte
rnet
new
s te
xt a
nd c
onte
nt.
Stud
y of
Int
erne
t Con
vers
ion
and
Con
tent
Ana
lysi
s
Alth
ough
man
y In
tern
et u
ser
surv
eys
and
indu
stri
al s
urve
y ha
ve
been
don
e, I
nter
net c
onte
nt s
tudi
es a
re f
ew. F
urth
erm
ore
all t
he s
tatis
tics
abou
t Int
erne
t use
rs a
re s
till t
enta
tive
beca
use
the
stan
dard
of
mea
sure
men
t
has
not y
et b
een
acad
emic
ally
est
ablis
hed.
Als
o, th
e re
sear
ch a
pplic
atio
n fo
r
the
Inte
rnet
has
bee
n di
sreg
arde
d as
a n
ew p
oten
tial:
ther
efor
e, th
e th
eori
es
abou
t com
mun
icat
ion
will
bec
ome
less
use
ful,
beca
use
until
rec
ently
"[m
]ass
com
mun
icat
ions
res
earc
hes
have
ove
rloo
ked
not o
nly
the
Inte
rnet
but t
he e
ntir
e fi
eld
of c
ompu
ter-
med
iate
d co
mm
unic
atio
n, s
tayi
ng in
stea
d
with
the
trad
ition
al f
orm
s of
bro
adca
st a
nd p
rint
med
ia th
at f
it m
ore
conv
enie
ntly
into
mod
els
for
appr
opri
ate
rese
arch
topi
cs a
nd th
eori
es o
f
mas
s co
mm
unic
atio
n "(
Mor
ris
& O
gan
1996
, p.3
9).
The
dis
tinct
ive
feat
ure
of th
e In
tern
et is
that
it is
a m
ultif
acet
ed
mas
s m
ediu
m, t
hat i
s, it
con
tain
s m
any
diff
eren
t con
figu
ratio
ns o
f
com
mun
icat
ion
(Mor
ris
& O
gan
p.42
). S
ome
have
enc
oura
ged
stud
ying
the
64
Inte
rnet
and
sug
gest
ed th
e un
its o
f an
alys
is f
or th
e st
udy
(Dec
embe
r, 1
996)
.
Als
o, s
chol
ars
have
stu
died
the
feat
ures
of
the
Inte
rnet
incl
udin
g vi
rtua
l
real
ity, v
irtu
al r
elat
ions
hips
, and
inte
ract
ivity
(B
oicc
a, 1
992)
.
Com
pare
d to
trad
ition
al m
edia
, som
e di
stin
ctiv
e fe
atur
es o
f th
e
Inte
rnet
med
ium
are
pic
tori
al u
sage
, new
s co
ntri
buto
r m
etho
d, a
nd
inte
ract
ivity
. The
se th
ree
fact
ors
fram
e th
e an
alys
is o
f th
e W
orld
Wid
e W
eb
in e
xam
inin
g ho
w v
isua
l ele
men
ts a
re a
sser
ted,
how
new
s is
rec
onst
ruct
ed
on th
e W
eb, a
nd h
ow I
nter
net u
sers
inte
ract
. As
a co
nver
ged
med
ium
, the
Inte
rnet
pro
vide
s ea
ch u
ser
with
man
y di
ffer
ent n
ews
cont
ent.
Still
, if
it
need
s to
def
ine
the
char
acte
rist
ics
of th
e In
tern
et n
ews,
do
the
conv
erge
d
new
s w
ebsi
tes
new
s st
yle
and
form
hav
e si
mila
ritie
s or
dif
fere
nces
fro
m
new
spap
er, T
V b
road
cast
ing,
and
Int
erne
t onl
y or
gani
zatio
n m
edia
?
Fram
ing
The
ory
Whe
n m
edia
org
aniz
atio
ns c
onve
rge
on th
e In
tern
et, m
edia
orga
niza
tions
hav
e di
ffer
ent f
ram
e se
tting
s in
term
s of
jour
nalis
tic a
ctiv
ity
as w
ell a
s in
term
s of
per
spec
tive
tow
ard
the
med
ia c
omm
odity
. On
the
Inte
rnet
, the
re m
ight
hap
pen
to b
e an
y nu
mbe
r of
mea
ning
ful s
imila
ritie
s
and
diff
eren
ces
betw
een
the
cont
ent p
rovi
ded
by p
rint
org
aniz
atio
ns a
nd
that
fro
m b
road
cast
out
lets
. Web
site
s th
at a
re r
un b
y T
V o
rgan
izat
ions
and
new
spap
er c
ompa
nies
hav
e m
any
sim
ilar
fram
es b
ecau
se o
f th
e In
tern
et
tech
nolo
gy's
con
verg
ence
. With
cur
rent
ban
dwid
th li
mita
tion,
TV
com
pani
es th
at w
ant a
pre
senc
e on
the
web
mus
t pre
sent
mos
t of
thei
r ne
ws
info
rmat
ion
as te
xt, a
nd m
any
onlin
e ne
wsp
aper
s ar
e no
w u
sing
aud
io a
nd
vide
o cl
ips
in th
eir
new
s st
orie
s. I
n th
is d
igita
l med
ium
, the
re m
ay b
e so
me
65
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
4
dist
inct
ion
in f
ram
ing
met
hods
for
the
new
s as
far
as
prin
t and
TV
bro
adca
st
com
pani
es a
re c
once
rned
.
The
refo
re, t
he m
ost u
sefu
l the
oret
ical
mod
el f
or e
xpla
inin
g te
xt
and
med
ia c
onve
rsio
n in
the
Inte
rnet
is th
e fr
amin
g th
eory
. The
fra
me
is
conc
eive
d as
a w
indo
w th
roug
h w
hich
the
obse
rver
look
s in
to a
n ou
ter
wor
ld.
Kre
ss, e
t. al
. (19
96)
sugg
est t
hat v
isua
l com
posi
tion
rela
tes
the
repr
esen
tatio
nal a
nd in
tera
ctiv
e m
eani
ngs
of a
n im
age
to e
ach
othe
r th
roug
h
thre
e in
terr
elat
ed s
yste
ms:
info
rmat
ion
valu
e, s
alie
nce,
and
fra
min
g. K
ress
's
appr
oach
exa
min
es th
e st
ruct
ural
ele
men
t tex
t or
pict
ure,
text
str
uctu
re, a
nd
sour
ce c
ontr
ibut
or.
Tuc
hman
(19
72)
stat
e th
at n
ews
med
ia f
ram
e so
cial
issu
es b
ased
on a
"ce
ntra
l org
aniz
ing
idea
for
new
s co
nten
t tha
t sup
plie
s a
cont
ext a
nd
sugg
ests
wha
t the
issu
e is
thro
ugh
the
use
of s
elec
tion,
em
phas
is, e
xclu
sion
,
and
elab
orat
ion.
"
The
refo
re, t
he p
rodu
ctio
n pr
oces
ses
shou
ld b
e "e
ffic
ient
." O
ne o
f th
e be
st
way
s to
hav
e w
ork
done
eff
icie
ntly
, esp
ecia
lly w
ithin
"de
adlin
es,"
wou
ld b
e
thro
ugh
"rou
tiniz
atio
n" o
f th
e pr
oces
ses
of w
orki
ng.
Thu
s, a
ccor
ding
to T
uchm
an (
1972
), r
outin
izat
ion
of n
ews
repo
rtin
g is
the
esse
ntia
l cha
ract
er o
f "t
he r
ule
of o
bjec
tivity
" in
jour
nalis
m.
Follo
win
g th
is r
ule
of o
bjec
tivity
, new
s or
gani
zatio
ns c
onst
ruct
thei
r ru
le in
the
Inte
rnet
age
. Sch
olar
s w
ould
arg
ue th
at th
e re
ason
jour
nalis
ts h
ave
cert
ain
patte
rns
in r
epor
ting
soci
al is
sues
is th
at th
is f
acili
tate
s th
e "p
roce
ss
of n
ews
prod
uctio
n,"
mea
ning
that
the
"rou
tiniz
ed"
patte
rns
of r
epor
ting
mak
e it
poss
ible
to p
rodu
ce n
ews
stor
ies
mor
e ef
fici
ently
and
eco
nom
ical
ly
66
in te
rms
of ti
me
and
effo
rt. F
urth
erm
ore,
it w
ould
pro
tect
the
jour
nalis
ts
from
any
pos
sibl
e bl
ame
beca
use
mos
t "ro
utin
ized
" w
ays
of r
epor
ting
are
base
d on
the
rule
of
"obj
ectiv
ity,"
whi
ch a
lso
guar
ante
es th
e
prof
essi
onal
ism
of
jour
nalis
ts. A
s w
e se
e in
the
disc
ussi
on o
f "g
atek
eepi
ng"
and
"obj
ectiv
ity"
(Sch
udso
n, 1
978)
, mas
s m
edia
do
not r
epor
t the
fac
ts a
s
them
selv
es; r
athe
r, th
ey a
re c
ontin
uous
ly c
onst
ruct
ing
"the
rea
litie
s,"
incl
udin
g so
cial
issu
es. T
he "
fram
ewor
k" r
epre
sent
s th
e ou
tsid
e w
orld
's
real
ity th
roug
h m
edia
, whi
ch c
onst
ruct
s so
cial
rea
lity.
And
the
fram
ed
soci
al r
ealit
y is
not
mer
ely
pres
ente
d bu
t res
onat
es w
ith d
omin
ant c
ultu
ral
belie
fs a
nd v
alue
s (R
eese
p.4
86).
The
refo
re, t
he r
epor
ting
of a
"ro
utin
ized
obje
ctiv
ity"
is o
ne w
ay o
f fr
amin
g fo
r a
cert
ain
issu
e.
Loc
atio
n of
Fra
min
g
Fram
es h
ave
at le
ast f
our
loca
tions
in th
e co
mm
unic
atio
n pr
oces
s.
Firs
t, co
mm
unic
ator
s (n
ews
orga
niza
tions
) co
nsci
ousl
y or
unc
onsc
ious
ly
prod
uce
fram
es. M
edia
fra
mes
eve
ryda
y re
ality
thro
ugh
effi
cien
tly
pack
agin
g ne
ws.
Sec
ond,
text
s co
ntai
n fr
ames
, "w
hich
are
man
ifes
ted
by
the
pres
ence
or
abse
nce
of c
erta
in k
eyw
ords
, sto
ck p
hras
es, s
tere
otyp
ed
imag
es, s
ourc
es o
f in
form
atio
n, a
nd s
ente
nces
that
prov
ide
them
atic
ally
rei
nfor
cing
clu
ster
s of
fac
ts o
r ju
dgm
ents
" (E
ntm
an,
1993
,
p. 5
2). T
hird
, rec
eive
rs a
re g
uide
d in
thei
r in
terp
reta
tion
of c
omm
unic
ator
s'
fram
es b
y th
eir
own
fram
es (
rela
ted
to th
e pr
imin
g th
eory
). T
his
fram
e
happ
ens
in th
e au
dien
ce's
exp
erie
nce.
The
aud
ienc
e pr
oces
ses
sele
ctiv
e
men
tal i
nfor
mat
ion.
Fou
rth,
soc
iety
's c
ultu
re a
t lar
ge "
is th
e st
ock
of
com
mon
ly in
voke
d fr
ames
" (p
. 53)
. The
who
le s
ocie
ty f
ram
es n
ews
a
67
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
5
cert
ain
way
. New
s st
orie
s co
uld
not b
e be
yond
the
soci
ety'
s id
eolo
gica
l
boun
dary
. An
exam
ple
is E
ntm
an's
199
1 st
udy,
whi
ch e
xam
ined
how
Tim
e,
New
swee
k, a
nd th
e "C
BS
Eve
ning
New
s" f
ram
ed th
e K
AL
and
Ira
n A
ir
inci
dent
s. T
he m
edia
cov
erag
e in
volv
ed th
e sh
ootin
g do
wn
of a
Kor
ean
airl
iner
by
the
Sovi
ets
and
an I
rani
an a
irlin
er b
y th
e A
mer
ican
s. A
n an
alys
is
of s
ever
al r
epor
ts r
evea
led
that
, in
mos
t cas
es, t
he K
AL
dow
ning
was
desc
ribe
d by
the
U.S
. pre
ss a
s an
act
of
"bar
bari
sm"
com
mitt
ed b
y th
e
Sovi
ets
who
"in
tent
iona
lly m
urde
red
inno
cent
hum
an b
eing
s" (
Ent
man
,
1991
, .9)
. On
the
othe
r ha
nd, t
he I
ran
Air
dow
ning
was
des
crib
ed a
s an
"acc
iden
t" r
esul
ting
from
fau
lty te
chno
logy
and
con
fusi
on, w
ith d
ry a
nd
plai
n la
ngua
ge u
sed
with
in r
epor
ts to
des
crib
e th
e fa
te o
f th
e Ir
an A
ir
airp
lane
(17
). I
n al
l fou
r lo
catio
ns, f
ram
es s
elec
t and
hig
hlig
ht s
o as
"to
cons
truc
t an
argu
men
t abo
ut p
robl
ems
and
thei
r ca
usat
ion,
eva
luat
ion,
and/
or s
olut
ion"
(E
ntm
an, 1
993,
53)
.
As
Ent
man
put
it, t
o fr
ame
is to
sel
ect s
ome
aspe
cts
of a
per
ceiv
ed
real
ity a
nd m
ake
them
mor
e sa
lient
in a
com
mun
icat
ing
text
, in
such
a w
ay
as to
pro
mot
e a
part
icul
ar p
robl
em d
efin
ition
, cau
sal i
nter
pret
atio
n, m
oral
eval
uatio
n, a
nd o
r tr
eatm
ent r
ecom
men
datio
n (E
ntm
an, 1
993,
52)
.
Key
to th
e co
ncep
t of
fram
ing
is th
e tw
in e
lem
ents
of
sele
ctio
n an
d
salie
nce
base
d on
med
ia. P
rodu
cers
sel
ect t
he f
ram
e (o
ften
cal
led
the
angl
e,
them
e, p
ersp
ectiv
e, o
r sl
ant)
for
the
text
, and
then
attr
ibut
e of
the
subj
ect
with
in th
at f
ram
e be
com
e m
ore
salie
nt th
an o
bjec
ts o
utsi
de th
e fr
ame.
In
this
con
text
, thr
ee f
ram
ing
devi
ces
have
bee
n id
entif
ied
for
com
pari
son
betw
een
new
spap
er a
nd b
road
cast
ing
orga
niza
tion'
s co
nver
sion
res
ults
. The
68
thre
e el
emen
ts a
re p
ictu
re (
incl
udin
g ph
otog
raph
y an
d gr
aphi
cs),
new
s
cont
ribu
tors
, and
inte
ract
ivity
.
Whe
n di
ffer
ent n
ews
med
ia c
onve
rge
into
the
Inte
rnet
, the
y ha
ve a
sim
ilar
tech
nolo
gica
l con
text
that
is c
reat
ed b
y In
tern
et a
nd n
ew m
edia
calle
d te
chno
logi
cal c
onte
xt. T
he h
yper
text
or
text
con
vers
ion
into
the
Inte
rnet
is te
xt le
vel f
ram
ing.
The
refo
re, t
his
pape
r fo
cuse
s on
the
Inte
rnet
's
text
leve
l fra
min
g se
tting
. Thi
s pa
per
com
pare
s th
e te
xt f
ram
e's
sim
ilari
ty
and
diff
eren
ces
amon
g ne
wsp
aper
, TV
bro
adca
stin
g an
d In
tern
et o
nly
orga
niza
tion
new
s w
ebsi
tes.
Thi
s te
chno
logi
cal c
onte
xt p
rovi
des
a ne
w
fram
e to
new
s pr
esen
tatio
n on
web
site
s. T
here
fore
, thi
s pa
per
will
dete
rmin
e th
e fr
ame
shif
t tre
nds
from
trad
ition
al f
ram
e m
etho
ds to
new
fram
e st
yles
.
Pict
ures
The
Wor
ld W
ide
Web
has
an
adva
ntag
e ov
er p
rint
new
spap
ers
beca
use
it is
exc
elle
nt f
or d
ispl
ayin
g co
lorf
ul g
raph
ics.
Dur
ing
the
last
deca
de, t
he m
ost s
trik
ing
chan
ges
in A
mer
ican
mas
s m
edia
hav
e be
en a
n
incr
ease
d us
e of
gra
phic
s du
e to
dig
ital t
echn
olog
ies.
With
adv
ance
d
com
pute
r te
chno
logy
, ret
riev
ing
grap
hics
fro
m d
atab
ases
and
upd
atin
g th
em
as r
equi
red
in a
n In
tern
et n
ews
site
can
be
com
plet
ed in
min
utes
. The
tren
d
of in
crea
sing
new
s w
ebsi
te u
se o
f gr
aphi
cs c
an c
ontin
ue in
the
web
envi
ronm
ent.
Red
unda
ncy
in te
levi
sion
gra
phic
s al
low
s vi
ewer
s to
bet
ter
unde
rsta
nd a
sto
ry, a
ccor
ding
to a
n ex
peri
men
t by
Dre
w a
nd G
rim
es (
1987
).
Als
o on
e ex
peri
men
t fou
nd th
at h
igh-
grap
hic
web
site
s w
ere
cons
ider
ed
mor
e at
trac
tive
than
low
gra
phic
site
s (C
ham
berl
in, 1
998)
. An
expe
rim
ent
69
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
6
reve
als
that
tabl
es a
nd g
raph
s ar
e m
ore
effi
cien
tly p
roce
ssed
than
text
pres
enta
tions
of
the
sam
e da
ta (
Kel
ly, 1
993)
.
Alth
ough
pic
ture
s ar
e ve
ry e
ffec
tive
in w
ebsi
tes,
hig
h gr
aphi
cs a
nd
phot
os r
educ
e In
tern
et s
peed
. Acc
ordi
ng to
Hoa
g (1
997)
, an
Inte
rnet
use
r's
firs
t pri
ority
is s
peed
and
inte
ract
ivity
. He
poin
ts o
ut s
ever
al r
easo
ns f
or th
e
grow
th in
usa
ge o
f w
eb n
ews:
onl
ine
new
s m
ade
it po
ssib
le f
or a
rea
der,
with
out l
eavi
ng th
eir
offi
ce, t
o ha
ve im
med
iate
acc
ess,
whi
ch is
con
stan
tly
upda
ting.
Int
erne
t jou
rnal
ism
's p
rior
ity is
sim
ple
jour
nalis
m. T
here
fore
,
Inte
rnet
new
s se
rves
bot
h th
e pu
blis
her
and
the
read
er to
a le
sser
ext
ent,
beca
use
read
er's
use
s an
d gr
atif
icat
ions
in a
cces
sing
thei
r ne
ws
dem
and
just
one
fram
e at
a ti
me.
An
Inte
rnet
des
igne
r m
ust b
alan
ce te
xt a
nd p
ictu
res
for
read
ers.
By
expl
orin
g ap
proa
ches
to w
eb p
age
grap
hic
use
and
phot
o
freq
uenc
y in
thre
e di
ffer
ent m
edia
, thi
s pa
per
exam
ines
how
new
spap
er a
nd
broa
dcas
ting
med
ia d
emon
stra
te th
e co
nver
genc
e fr
om tr
aditi
onal
med
ia
form
s to
a n
ew f
orm
.
New
s C
ontr
ibut
ors
Bot
h te
levi
sion
and
new
spap
ers
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
bec
ame
prof
itabl
e in
the
1970
s w
hen
stat
ions
ado
pted
ele
ctro
nic
new
sgat
heri
ng
tech
nolo
gy a
nd c
omm
erci
al d
atab
ases
. The
dat
abas
e an
d w
ire
serv
ice
has
been
gro
win
g as
tech
nolo
gy c
ontin
ues
to a
dvan
ce.
The
re is
no
doub
t tha
t onl
ine
serv
ice
prov
ider
s an
d In
tern
et
data
base
s se
arch
mor
e qu
ickl
y an
d m
ore
prod
uctiv
ely
than
old
-fas
hion
ed
met
hods
. On-
line
reso
urce
s ha
ve b
een
amon
g th
e m
ost d
ynam
ic p
ortio
ns o
f
the
com
pute
r in
dust
ry in
this
dec
ade.
The
refo
re, n
ews
on th
e In
tern
et c
omes
70
form
var
ious
con
trib
utor
s su
ch a
s ne
ws
orga
niza
tion
wri
ter,
wir
e
serv
ice(
AP,
UPI
, AFP
, and
Reu
ters
), a
nd s
peci
al w
rite
rs.
Acc
ordi
ng to
Tuc
hman
(So
losk
i 198
9), n
ews
not o
nly
refl
ects
real
ity, i
t act
ually
hel
ps to
cre
ate
it. N
ews
is d
iale
ctic
al in
that
it d
raw
s on
pres
ent c
once
ptua
lizat
ions
of
real
ity a
nd h
elps
to a
lter
our
perc
eptio
n of
it.
Thu
s, h
ow n
ew o
rgan
izat
ions
gat
her
new
s an
d ty
pes
of s
ourc
es th
ey u
se a
re
impo
rtan
t to
stud
y be
caus
e th
ey d
eter
min
e no
t onl
y w
hat i
nfor
mat
ion
is
pres
ente
d to
the
publ
ic, b
ut a
lso
wha
t im
age
of s
ocie
ty is
pre
sent
ed. T
he
mor
e re
sour
ces
avai
labl
e fo
r ne
ws
cove
rage
, the
nar
row
er th
e ho
les
are
in
the
new
s ne
t, an
d th
us m
ore
even
ts w
ill b
e ca
ptur
ed f
or p
rese
ntat
ion
as
new
s.
Inte
ract
ivity
The
Int
erne
t's m
ost d
istin
ctiv
e fe
atur
e is
inte
ract
ivity
. Int
erac
tivity
is th
at u
ser's
clic
king
inte
nded
act
ion
with
one
's d
ecid
ing
wha
t inf
orm
atio
n
with
out c
licki
ng m
ouse
or
typi
ng k
eybo
ard.
Thi
s in
tera
ctiv
ity in
the
Inte
rnet
is b
ased
on
its 'g
ram
mar
' of
hype
rtex
t pre
sent
atio
n. T
he h
yper
text
-bas
ed
stem
can
be
cons
ider
ed a
s on
e of
str
uctu
ral c
hara
cter
istic
s of
the
Web
.
The
not
ion
of h
yper
text
den
otes
an
info
rmat
ion
med
ium
that
link
s
verb
al a
nd n
onve
rbal
info
rmat
ion
(Lan
dow
, 199
9). A
cces
sing
hyp
erte
xt
info
rmat
ion
invo
lves
poi
ntin
g an
d cl
icki
ng o
n th
e hy
pert
ext l
inks
that
appe
ar o
n m
ost w
eb s
ites.
The
hyp
erte
xts
have
link
s th
at e
nabl
e us
er to
choo
se th
e co
nten
ts o
r in
form
atio
n. W
eb u
sers
sho
uld
choo
se in
form
atio
n
they
nee
d by
clic
king
thos
e hy
pert
ext l
inks
. The
refo
re, i
nter
activ
ity d
oes
not
sim
ply
mea
n cl
icki
ng th
e m
ouse
, but
mea
ns s
endi
ng a
nd r
etri
evin
g sp
ecif
ic
info
rmat
ion
thro
ugh
inte
ract
ive
proc
esse
s on
mul
tiple
pat
hway
s. T
he
71
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
7
capa
bilit
y of
hav
ing
vari
ous
links
in h
yper
text
als
o, a
llow
s a
user
to
cons
truc
t a p
roce
ss to
get
info
rmat
ion
rega
rdle
ss o
f tim
e an
d lo
catio
n.
Inte
ract
ivity
is a
new
for
m o
f ne
ws
or te
xt p
rese
ntat
ion
in n
ew
med
ia. R
oger
s (1
986)
not
ed th
at th
e m
ost e
ssen
tial c
apac
ity o
f el
ectr
onic
med
ia is
that
of
inte
ract
ivity
. Int
erac
tivity
has
bee
n as
sum
ed to
be
a na
tura
l
attr
ibut
e of
inte
rper
sona
l com
mun
icat
ion.
The
con
cept
is m
ore
rece
ntly
appl
ied
to a
ll ne
w m
edia
, fro
m tw
o-w
ay c
able
to th
e In
tern
et. R
afae
li's
defi
nitio
n (1
988)
of
inte
ract
ivity
rec
ogni
zes
thre
e pe
rtin
ent l
evel
s: tw
o-w
ay
(non
inte
ract
ive)
com
mun
icat
ion,
rea
ctiv
e (o
r qu
asi-
inte
ract
ive)
com
mun
icat
ion,
and
ful
ly in
tera
ctiv
e co
mm
unic
atio
n.
Ope
ratio
nal D
efin
ition
s
Inte
rnet
con
tent
has
man
y di
men
sion
s an
d va
riou
s us
es a
nd
grat
ific
atio
ns, b
ut to
com
pare
dif
fere
nt n
ews
pres
enta
tions
and
fra
min
g
styl
es, t
his
pape
r fo
cuse
s on
gra
phic
or
pict
oria
l use
fre
quen
cy, i
nter
activ
ity,
and
fron
t-pa
ge n
ews
pres
enta
tion
met
hods
. To
mak
e a
com
pari
son
betw
een
med
ia, t
his
pape
r op
erat
iona
lizes
thes
e te
rms:
pic
ture
, new
s co
ntri
buto
r, a
nd
inte
ract
ivity
.
A p
ictu
re: a
pic
ture
is d
efin
ed a
s a
repr
esen
tatio
n of
som
ethi
ng
incl
udin
g ph
otog
raph
y an
d gr
aphi
cal p
rese
ntat
ion.
The
tota
l num
ber
and
the
size
will
be
coun
ted.
Als
o, th
e in
tera
ctiv
e lo
catio
n w
ill b
e re
cord
ed,
spec
ific
ally
, whe
ther
the
pict
ure
is o
n th
e fr
ont p
age,
at a
sec
ond
inte
ract
ive
loca
tion,
or
on a
sep
arat
e in
tera
ctiv
e le
vel.
The
re a
re tw
o ca
tego
ries
in p
ictu
res:
pho
tos
and
pict
oria
l gra
phs.
Som
etim
es b
oth
cate
gori
es a
re u
sed
in th
e sa
me
pict
ure
or th
e tw
o
cate
gori
es a
re b
lurr
ing,
but
this
pap
er m
akes
a c
lear
dis
tinct
ion
betw
een
72
phot
ogra
phy
and
grap
hics
. A p
hoto
s is
def
ined
as
a re
pres
enta
tion
of s
ome
even
t by
phot
ogra
phs.
A g
raph
is d
efin
ed a
s vi
sual
pre
sent
atio
n of
dat
a,
map
s, o
bjec
ts, d
iagr
ams
etc.
Thi
s st
udy
coun
ts th
e am
ount
of
the
num
ber
base
d on
the
pict
ure'
s
loca
tion
eith
er f
ront
-pag
e or
link
ed p
age
and
size
eith
er la
rge,
med
ium
, or
smal
l. T
he s
ize
of p
hoto
s an
d gr
aphs
on
the
Web
wer
e pr
efix
ed in
pix
els.
The
refo
re, t
he s
ize
of p
hoto
s an
d gr
aphs
rem
ains
rel
ativ
ely
fixe
d no
mat
ter
how
larg
e th
e co
mpu
ter
scre
en is
. To
deci
de th
e si
ze o
f th
e ph
otos
and
grap
hs, t
he g
raph
s an
d ph
otos
are
mea
sure
d in
inch
es b
y th
eir
size
as
they
appe
ar o
n a
14-i
nch
com
pute
r sc
reen
. The
gra
phic
s w
ere
divi
ded
into
thre
e
cate
gori
es: l
arge
, med
ium
, and
sm
all.
The
ran
ge o
f pi
ctur
e si
zes
is
dete
rmin
ed b
y fi
rst m
easu
re th
e ar
ea o
f ea
ch p
ictu
re a
nd g
raph
and
then
divi
ding
by
scre
en a
rea.
Whe
n th
e ra
tio is
abo
ve 6
5% th
e pi
ctur
e is
cons
ider
ed la
rge;
bet
wee
n 35
-65%
med
ium
, and
bel
ow 3
5% s
mal
l.
Nor
mal
ly, t
he s
quar
e si
zes
of e
ach
cate
gory
are
sta
ndar
d to
the
ratio
clo
sest
to 4
:3, t
here
fore
, lar
ge is
gre
ater
than
4'x
3.3'
; med
ium
less
than
4'x
3.3'
and
gre
ater
than
2'x
l' (o
ne m
ediu
m e
xam
ple
is 3
.5'x
2.5'
);
smal
l 2'x
l' or
sm
alle
r.
Loc
atio
n is
def
ined
as
a ho
mep
age,
a f
ront
pag
e, o
r a
linke
d pa
ge:
1.A
hom
e pa
ge is
def
ined
as
a ne
wsp
aper
's in
itial
or
open
ing
scre
en o
n th
e
web
. It g
ener
ally
con
tain
s on
ly h
yper
text
link
s fo
r ac
cess
ing
info
rmat
ion
publ
ishe
d w
ithin
a n
ewsp
aper
's s
ite o
r on
an
exte
rnal
, or
off-
site
loca
le o
n
the
web
.
73
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
8
2.A
fro
nt p
age
is d
efin
ed th
e sa
me
as th
e ne
wsp
aper
's f
ront
pag
e. T
he "
fron
t
page
can
be
acce
ssed
thro
ugh
the
hom
e pa
ge o
r ca
n its
elf
serv
e as
the
new
spap
er's
initi
al w
eb s
cree
n, a
nd c
an b
e re
cogn
ized
by
its s
imila
rity
in
appe
aran
ce to
a p
rint
new
spap
er f
ront
pag
e."
3.A
link
pag
e fo
llow
s ei
ther
a f
ront
-pag
e or
hom
epag
e to
con
nect
the
stor
y or
fini
sh th
e hy
pert
ext,
whi
ch is
link
ed to
hom
e or
fro
nt p
ages
.
With
in th
ose
site
s' p
hoto
s or
gra
phic
s, th
e pi
ctur
es m
ight
be
rela
ted
to th
e ne
ws
stor
y an
d m
ay p
rese
nt th
e pi
ctur
e its
elf.
The
refo
re y
ou
deci
de w
heth
er th
e pi
ctur
e is
rel
ated
to th
e ne
ws
stor
y or
to th
e pi
ctur
e
itsel
f.
New
s co
ntri
buto
rs: n
ews
cont
ribu
tors
con
sist
of
four
dif
fere
nt
type
s. T
he f
irst
is n
ewsp
aper
or
web
page
org
aniz
atio
n's
staf
f of
rep
orte
rs,
the
othe
r is
the
trad
ition
al w
ire
serv
ices
(A
P, U
PI, A
FP, a
nd R
eute
rs)
or
othe
r ne
ws
prov
ider
, and
the
thir
d is
an
acad
emic
or
med
ical
fie
ld's
stu
dies
as c
ontr
ibut
ing
the
new
s so
urce
s ca
lled
spec
ial c
ontr
ibut
ors.
The
fou
rth
cate
gory
con
sist
s of
con
trib
utor
or
new
s so
urce
s th
at c
anno
t be
iden
tifie
d
such
as
unid
entif
ied
audi
ence
s or
opi
nion
wri
ters
.
The
web
site
s ha
ve s
port
s si
tes,
bus
ines
s si
tes,
wea
ther
site
s, f
ood
site
s,
etc.
But
this
res
earc
h fo
cuse
s on
the
daily
fro
nt-p
age
new
s ite
m c
once
pt.
The
refo
re, t
his
anal
ysis
exc
lude
d m
eta-
linke
d ne
ws
or r
elat
ed li
nked
new
s
stor
ies.
The
fro
nt n
ews
item
s w
ere
clas
sifi
ed a
s 1)
eve
ryda
y up
date
s 2)
cove
r ne
ws
stor
ies
3) f
ront
-pag
e co
ncep
t. If
ther
e is
dif
ficu
lty in
def
inin
g in
Inte
rnet
org
aniz
atio
n w
eb s
ite, t
his
stud
y ad
ds o
ne c
ateg
ory
as "
top
new
s."
74
Thi
s st
udy
firs
t def
ined
the
tota
l num
ber
of n
ews
stor
ies
on th
e fr
ont
page
. The
n th
is r
esea
rch
anal
yzed
who
the
wri
ters
wer
e. T
he c
ateg
orie
s ar
e
follo
w 1
) St
aff
wri
ters
. The
sta
ff w
rite
r is
def
ined
as
thos
e w
ho a
re r
epor
ters
or w
rite
rs in
the
sam
e m
edia
org
aniz
atio
n. F
or e
xam
ple,
The
New
Yor
k
Tim
es' r
epor
ters
or
edito
rs b
ut n
ot o
ther
new
s co
mpa
nies
' wri
ters
. 2)
Wir
e
serv
ices
or
othe
r ne
ws
agen
cy: T
his
incl
uded
new
s ag
enci
es s
uch
as A
P,
UPI
, AFP
, Reu
ters
, or
othe
r ne
ws
com
pani
es. 3
) Sp
ecia
l con
trib
utor
s w
ho
are
not n
ews
orga
niza
tion
wri
ters
, suc
h as
pro
fess
ors
or m
edic
al d
octo
rs,
and
4) I
ndec
iphe
rabl
e: T
his
stud
y de
term
ined
that
if n
o na
me
is a
ssig
ned
to
the
repo
rter
or
wri
ter,
it is
inde
ciph
erab
le.
Inte
ract
ivity
: Usi
ng th
e te
chni
cal i
nter
activ
ity d
efin
ition
, the
pap
er
clas
sifi
es s
ix-d
imen
sion
leve
ls (
Hee
ter,
198
9, 2
21).
It a
llow
s tw
o w
ay
asso
ciat
ion
betw
een
user
s an
d in
form
atio
n: T
he d
egre
es a
re s
ix le
vels
fro
m
Dim
ensi
on 1
: com
plex
of
choi
ces
avai
labl
e, to
Dim
ensi
on 8
: fac
ilita
tion
of
inte
rper
sona
l com
mun
icat
ion.
The
inte
ract
ivity
cod
ing
mea
sure
s ho
w m
any
read
ers
can
activ
ely
sear
ch o
r re
spon
d to
the
new
s co
mpa
ny o
r ne
ws
stor
y. T
hat i
s, it
s pu
rpos
e is
to m
easu
re th
e re
ader
's p
artic
ipat
ion
of o
ppor
tuni
ty o
r in
put a
nd th
e
elab
orat
ion
proc
ess.
New
s w
eb s
ites
are
offe
ring
a n
umbe
r of
inte
ract
ivity
and
qua
si-
inte
ract
ivity
fea
ture
s. I
n th
is s
tudy
, the
ent
ire
fron
t pag
e's
Inte
rnet
site
was
the
unit
of o
bser
vatio
n fo
r th
e in
tera
ctiv
ity. T
he in
tera
ctiv
ity c
odin
g
mea
sure
s ho
w m
any
read
ers
can
activ
ely
sear
ch o
r re
spon
d to
the
new
s
com
pany
or
new
s st
ory.
Tha
t is,
its
purp
ose
is to
mea
sure
the
read
er's
part
icip
atio
n of
opp
ortu
nity
or
inpu
t and
the
elab
orat
ion
proc
ess.
Thi
s st
udy
75
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
9
code
d fo
r 1)
ava
ilabi
lity
for
disc
ussi
on f
orum
s of
feri
ng. 2
) A
rchi
ve
sear
chin
g al
low
s us
ers
to e
nter
key
wor
ds a
nd f
ind
stor
ies
that
con
tain
them
.
3) A
use
r po
ll al
low
s us
ers
to v
ote
on a
topi
c an
d se
e th
e up
date
d ta
bula
tion.
4) A
n in
tera
ctiv
e he
lp o
r FA
Q (
freq
uent
ask
ed q
uest
ions
) se
ctio
n al
low
s
user
s to
sel
ect t
opic
s an
d re
ceiv
e an
swer
s ab
out t
he u
sing
the
web
site
. 5)
The
ava
ilabi
lity
of e
-mai
l to
the
orga
niza
tion.
6)
E-m
ail t
o in
divi
dual
auth
or. 7
) A
pub
lishe
d se
ctio
n fo
r ne
wsr
eade
rs' c
omm
ents
or
read
er's
opin
ion.
8)
New
s ite
ms
with
icon
s fo
r re
al a
udio
, vid
eo o
r sl
ide,
that
is,
visu
al e
labo
ratio
n of
the
text
.
Res
earc
h Q
uest
ions
The
goa
l of
this
stu
dy is
to c
ompa
re w
ebsi
tes'
dim
ensi
ons
with
thre
e di
ffer
ent n
ews
med
ia's
web
site
s, n
amel
y, n
ewsp
aper
, bro
adca
st, a
nd
Inte
rnet
org
aniz
atio
ns.
RQ
1: E
ach
orga
niza
tion
has
diff
eren
t siz
ed g
raph
ics
and
diff
eren
t
freq
uenc
ies
of g
raph
ic o
r pi
ctor
ial u
se. T
his
RQ
1 w
ill c
ompa
re th
e
freq
uenc
y of
gra
phic
and
pic
tori
al u
sage
. Are
ther
e di
ffer
ent n
umbe
rs a
nd
leve
ls f
rom
dif
fere
nt m
edia
? T
o w
hat e
xten
t do
the
new
s w
ebsi
tes
of
new
spap
er a
nd b
road
cast
ing
new
s or
gani
zatio
ns d
iffe
r in
the
num
ber
and
size
of
pict
ure
usag
e?
RQ
2: T
here
may
be
diff
eren
t lev
els
of n
ews
wri
ting.
The
new
spap
er
web
site
s's
new
s m
ight
be
wri
tten
mai
nly
by r
epor
ters
or
staf
f an
d ou
tsid
e
wir
e se
rvic
es. I
nter
net o
rgan
izat
ion
web
site
new
s co
mes
fro
m n
ews
agen
cies
or
outs
ide
new
s co
ntri
buto
rs. H
ow m
uch
new
s co
mes
fro
m s
taff
76
repo
rter
s on
new
spap
er a
nd T
V w
ebsi
tes?
Lik
ewis
e, h
ow m
uch
new
s co
mes
from
out
side
new
s se
rvic
es?
RQ
2-1:
How
man
y st
orie
s ar
e on
the
fron
t pag
es o
f th
e ne
wsp
aper
,
broa
dcas
ting,
and
the
Inte
rnet
org
aniz
atio
ns w
ebsi
tes?
RQ
2-2.
Wha
t por
tion
of n
ews
com
es f
rom
sta
ff, w
ire
serv
ices
,
spec
ial c
ontr
ibut
or, a
nd h
ave
no in
dica
tion
for
each
thre
e di
ffer
ent
med
ia ?
RQ
3: W
hat a
re th
e le
vels
of
inte
ract
ivity
am
ong
diff
eren
t med
ia
orga
niza
tions
? T
o m
easu
re n
arra
tive
styl
es, t
he r
esea
rch
ques
tion
test
s th
e
web
site
s' te
xtua
l con
stru
ctio
n m
etho
ds. W
hat a
re th
e di
ffer
ence
s in
the
num
ber
and
type
of
inte
ract
ive
feat
ures
pro
vide
d by
new
spap
er, T
V
broa
dcas
ting,
and
Int
erne
t onl
y or
gani
zatio
n w
ebsi
tes?
As
was
com
mon
with
the
earl
ier
rese
arch
in th
e In
tern
et p
arad
igm
the
typo
logi
es d
o no
t mat
ch o
n a
one-
to-o
ne b
asis
bet
wee
n th
e tw
o st
udie
s.
Thi
s is
to b
e ex
pect
ed s
ince
the
rese
arch
is s
till i
n its
infa
ncy
and
rese
arch
ers
are
boun
d to
con
cent
rate
on
diff
eren
t thi
ngs.
All
the
stud
ies
abou
t the
Int
erne
t con
tent
ana
lysi
s ar
e st
ill te
ntat
ive
beca
use
the
stan
dard
of
anal
ysis
and
the
unit
of a
naly
sis
have
not
yet
bee
n ac
adem
ical
ly e
stab
lishe
d,
and
Inte
rnet
res
earc
h is
new
and
rec
ent.
The
refo
re, t
here
hav
e no
t bee
n
enou
gh s
tudi
es to
set
this
res
earc
h hy
poth
eses
. Thu
s, th
is s
tudy
cou
ld n
ot
pred
ict t
he c
onte
nt d
iffe
renc
es a
nd s
imila
ritie
s fo
r th
e In
tern
et.
77
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
10
Met
hodo
logy
:
Thi
s re
sear
ch w
ill c
ondu
ct a
con
tent
ana
lysi
s of
sel
ecte
d w
ebsi
tes.
To
stud
y th
e re
sear
ch q
uest
ions
, thi
s re
sear
ch f
ocus
es o
n th
e fr
ont p
age
and
its li
nked
new
s st
orie
s. I
n ot
her
wor
ds, m
ost n
ews
is c
lass
ifie
d by
new
s
type
, but
this
res
earc
h fo
cuse
s on
fro
nt p
age
rela
ted
stor
ies.
The
fro
nt p
ages
are
actu
ally
the
hom
epag
es in
new
s w
ebsi
tes.
The
mos
t com
mon
tren
din
new
s or
gani
zatio
n w
ebsi
tes
is f
ront
-pag
e ne
ws
site
s ap
pear
ing
on h
ome
page
s. T
hat m
eans
fro
nt-p
ages
bec
ome
hom
epag
es. N
ewsr
eade
rs a
re n
ot
inte
rest
ed in
the
new
s or
gani
zatio
n's
goal
s or
phi
loso
phy.
The
y w
ant t
o re
ad
new
s an
d ga
in k
now
ledg
e or
info
rmat
ion.
The
refo
re, m
ost n
ews
web
site
s'
firs
t hav
e pa
ges
shif
ted
from
hom
e pa
ge to
fro
nt p
age.
The
con
tent
ana
lysi
s is
dra
wn
from
the
web
site
s of
thre
e na
tiona
l
new
spap
ers,
thre
e br
oadc
astin
g w
ebsi
tes,
and
thre
e In
tern
et o
nly
new
s
web
site
s. I
n th
e In
tern
et n
ews
web
site
s, th
ere
are
spor
t site
s, w
eath
er s
ites,
spec
ial c
omm
erce
site
s, a
nd s
peci
al to
pic
new
s si
tes.
How
ever
, thi
s re
sear
ch
is in
tere
sted
in jo
urna
listic
new
s w
eb s
ites
and
natio
nal n
ews
web
site
s.
The
refo
re, t
he p
opul
atio
n of
this
res
earc
h is
U.S
bas
ed jo
urna
listic
new
s
web
site
s am
ong
prin
t, te
levi
sion
bro
adca
stin
g, a
nd I
nter
net o
rgan
ized
web
site
s.
Thi
s st
udy
rest
rict
s to
nat
iona
l new
s or
gani
zatio
ns: t
hree
new
spap
ers,
TV
bro
adca
stin
gs a
nd I
nter
net o
nly
new
s or
gani
zatio
ns. T
his
stud
y el
imin
ates
all
loca
l new
spap
ers
and
TV
bro
adca
stin
g si
tes.
78
The
Int
erne
t sam
ples
are
:
Prin
tB
road
cast
ing
Inte
rnet
Los
Ang
eles
Tim
es
New
Yor
k T
imes
Was
h in
gton
Post
CN
N
CB
S
AB
C
Dru
dge
Rep
ort
Wor
ld N
et D
aily
New
s M
ax
Uni
vers
e:
Thi
s st
udy
com
pare
d th
e te
xt, p
ictu
re, a
nd in
tera
ctiv
ity w
ith
new
spap
er, T
V b
road
cast
ing,
and
Int
erne
t org
aniz
atio
ns. T
hus,
this
stu
dy's
univ
erse
is li
mite
d to
the
U.S
. jou
rnal
ism
web
site
s th
at c
over
nat
iona
l lev
el.
The
refo
re, t
his
stud
y el
imin
ates
all
loca
l TV
bro
adca
stin
g an
d ne
wsp
aper
web
site
s. A
s th
e re
sult,
this
stu
dy's
con
tent
uni
vers
e is
lim
ited
U.S
. new
s
web
site
s th
at c
onta
in o
rigi
nal m
ater
ial o
n ge
nera
l new
s to
pics
, upd
ated
dai
ly
base
s. T
he n
ine
site
s ar
e L
os A
ngel
es T
imes
, New
Yor
k T
imes
, Was
hing
ton
Post
, "C
NN
", "
CB
S", "
AB
C",
Dru
dge
Rep
ort,
Wor
ld N
et D
aily
, and
New
s M
ax. Sa
mpl
e da
ys:
Thi
s re
sear
ch e
xam
ine
for
15 d
ays
(3/1
2-4/
25/2
000)
, fro
nt p
ages
,
hom
e pa
ges,
and
new
s st
ory
page
s of
eac
h of
the
thre
e di
ffer
ent m
edia
web
site
s.
Cod
ing
units
:
The
uni
t of
anal
ysis
is a
fro
nt-p
age
or a
hom
e pa
ge c
ompo
nent
and
its li
nked
new
s si
tes:
pho
togr
aph
and
grap
hics
, int
erac
tivity
, and
new
s st
ory
cont
ribu
tor.
The
ope
ratio
nal d
efin
ition
in th
is r
esea
rch
for
hom
e pa
ge a
nd
fron
t pag
es is
use
d. T
he "
hom
e pa
ge is
a n
ewsp
aper
's in
itial
, or
open
ing
79
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
11
scre
en o
n th
e w
eb. I
t gen
eral
ly c
onta
ins
only
hyp
erte
xt li
nks
for
acce
ssin
g
info
rmat
ion
publ
ishe
d w
ithin
a n
ewsp
aper
's s
ite o
r on
an
exte
rnal
, or
off-
site
loca
le o
n th
e w
eb, w
here
as th
e "f
ront
pag
e ca
n be
acc
esse
d th
roug
h th
e
hom
e pa
ge o
r ca
n its
elf
serv
e as
the
new
spap
er's
initi
al w
eb s
cree
n, a
nd c
an
be r
ecog
nize
d by
its
sim
ilari
ty in
app
eara
nce
to a
pri
nt n
ewsp
aper
fro
nt
page
" (M
asse
y, 1
999,
139
).
Cod
ing
Proc
edur
es:
The
res
earc
her
will
inst
ruct
the
code
rs o
n th
e pr
oced
ure
for
codi
ng.
Thr
ee g
radu
ate
stud
ents
and
one
und
ergr
adua
te s
tude
nts
in th
e D
epar
tmen
t
of J
ourn
alis
m a
t SIU
C w
ill c
ode
the
sam
pled
web
site
s. E
ach
code
r w
ill c
ode
thre
e di
ffer
ent m
edia
web
site
s. T
hat m
eans
eac
h co
der
will
cod
e on
e pr
int,
one
broa
dcas
ting,
and
one
Int
erne
t org
aniz
atio
n w
ebsi
te.
Dat
a Pr
oces
sing
The
dat
a in
the
codi
ng s
heet
are
inpu
t sta
tistic
s da
ta s
prea
d sh
eets
.
The
n, th
e st
atis
tical
ana
lysi
s w
as c
ondu
cted
usi
ng s
tatis
tic s
oftw
are
pack
age.
The
inde
pend
ent v
aria
bles
are
tota
l num
bers
of
pict
ure
(pho
tos
and
grap
hics
), n
umbe
r of
pic
ture
siz
e, lo
catio
n, n
ews
cont
ribu
tor
clas
sifi
catio
ns (
staf
f w
rite
r, w
ire
serv
ices
, spe
cial
con
trib
utor
s an
d
inde
ciph
erab
le),
and
inte
ract
ivity
num
bers
. To
test
the
rese
arch
que
stio
n #1
,
2, a
nd 3
, t-t
est,
Chi
-squ
are
(x2
), A
NO
VA
, and
Pea
rson
cor
rela
tion
coef
fici
ents
(r)
wer
e co
mpu
ted
usin
g SA
S/U
NIX
and
JM
PIN
3.2
6/M
AC
.
Rel
iabi
lity:
An
inte
rcod
er r
elia
bilit
y w
as c
heck
ed in
one
-day
pilo
t-te
st s
essi
on.
The
for
mul
a us
ed is
Sco
tt's
pi (
pi=
prop
rtio
n ob
serv
ed a
gree
men
t-pr
opor
tion
expe
cted
agr
eem
ent/1
- pr
opor
tion
expe
cted
agr
eem
ent)
, whi
ch c
ompe
nsat
es
80
for
the
rate
s of
agr
eem
ent t
hat w
ould
be
expe
cted
by
chan
ce (
Wim
mer
,
1991
,173
). E
ach
stud
ent c
oded
thre
e w
ebsi
tes
and
com
pare
d th
e co
ders
'
agre
emen
t for
eac
h un
it of
ana
lysi
s: p
ictu
re, n
ews
cont
ribu
tors
, and
inte
ract
ivity
. The
inte
rcod
er r
elia
bilit
y in
pho
togr
aphy
was
90.
2%, n
ews
cont
ribu
tor
was
87.
3%, a
nd in
tera
ctiv
ity w
as 9
7.2%
.
Res
ults
Thi
s st
udy
mea
sure
d th
e th
ree
diff
eren
t new
s or
gani
zatio
n's
fram
e
diff
eren
ces
and
sim
ilari
ties
for
Inte
rnet
new
s w
ebsi
tes,
whi
ch a
re c
onve
rged
from
bot
h co
mpu
ter
and
tele
com
mun
icat
ions
. The
mai
n re
sear
ch
com
pari
son
is b
etw
een
new
spap
er a
nd T
V b
road
cast
ing.
The
Int
erne
t onl
y
new
s si
tes
are
only
com
pare
d to
oth
er m
edia
in te
rms
of o
vera
ll di
ffer
ence
s
for
the
next
res
earc
h pu
rpos
e.
Ove
rall,
due
to te
leco
mm
unic
atio
n co
nver
sion
into
the
Inte
rnet
,
new
spap
ers
and
TV
bro
adca
stin
gs c
onve
y ne
ws
thro
ugh
a bl
end
of w
ritte
n
wor
ds, p
hoto
grap
hy, g
raph
ics,
and
inte
ract
ivity
on
the
web
. The
se h
ave
diff
eren
t new
s pr
esen
tatio
n st
yles
and
fra
me
met
hods
fro
m th
eir
orig
inal
med
ia o
rgan
izat
ions
. The
refo
re, t
his
rese
arch
's m
ain
purp
ose
is to
dete
rmin
e w
hen
diff
eren
t med
ia p
rese
nt n
ews
on th
e In
tern
et, w
hat k
ind
of
fram
e si
mila
rity
and
dif
fere
nces
will
hap
pen.
Thi
s re
sear
ch f
ound
out
that
TV
web
site
s ha
ve a
hig
h pe
rcen
tage
of to
tal p
ictu
re u
sage
, new
spap
ers
site
s ha
ve a
hig
h nu
mbe
r of
tota
l new
s
stor
ies
as w
ell a
s a
high
inte
ract
ivity
sco
re (
Tab
le 9
). O
n th
e ot
her
hand
,
Inte
rnet
onl
y ne
ws
web
site
s ha
ve a
hig
h po
rtio
n of
wir
e se
rvic
e or
oth
er
med
ia n
ews
cont
ribu
tion.
81
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
12
The
refo
re, t
his
pape
r ca
n sa
y th
at T
V b
road
cast
ing
has
high
pict
oria
l con
tent
, new
spap
ers
have
man
y ne
ws
item
s an
d st
aff
wri
ters
.
Inte
rnet
onl
y ne
ws
site
s ha
ve h
ighl
y re
late
d ou
tsid
e ne
ws
cont
ribu
tion.
Des
crip
tive
stat
istic
s: O
f th
e 9
diff
eren
t new
s w
ebsi
tes,
a to
tal 2
7
web
site
s w
ere
anal
yzed
. Tab
le 9
sho
ws
the
new
s fr
eque
ncy,
tota
l pic
ture
,
and
inte
ract
ivity
of
the
Inte
rnet
new
s si
tes.
Ave
rage
new
s ite
ms
per
day
in
new
spap
er s
ites
is 8
6.33
, for
TV
site
s 58
.44,
and
for
Int
erne
t site
s 39
.33
(Tab
le 4
). N
ewsp
aper
web
site
s ha
ve tw
ice
as m
any
new
s ite
ms
than
Int
erne
t
only
org
aniz
atio
ns. T
his
rese
arch
foc
used
on
fron
t-pa
ges
and
thei
r lin
ked
new
s ite
ms.
Thi
s m
ight
be
caus
ed b
y th
e la
rge
diff
eren
ces
betw
een
thos
e
med
ia a
s w
ell a
s ne
wsp
aper
hav
ing
mor
e sy
stem
atic
new
sgat
heri
ng
prac
tices
. Als
o, w
hile
in th
e ea
rly
codi
ng p
erio
d, th
e re
sear
ch f
ound
that
Inte
rnet
new
s si
tes
have
str
ong
hype
rlin
k po
wer
to o
ther
site
s an
d cr
eate
a
met
asite
fra
me.
Thu
s, th
ere
is a
big
dif
fere
nce
in to
tal n
umbe
r of
sto
ries
. The
diff
eren
ces
in n
umbe
r of
new
s st
orie
s be
twee
n ne
wsp
aper
s an
d T
V s
ites
is
rela
tivel
y hi
gh.
Pict
ure
Fram
e
The
ana
lysi
s of
pic
ture
usa
ge d
ata
reve
als
that
dif
fere
nt m
edia
hav
e
diff
eren
t lev
els
of p
icto
rial
usa
ge. O
vera
ll, th
e A
NO
VA
sco
re is
84.
37 (
a=.
001,
P>
F) (
Tab
le 1
). T
hat m
eans
, the
re a
re a
sig
nifi
cant
mea
n di
ffer
ence
s
com
pare
d th
ose
with
thre
e di
ffer
ent m
edia
: new
spap
er, T
V b
road
cast
ing,
and
Inte
rnet
onl
y ne
ws
web
site
s. T
V s
ites
use
pict
ures
mor
e fr
eque
ntly
than
new
spap
er s
ites.
CN
N h
as a
hig
h le
vel o
f pi
ctur
e us
age,
bot
h in
term
s of
phot
os a
nd g
raph
ics
(pic
ture
s= 7
9.3,
pho
tos=
58.0
0, a
nd g
raph
ics=
21.3
3).
82
All
thre
e T
V b
road
cast
ing
new
s si
tes
have
hig
her
num
ber
of p
ictu
re u
sage
then
new
spap
er s
ites
have
.
App
endi
x's
Tab
le 3
sho
ws
each
new
s si
te's
dai
ly a
vera
ge p
ictu
re
num
bers
. TV
bro
adca
stin
g si
tes
have
rel
ativ
ely
high
er n
umbe
rs (
CN
N=
79.3
,
AB
C =
64,6
7 C
BS
62.6
7) th
an n
ewsp
aper
s (N
ew Y
ork
Tim
es=
49.6
7, L
os
Ang
eles
Tim
es=
41.3
3, a
nd W
ashi
ngto
n Po
st=
37.6
7). T
he I
nter
net o
nly
web
site
s ha
ve th
e lo
wes
t sco
re (
Dru
dge=
18.0
0, W
orld
Net
19.
00, a
nd
New
s M
ax=
13.0
0).
Com
pare
d to
tota
l num
ber
of n
ews
stor
y, to
tal p
ictu
re n
umbe
rs a
re
grea
ter
than
tota
l new
s ite
ms.
The
rea
son
is th
at s
ome
new
s st
orie
s in
TV
broa
dcas
tings
hav
e m
ore
than
one
pic
ture
or
grap
hic
in a
new
s st
ory
to
supp
ort n
ews
text
; the
refo
re, t
otal
num
ber
of p
ictu
res
per
day
(68.
89)
in
Tab
le 1
out
num
bere
d to
tal n
ews
stor
ies
(58.
44)
in T
V s
ites
(Tab
le4)
.
Ove
rall,
in p
ictu
re u
sage
, the
ave
rage
num
ber
of to
tal p
ictu
re
(Tab
le 1
) on
Int
erne
t site
s is
16.
89, n
ewsp
aper
s 42
.89,
and
TV
site
s 68
.89.
On
the
othe
r ha
nd, n
ewsp
aper
site
s us
ed m
ore
smal
l siz
e ph
otos
than
larg
e
phot
os (
Tab
le 2
), w
here
as T
V s
ites
used
the
sam
e nu
mbe
r of
mid
dle
size
phot
os (
19.5
5). T
his
is c
orre
late
d be
twee
n th
e to
tal n
ews
stor
ies
and
the
num
ber
of m
iddl
e or
larg
e si
ze p
hoto
s. T
hat m
eans
, new
spap
er s
ites
have
mor
e ne
ws
item
s th
an T
V s
ites.
Thu
s, in
ord
er to
incr
ease
tota
l new
s ite
ms,
new
spap
er s
ites
use
smal
l siz
e ph
otos
. On
the
othe
r ha
nd, I
nter
net o
nly
web
site
s us
e m
ore
med
ium
siz
e (9
.22)
than
sm
all s
ize
phot
os, b
ut th
e
num
ber
of la
rge
size
pho
tos
is a
ver
y sm
all p
ortio
n (0
.55)
(T
able
2).
New
s C
ontr
ibut
ors
83
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
13
The
re a
re f
our
web
site
new
s co
ntri
buto
rs: s
taff
wri
ters
, wir
e
serv
ice,
spe
cial
con
trib
utor
s, a
nd s
ourc
es th
at a
re in
deci
pher
able
. Ove
rall,
ther
e is
a h
igh
chi-
squa
re s
igni
fica
nce
for
new
s co
ntri
buto
rs c
ompa
red
to
each
med
ia (
X2=
99.
09, p
=. 0
01, d
f= 6
) (T
able
5).
Tha
t is,
the
new
s w
rite
r's
num
bers
hav
e a
sign
ific
ant s
core
for
dev
iate
d fr
eque
ncie
s. T
he th
ree
diff
eren
t med
ia h
ave
sign
ific
antly
dif
fere
nt n
umbe
rs o
f ne
ws
cont
ribu
tors
,
both
new
spap
er a
nd T
V b
road
cast
ing
med
ia. R
aw n
umbe
rs s
how
that
new
spap
ers
have
a la
rger
pot
ion
of s
taff
wri
ting
for
exam
ple
Los
Ang
eles
Tim
es (
62.2
5% s
taff
/ 17.
21%
wir
e se
rvic
e), t
he N
ew Y
ork
Tim
es (
80.5
3 ')/
0
/ 12.
90%
), a
nd W
ashi
ngto
n Po
st (
58.0
1 %
/ 30
.56
%),
than
do
TV
web
site
s,
whi
ch h
ave
a sm
all p
ortio
n of
sta
ff w
rite
rs a
nd a
larg
e po
rtio
n of
wir
e
serv
ice
CN
N (
27.1
9 %
/ 67.
74%
), C
BS
(61.
46%
/35.
32%
), a
nd A
BC
(27.
22%
/ 48.
34%
). T
his
is s
igni
fica
nt f
or n
ews
cont
ribu
tion
diff
eren
ces
betw
een
new
spap
ers
and
TV
bro
adca
stin
g w
ebsi
tes
(Tab
le 2
-2).
A m
ore
sign
ific
ant c
hi-s
quar
e po
rtio
n is
Int
erne
t onl
y
orga
niza
tion'
s w
ebsi
tes:
Dru
dge'
s po
rtio
n of
sta
ff v
ersu
s w
ire
is 1
9.52
% /
71.8
8%, W
orld
net
is 2
7.93
% /
62.1
8%, a
nd N
ews
Max
is 2
0.87
% /
71.3
0
%(T
able
6).
Tha
t mea
ns th
at I
nter
net o
rgan
izat
ion
new
s w
eb s
ites
are
high
ly d
epen
dent
upo
n w
ire
serv
ices
rat
her
than
sta
ff w
ritin
g.
The
dif
fere
nce
in th
e nu
mbe
r of
new
s st
orie
s is
bas
ed o
n th
e
orig
inal
med
ia. N
ewsp
aper
site
s ha
s an
ave
rage
of
86.3
sto
ries
per
day
, TV
site
s ha
ve 5
8.4,
and
Int
erne
t onl
y or
gani
zatio
ns h
ave
39.3
sto
ries
(T
able
4).
Inte
ract
ivity
Firs
t, th
is r
esea
rch
mea
sure
d w
hat d
iffe
renc
es th
ere
are
amon
g
prin
t, br
oadc
astin
g an
d In
tern
et n
ews
site
s in
the
use
of p
ictu
re f
requ
ency
84
and
size
. The
thre
e pr
int n
ewsp
aper
site
s' a
vera
ge s
core
s w
ere
6.11
on
a
tota
l pos
sibl
e sc
ore
of 8
, whe
reas
the
thre
e T
V b
road
cast
ing
site
s' a
vera
ge
scor
es w
ere
5.55
. The
t-te
sts
scor
e is
34.
21 a
t a=
. 001
(T
able
7).
The
Inte
rnet
onl
y w
ebsi
tes'
ave
rage
is 2
.44.
The
inte
ract
ive
scor
e w
ere
diff
eren
t
for
new
spap
ers
and
TV
bro
adca
stin
gs. T
he d
istin
ctiv
e di
ffer
ence
is
prim
arily
due
to th
e fa
ct th
at n
ewsp
aper
hav
e e-
mai
l for
indi
vidu
al
jour
nalis
ts a
nd h
elp
sect
ions
, whe
reas
TV
bro
adca
stin
g si
tes
have
rea
l aud
io
or v
ideo
sec
tion.
The
se la
st tw
o fe
atur
es in
TV
site
s ar
e a
quas
i-in
tera
ctiv
e
feat
ure.
Thi
s st
udy
incl
uded
inte
ract
ivity
mea
sure
men
t rat
her
than
pic
tori
al
freq
uenc
y. T
he a
udio
and
vid
eo c
lips
in T
V w
ebsi
tes
are
inte
ract
ive
beca
use
thes
e he
lp n
ewsr
eade
rs a
nd th
ey e
labo
rate
use
r's in
tera
ctiv
e. S
ome
read
ers
look
fir
st a
t the
pic
ture
; oth
ers
read
the
text
bef
ore
look
ing
at th
e pi
ctur
e,
whi
le s
till o
ther
vac
illat
e be
twee
n te
xt a
nd v
ideo
clip
s. T
his
read
ing
activ
ity
is a
qua
si-i
nter
activ
e be
havi
or, t
hus
this
stu
dy in
clud
e in
tera
ctiv
ity a
nd
mea
sure
the
inte
ract
ivity
. Ove
rall,
Tab
le 7
sho
ws
that
the
inte
ract
ivity
scor
es: 2
.44
of I
nter
net,
6.11
of
new
spap
er, a
nd 5
,55
of T
V m
edia
web
site
(Tab
le 8
) an
d in
tera
ctiv
ity s
core
of
each
web
site
s (T
able
8).
Con
clus
ion
Nin
e na
tiona
l med
ia w
ere
com
pare
d on
the
web
site
s in
term
of
both
dif
fere
nces
and
sim
ilari
ties.
The
sim
ilari
ties
are
that
all
nine
of
thes
e
med
ia u
se h
yper
text
, nam
ely
text
, pic
ture
s an
d in
tera
ctiv
ity (
Figu
re 1
, 2, a
nd
3). W
hen
tele
com
mun
icat
ion
conv
erge
d in
to th
e In
tern
et, d
iffe
rent
med
ia
had
diff
eren
t fra
me
form
ats
to p
rese
nt th
e ne
ws.
Thi
s pa
per
focu
sed
on th
ree
fram
e se
tting
s: p
ictu
res,
new
s co
ntri
buto
rs, a
nd in
tera
ctiv
ity. T
his
fram
ing
85
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
14
mod
el p
rovi
des
the
answ
er to
the
ques
tion:
whe
n co
nver
genc
e of
med
ia
happ
ens
to th
e In
tern
et, a
re th
e co
nten
t's f
orm
and
sty
le s
imila
r or
dif
fere
nt
from
oth
er m
edia
? O
n th
e In
tern
et, i
s th
ere
any
diff
eren
ce b
etw
een
cont
ent
prov
ided
by
new
spap
er c
ompa
nies
, bro
adca
stin
g or
gani
zatio
ns, a
nd th
e
Inte
rnet
pro
vide
r or
gani
zatio
ns?
The
str
engt
h of
the
web
new
s si
tes
is th
eir
offe
ring
of
conv
erge
d
cont
ent:
text
, pho
togr
aphy
, gra
phic
s, a
nd a
udio
and
vid
eo c
lips.
In
this
rese
arch
, all
text
for
ms
are
co-e
valu
ated
fro
m d
iffe
rent
med
ia. T
V s
ites
have
a st
rong
pic
ture
fra
me
and
audi
o-vi
deo
clip
s.
The
oth
er p
oten
tial o
f w
eb n
ews
site
s is
inte
ract
ivity
bet
wee
n th
e
user
and
the
med
ium
. Bot
h ne
wsp
aper
(6.
11)
and
TV
bro
adca
stin
g m
edia
(5.8
) ha
ve h
igh
inte
ract
ivity
sco
res.
Alm
ost 1
00%
of
web
new
s si
tes
prov
ide
orga
niza
tion
e-m
ail a
nd r
esea
rch
engi
nes.
Alth
ough
new
spap
ers
show
ed
mor
e in
tera
ctiv
ity th
an th
e T
V s
ites,
the
gap
may
be
mor
e re
duce
d w
ithin
a
shor
t per
iod
beca
use
Inte
rnet
tech
nolo
gy m
ay b
e sh
red
betw
een
new
spap
er
and
TV
web
site
s.
New
s co
ntri
butio
n m
easu
rem
ent s
how
s th
at T
V s
ites
and
Inte
rnet
only
site
s ar
e de
pend
ent u
pon
outs
ide
new
s so
urce
s su
ch a
s w
ire
serv
ices
or
othe
r ne
ws
data
ser
vice
s th
at a
re h
ighl
y in
terc
onne
cted
. Thi
s re
sear
ch f
ound
that
Int
erne
t new
s si
tes
are
likel
y to
rec
eive
new
s fr
om w
ires
(A
P, U
PI,
AFP
, and
Reu
ters
) an
d ot
her
new
s m
edia
.
Lim
itatio
ns
Thi
s st
udy
has
seve
ral l
imita
tions
incl
udin
g lim
ited
sam
ples
beca
use
this
stu
dy s
ampl
ed w
ebsi
tes
natio
nal c
over
age
orga
niza
tions
suc
h
as L
os A
ngel
es T
imes
, The
New
Yor
k T
imes
, and
Was
hing
ton
Post
. Als
o
86
the
TV
bro
adca
stin
g si
tes
used
in th
is s
tudy
thre
e na
tiona
l net
wor
ks (
CN
N,
CB
S, a
nd A
BC
). T
hus
it co
uld
not a
pply
to lo
cal o
r in
depe
nden
t
new
spap
ers
and
broa
dcas
ting
com
pani
es. T
oday
, the
re a
re m
ore
than
3,6
33
on-l
ine
new
spap
ers
in th
e U
nite
d St
ates
. Thi
s st
udy
focu
sed
only
on
natio
nal r
epre
sent
ed n
ews
med
ia s
ites.
Thu
s th
is r
esea
rch
resu
lt lim
ited
to
gene
raliz
atio
n to
oth
er lo
cal m
edia
.
Furt
herm
ore,
this
stu
dy f
ocus
ed o
n on
ly f
ront
-pag
e ne
ws
site
s fo
r
its r
esea
rch
purp
oses
. How
ever
, the
Int
erne
t cre
ates
new
way
s of
del
iver
ing
new
s to
rea
ders
, tha
t is,
hyp
erlin
ks o
r m
eta-
site
link
s. T
radi
tiona
l
new
spap
ers
and
broa
dcas
ting
med
ia o
rgan
izat
ions
pre
sent
thei
r ne
ws
diff
eren
t way
s fo
r ex
ampl
e, th
roug
h m
ulti-
text
, im
ages
, and
inte
ract
ivity
.
Thu
s, th
e re
sear
ch p
arad
igm
sho
uld
shif
t oth
er w
ays
such
as
disc
ours
e
anal
ysis
or
cont
extu
al n
ews
web
site
s an
alys
is.
As
the
resu
lt of
this
, in
orde
r to
gai
n a
mor
e co
mpl
ete
unde
rsta
ndin
g of
the
Inte
rnet
new
s fr
ame
and
pres
enta
tion,
mul
tiple
of
met
hod
are
need
ed. F
or e
xam
ple,
the
com
bina
tion
of la
bora
tory
expe
rim
ents
, con
tent
ana
lysi
s, a
nd a
sur
vey
of I
nter
net u
sers
for
one
sub
ject
wou
ld p
rovi
de m
ore
accu
rate
dim
ensi
ons
to th
e an
swer
of
Inte
rnet
conv
erge
nce.
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
15
Ref
eren
ces
Bal
dwin
, T.F
., M
cVoy
, S. &
Ste
infi
eld,
C. (
1996
). C
onve
rgen
ce:
Inte
grat
ing
med
ia in
form
atio
n an
d co
mm
unic
atio
n. T
hous
and
Oak
s, C
A:
Sage
.
Bio
cca,
F. (
1992
) C
omm
unic
atio
n w
ithin
vir
tual
rea
lity:
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atin
g a
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e fo
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ch. J
ourn
al o
f C
omm
unic
atio
n 42
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erce
ptio
n of
gra
phic
s ve
rsus
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eb s
ites.
Pres
ente
d at
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Ass
ocia
tion
for
Jour
nalis
m a
nd M
ass
com
mun
icat
ion
Con
fere
nce
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r in
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Com
mer
ceN
et (
1999
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he n
etw
ork
wiz
ards
inte
rnet
dom
ain
surv
ey. J
an. 1
999.
Com
mer
ceN
et R
esea
rch
cent
ers
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ine]
Ava
ilabl
e:
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w.c
omm
erce
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ats/
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r, T
E. (
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embe
r, J
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ts o
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alys
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or in
tern
et c
omm
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omm
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atio
n 46
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37.
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man
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991)
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g U
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age
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tern
atio
nal
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ontr
asts
in
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ativ
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e K
AL
and
Ira
n ai
r in
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rnal
of
Com
mun
icat
ion,
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ram
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ard
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itch,
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ia s
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usan
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aks,
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si, S
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eb E
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escr
ibes
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rist
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Ava
ilabl
e on
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bes.
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nic
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E b
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nter
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eb s
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rnal
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adca
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ctro
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rie
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mpl
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ract
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icat
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io &
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ia u
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renc
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g, A
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e in
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ncin
g ch
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cces
s ca
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ty a
nd s
ubse
quen
t eff
ects
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ia c
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mpt
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n
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e U
nive
rsity
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isse
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lay
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ata
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t rea
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ourn
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ss, G
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eeuw
an T
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isua
l des
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Lan
dow
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he d
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t and
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ory
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ilabl
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Inte
rnet
at
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ww
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wn.
edu/
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ect
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erte
xt/la
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verg
ence
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rnet
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en. (
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eb p
age
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hic
use
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ree
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ers.
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rnal
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s C
omm
unic
atio
n Q
uart
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an &
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y, M
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nter
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e, o
nlin
e
jour
nalis
m, a
nd E
nglis
h-L
angu
age
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ers
in A
sia.
Jou
rnal
ism
&
Mas
s C
omm
unic
atio
n Q
uart
erly
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51.
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augh
lin, M
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he a
rt s
ite o
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e W
orld
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e W
eb.
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nal o
f C
omm
unic
atio
n 46
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uhan
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nder
stan
ding
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ia: T
he e
xten
sion
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k: M
cGra
w-H
ill.
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uail,
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ass
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mun
icat
ion
theo
ry: A
n in
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uctio
n.
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don:
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e Pu
blic
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n.
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er, G
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hom
as, J
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dy w
orld
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byte
band
it: A
pos
tmod
erni
st in
terp
reta
tion
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e co
mpu
ter
unde
rgro
und.
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ilabl
e on
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n.so
ci.n
iu.e
du/g
mey
er/b
audy
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ris,
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n, C
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erne
t as
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s m
ediu
m.
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nal o
f C
omm
unic
atio
n, 4
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feld
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re a
re a
udie
nces
goi
ng?
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ia
Wee
k 7
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22-S
29.
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ik, J
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98).
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ia te
chno
logy
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tura
l and
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mer
cial
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ton:
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n an
d B
acon
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Res
earc
h C
ente
r (1
998)
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ia c
onsu
mpt
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eric
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ews
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ts.
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se, S
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en D
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radi
gm a
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e id
eolo
gy o
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ctiv
ity: A
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t at t
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all S
tree
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rnal
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erko
witz
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eani
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aks:
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nter
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icat
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d in
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fe, D
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nt
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uart
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rnal
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ass
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omm
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ree
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ietr
am A
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g as
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omm
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atio
n 49
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otin
g m
anua
l for
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nalis
m h
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ourn
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uart
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Jou
rnal
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rter
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n
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ewsm
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mer
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rnal
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ass
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rch:
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mon
t,CA
: Wad
wor
th P
ublis
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Com
pany
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Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
18
Tab
le 1
Pict
ure
Mea
ns b
y M
edia
Web
site
sPi
ctur
e M
ean
Prob
abili
ty
For
Pict
ure
Phot
os (
Mea
n)G
raph
ics
(Mea
n)
New
spap
er9
42.8
9 (3
86)
33.3
4%37
.89(
341)
5.00
(45)
TV
968
.89
(620
)53
.54%
52.5
6(47
3)16
.33
(147
)
Inte
rnet
916
.89
(152
)13
.13%
15.7
8(14
2)1.
11(1
0)
Tot
al27
1158
(100
%)
100%
956
(100
%)
202(
100%
)
(AN
OV
A F
=84
.37
oc=
. 001
) Pi
ctur
e=Ph
oto+
Gra
phic
s.T
hus,
pic
ture
's %
rep
rese
nts
othe
rs
Tab
le 2
Phot
os S
ize
Freq
uenc
y by
Med
ia
Med
iaL
arge
Med
ium
Smal
l
New
spap
ers
3.68
(29
.7%
)19
.56(
36.4
%)
14.5
6 (3
6.4%
)
TV
bro
adca
stin
g8.
11(6
5.6%
)25
.00(
46.5
%)
19.4
4(51
.4%
)
Inte
rnet
0.56
(4.5
%)
9.22
(36.
4%)
6.00
(48.
6%)
Tot
al10
0%10
0%10
0%
9493
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
19
Tab
le 3
Pict
ure,
Pho
tos
and
Gra
phic
s by
Web
site
s
Web
site
sPi
ctur
ePh
otos
Gra
phic
s
Los
Ang
eles
Tim
es41
.33
32.6
78.
67
New
Yor
k T
imes
49.6
745
.33
4.33
Was
hing
ton
Post
37.6
735
.67
2.00
CN
N79
.33
58.0
021
.33
CB
S62
.67
48.0
014
.67
AB
C64
.67
51.6
713
.00
Dru
dge
18.0
0.
17.0
01.
00
Wor
ld N
et D
aily
19.0
017
.00
1.00
New
s M
ax13
.67
13.3
30.
33
It is
dai
ly m
ean
num
ber.
Thu
s, %
is n
ot n
eces
sary
.
Tab
le 4
Tot
al N
ews
Item
s by
Med
ia (
Uni
t:day
)N
umbe
rM
ean
Prob
abili
tySt
d E
rror
New
spap
er9
86.3
3 (7
77)
46.8
9%3.
62
TV
958
.44
(526
)31
.74%
3.62
Inte
rnet
939
.33
(354
)21
.36%
3.62
Tot
al27
1657
100%
3.62
96
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
20
Tab
le 5
Con
trib
utor
's F
requ
ency
by
Med
ia
Frequency
Col Pct
lIntr
ITV
!news
ITotal
staff
I26.66
I72.32
1172.63
I271.61
122.60
I41.48
167.07
I
wires
I
81
I85.04
I50.67
I216.71
I68.65
148.78
I19.69
I
special
I
7.99
I8.34
I28.5
I44.83
I6.77
14.78
I11.07
I
indcpher
I2.34
I8.64
I5.6
116.58
I
1.98
I4.96
I2.18
I
Total
117.99
174.34
257.40
549.73
100.00
100.00
100.00
100.0
Statistic
DF
Value
Prob
Chi-Square
699.094
0.001
Sample Size = 549.73
93
97
Tab
le 6
New
s C
ontr
ibut
or b
y W
ebsi
tes.
SITE
Contributor
Frequencyl
Row Pct
I 'staff
'wires
(special lindiciphl
Total
L.A.Time
I60.3
I16.67
115.6
I4.3
I96.87
I62.25
I17.21
I16.10
I4.44
I100.00
N.Y.Time
I68.67
I11
I5.3
I0.3
I85.27
I80.53
I12.90
I6.22
I0.35
I100.0
Washingtol
43.66
I23
I7.6
I1
I75.26
I58.01
I30.56
I10.10
I1.33
I100.00
CNN
I14.33
135.7
I2
I0.67
I52.7
I27.19
I67.74
13.80
I1.27
I100.00
CBS
I44.66
I25.67
I1.67
I0.67
I72.6
I61.46
I35.32
I2.30
I0.92
I100.00
ABC
113.33
I23.67
I4.67
I7.3
I48.97
I27.22
I48.34
I9.54
I14.91
1100.00
Drudge
I8.33
I30.67
I3
I0.67
I42.67
I19.52
I71.88
I7.03
I1.57
I100.00
WorldNet
I10.33
I23
I2.66
I1
I36.99
I27.93
I62.18
I7.19
I2.70
I100.00
NewsMax
I8
I27.33
I2.33
I0.67
I38.33
I20.87
I71.30
I6.08
I1.75
I100.00
Total
271.61
216.71
44.83
16.58
549.73
49.41
39.42
8.15
3.02
100.00
*Websites
are the
independent
variable,
contributors
are the dependent
variable.
STATISTICS FOR TABLE OF SITE BY CONTRIBUTOR
Statistic
DF
Value
Prob
Chi-Square =159.23 (df=24) r=0.001Sample Size = 549.73
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
21
100
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
22
Tab
le 7
Inte
ract
ivity
Sco
re b
y M
edia
Web
site
sIn
tera
ctiv
ity S
core
(T
otal
)Pr
obab
ility
Std
Err
or
New
spap
er9
6.11
(55
)43
.31%
0.16
TV
95.
55 (
50)
39.3
7%0.
16
Inte
rnet
92.
44 (
22)
17.3
2%0.
16
Tot
al27
127(
100%
)10
0%0.
16
Uni
t: Pe
r D
ay P
ossi
ble
Max
imum
Sco
re is
8.
Tab
le 8
Inte
ract
ivity
Sco
re b
y W
ebsi
tes
Web
site
sIn
tera
ctiv
ity
Los
Ang
eles
Tim
es6.
33(1
9)
New
Yor
k T
imes
6.00
(18)
Was
hing
ton
Post
6.00
(18)
CN
N5.
67(1
7)
CB
S5.
33(1
6)
AB
C5.
67(1
7)
Dru
dge
2.33
(7)
Wor
ldN
et D
aily
2.33
(7)
New
sMax
2.67
(8)
Uni
ts d
ays
(t =
34.2
1 a=
.001
)
102
-C
onve
rgen
ce o
f th
e In
tern
et 2
3
Tab
le 9
Ove
rall
Ave
rage
Pic
ture
, New
s It
em, a
nd I
nter
activ
ity b
y M
edia
Tot
al P
ictu
reT
otal
New
sIn
tera
ctiv
ity
New
spap
ers
42.8
9(33
.33%
)86
.33(
46.8
9%)
6.11
(43.
31%
)
TV
Site
s68
.89(
53.3
5%)
58.4
4(31
.17%
)5.
55(3
9.37
%)
Inte
rnet
site
s16
.89(
13.1
3%)
39.3
3(21
.36%
)2.
44(1
7.32
%)
Tot
al10
0%10
0%10
0%
(Uni
t/day
)
104
Figu
re 1
. Pic
ture
Fre
quen
cy b
y M
edia
[At d
a .)
Tv
N Nev
spap
er
I nt e
r en
et
Isbv
epap
er
I nt e
r er
et
-(F
r eq
tenc
i es
Leve
lG
a n
tP
r o
babi
li t
y C
url R
obI n
t er
enet
152
0. 1
3126
0. 1
3126
itvep
aper
386
0.33
333
0. 4
6459
N62
00.
535
411.
0000
0
Tot
al11
58
}leve
l s
105
Con
verg
ence
of
the
Inte
rnet
24
Figu
re 2
. New
s It
ems
Freq
uenc
y by
Med
iaFi
gure
3: I
nter
activ
ity S
core
by
Med
ia
( Ik
i da
)
TV
_
TV
'
Ibm
spap
er
I nt e
r ne
t
Isbm
spap
er
I rt e
r ne
t
( (Fre
quen
cies
)Le
vel
Cbt
ritP
r ob
aA I
it y
urn
Rob
I rt e
r ne
t35
40.
213
540.
213
64
Nbm
s pa
per
777
0.46
892
0.68
256
TV
526
0.31
744
1.00
000
Tot
al
1657
Sev
el s
3ES
T C
OP
YA
VA
ILA
BLE
( A
ti da
)
Tv
_
TV
isbv
s pa
per
1 1
INbv
tspa
per
I nt e
r ne
t_
I nt e
r ne
t
(Fre
quen
cies
)Le
vel
Cou
rtP
r o
bi l
i t y
am
Rob
I nt e
r ne
t22
0. 1
7323
0. 1
7323
Isbn
s pa
per
550.
433
070.
606
30
TV
50O
. 393
701.
000
00
Tot
al12
7
}leve
l s
_..
106
The Impact and Relationship of Policy and Competition
on the Program Diversity in Cable TV
Seung Kwan Ryu
Doctoral Candidate
School of Journalism
Southern Illinois University at Carbondale
Carbondale, Illinois
1941 W. Evergreen Dr. #8, Carbondale, IL 62901
E-mail: [email protected]
Phone: 618-351-6291
A Paper Submitted to
the Graduate Education Interest Group
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
The Impact and Relationship of Policy
ABSTRACT
This study explores the impact of deregulation on program diversity in U.S. cable
television, and the relationship of governmental policy and competition on program
diversity. It examines whether there was more program diversity before or after the
passage of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, by comparing two time periods: 1992-
1995 (from the enactment of the Cable Consumer Protection and Competition Act of
1992 to the Telecommunications Act of 1996) and 1996-to the present (after the
enactment of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 up to now).
The first period (1992-1995) brought about strong regulations in the U.S. cable
industry, whereas during the second period (1996 up to now) all regulations were virtually
dropped. Hence, this change offers an excellent opportunity to examine the effects of
governmental policy on program diversity in cable TV. The study suggests that both
*vertical program diversity and *horizontal (*may need to define these terms) diversity
during the deregulatory period have resulted in decreasing the program diversity. As to the
relationship between policy and competition in program diversity, while the policy factor
was more associated with vertical diversity, the competition factor was more associated
with horizontal diversity.
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
3
Intr
oduc
tion
The
pas
sage
of t
he C
able
Act
of 1
992
was
inte
nded
to fu
rthe
r th
e st
ate
gove
rnm
enta
l pur
pose
of p
rote
ctin
g th
e pu
blic
inte
rest
by
allo
win
g co
nsum
ers
to r
ecei
ve a
high
ly d
iver
se a
s w
ell a
s an
opt
imal
num
ber
of p
rogr
am c
hann
els.
Thi
s co
uld
be
acco
mpl
ishe
d by
enc
oura
ging
com
petit
ion
in th
e m
arke
tpla
ce (
Alla
rd, 1
993)
. Alth
ough
the
Cab
le A
ct o
f 199
2 tr
ied
to p
rom
ote
cabl
e co
mpe
titio
n, th
e pr
actic
al r
ealit
yre
mai
ned
that
effe
ctiv
e co
mpe
titio
n is
lack
ing
in m
ost a
reas
(G
ersh
on &
Ege
n, 1
999)
. On
the
othe
rha
nd
the
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ions
Act
of 1
996
has
been
hai
led
as th
e ha
rbin
ger
of a
new
era
of
expa
nded
com
petit
ion
that
will
brin
g ab
out f
aste
r te
chni
cal a
dvan
ces,
gre
ater
con
sum
er
choi
ce, a
nd m
ore
econ
omic
al s
ervi
ces.
In th
is s
ense
, the
pro
mis
e of
mor
e co
mpe
titio
nin
the
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ion
Act
s of
199
6 pr
ovid
es a
goo
d op
port
unity
to s
ee if
vie
wer
s ar
e
inde
ed r
ecei
ving
mor
e di
vers
ity in
thei
r pr
ogra
mm
ing.
The
obj
ectiv
e of
this
stu
dy is
two-
fold
. Firs
t, th
is s
tudy
exp
lore
s th
e im
pact
of
dere
gula
tion
on p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
in U
.S. c
able
tele
visi
on, b
ased
on
the
assu
mpt
ion
that
dive
rsity
has
bee
n co
nsid
ered
one
of t
he m
ost i
mpo
rtan
t soc
ieta
l goa
ls to
em
body
the
publ
ic in
tere
st in
the
U.S
. bro
adca
st m
edia
. In
orde
r to
do
that
, it e
xam
ines
whe
ther
ther
e
has
been
mor
e di
vers
ity in
the
num
ber
of p
rogr
am ty
pes
befo
re a
nd a
fter
the
pass
ageof
the
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ions
Act
of 1
996,
com
parin
g tw
o tim
e pe
riods
: 199
2-19
95(f
rom
the
enac
tmen
t of t
he C
able
Con
sum
er P
rote
ctio
n an
d C
ompe
titio
n A
ct o
f19
92 to
the
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ions
Act
of 1
996)
and
199
6-to
the
pres
ent (
afte
r th
e en
actm
ent o
f the
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ions
Act
of 1
996
up to
now
). S
econ
d, it
inve
stig
ates
how
muc
h re
lativ
e
asso
ciat
ion
it ha
s w
ith e
ach
of th
e tw
o fa
ctor
s-go
vern
men
tal p
olic
y an
d co
mpe
titio
n-w
ith
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty in
cab
le T
V.
109
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
4
Def
initi
on o
f Div
ersi
ty a
nd D
iver
sity
Indi
ces
Alth
ough
this
stu
dy m
easu
res
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty, p
ast s
tudi
es h
ave
exam
ined
two
type
s of
div
ersi
ty in
dice
s, c
hann
el d
iver
sity
and
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty. P
rogr
am d
iver
sity
is
divi
ded
into
ver
tical
div
ersi
ty a
nd h
oriz
onta
l div
ersi
ty. W
hile
ver
tical
div
ersi
ty is
des
igne
d
to m
easu
re h
ow d
iver
se p
rogr
ams
a st
atio
n or
pro
gram
mer
pro
vide
s, h
oriz
onta
l div
ersi
ty
estim
ates
how
man
y di
ffere
nt p
rogr
am ty
pes
a vi
ewer
can
sel
ect f
rom
at a
giv
en ti
me
peri
od. O
n th
e ot
her
hand
, cha
nnel
div
ersi
ty is
div
ided
into
abs
olut
e ch
anne
l div
ersi
ty a
nd
rela
tive
chan
nel d
iver
sity
. The
form
er is
the
tota
l num
ber
of c
hann
els
in u
se b
y a
cabl
e
syst
em d
ivid
ed b
y th
e to
tal p
ossi
ble
num
ber
of c
hann
els
in th
e ca
ble
indu
stry
. The
latte
r
mea
ns th
e to
tal n
umbe
r of
cha
nnel
s in
act
ual u
se b
y a
syst
em d
ivid
ed b
y to
tal c
hann
el
capa
city
of t
he s
yste
m.
Lite
ratu
re R
evie
w
Rel
atio
nshi
p B
etw
een
Pol
icy
and
Div
ersi
ty
Sev
eral
indi
ces
have
bee
n us
ed to
mea
sure
div
ersi
ty o
f cha
nnel
s an
d pr
ogra
mm
ing.
How
ever
, the
y ca
n ge
nera
lly b
e su
mm
ariz
ed in
to tw
o fa
ctor
s, p
olic
y fa
ctor
s an
d ec
onom
ic
fact
ors.
Pre
viou
s st
udie
s pr
ovid
e m
ixed
res
ults
with
res
pect
to th
e re
latio
nshi
p be
twee
n
gove
rnm
enta
l pol
icy
and
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty. S
ome
rese
arch
ers
argu
ed th
at s
tron
ger
and
mor
e ac
tive
regu
latio
n of
cab
le s
yste
ms
will
indu
ce h
ighe
r di
vers
ity (
Ow
en,
1977
;
Dom
inic
k &
Pea
rce,
197
6; M
itche
ll, 1
978;
Roo
f, T
raut
h, &
Huf
fman
, 199
3) w
here
as
othe
rs a
sser
ted
that
the
gove
rnm
ent s
houl
d no
t int
erfe
re w
ith th
e m
arke
tpla
ce to
try
to
incr
ease
div
ersi
ty (
Hur
witz
, 197
8; L
e D
uc, 1
973,
198
3, 1
987;
Sha
k,19
90).
BE
ST C
OPY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
110
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
Res
earc
hers
dis
agre
e on
whe
ther
gov
ernm
ent p
olic
y w
ill e
ncou
rage
pro
gram
dive
rsity
. Ow
en (
1977
) ar
gued
that
a c
hang
e in
gov
ernm
enta
l reg
ulat
ions
wou
ld
enco
urag
e m
ultip
le c
hann
els
in b
road
cast
ing
mar
kets
and
impr
ove
the
qual
ity o
f
prog
ram
min
g an
d pr
omot
e di
vers
ity. D
omin
ick
and
Pea
rce
(197
6) fo
und
that
olig
opol
istic
com
mer
cial
tele
visi
on n
etw
orks
had
follo
wed
the
min
imum
req
uire
men
tsof
a s
erie
s of
stan
dard
ized
pol
icie
s, w
hile
con
tinuo
usly
red
ucin
g pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
ove
r tim
e.O
n th
e
othe
r ha
nd, L
e D
uc (
1973
, 198
3, 1
987)
arg
ued
that
the
fede
ral
com
mun
icat
ions
pol
icy,
who
se p
rimar
y co
ncer
n is
stim
ulat
ing
com
petit
ion,
div
ersi
ty, a
nd p
ublic
acc
ess,
has
been
,
and
will
con
tinue
to b
e, fr
uitle
ss. S
uppo
rtin
g th
is v
iew
, Sha
k (1
990)
asse
rted
in h
is
qual
itativ
e st
udy
that
U.S
. cab
le p
olic
y fa
iled
in s
ecur
ing
subs
tant
ial d
iver
sity
.H
e ar
gued
that
eve
n w
hen
the
cabl
e in
dust
ry m
atur
ed a
fter
the
natio
nwid
edi
ssem
inat
ion
of s
igna
ls o
f
pay
chan
nels
, the
div
ersi
ty p
robl
em c
ould
not
be
solv
ed. M
ore
rece
ntly
, Roo
f, T
raut
h, &
Huf
fman
(19
93)
asse
rted
that
it w
ould
be
nece
ssar
y to
kee
p m
onop
olie
sfr
om d
omin
atin
g
prod
uctio
n an
d ex
hibi
tion
in th
e ca
ble
TV
indu
stry
.
Sev
eral
crit
ics
have
ser
ious
ly e
xam
ined
the
assu
mpt
ions
und
erly
ing
dere
gula
tion,
and
the
actu
al r
esul
t of p
artic
ular
asp
ects
of d
ereg
ulat
ion
in b
road
cast
ing
(De
Jong
&
Bat
es, 1
991;
Cha
mbe
rs &
Bat
es, 1
992;
Bat
es &
Cha
mbe
rs, 1
999)
. Few
stud
ies,
how
ever
,
have
exa
min
ed c
able
TV
. Eve
n th
ough
thes
e st
udie
s ha
ve p
rovi
ded
som
e su
ppor
tfor
bot
h
prop
onen
ts a
nd o
ppon
ents
of d
ereg
ulat
ion,
gen
eral
conc
lusi
ons
wer
e lim
ited
sinc
e ea
ch
stud
y fo
cuse
d on
a s
ingl
e is
sue,
or
offe
red
a lim
ited
exam
inat
ion
ofev
iden
ce.
In o
ne o
f the
few
em
piric
al s
tudi
es o
n th
e to
pic,
De
Jong
and
Bat
es (
1991
)
dem
onst
rate
d th
at b
oth
abso
lute
and
rel
ativ
e ch
anne
l div
ersi
ty in
crea
sed
from
1976
to
1986
. The
gro
wth
in r
elat
ive
dive
rsity
, how
ever
, was
sm
alle
r th
an th
ein
crea
se in
abs
olut
e
111
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
6
dive
rsity
. Thi
s su
gges
ted
that
par
t of t
he g
row
th in
the
num
ber
of d
iffer
ent c
hann
els
avai
labl
e to
con
sum
ers
was
due
to a
n ex
pans
ion
in th
e ch
anne
lcap
acity
of c
able
sys
tem
s.
The
y po
inte
d ou
t tha
t the
gro
wth
in r
elat
ive
dive
rsity
was
subs
tant
ially
less
than
that
of t
he
num
ber
of c
hann
els,
and
the
rela
tive
and
abso
lute
div
ersi
ty m
easu
res
indi
cate
d th
at th
e
aver
age
cabl
e sy
stem
offe
red
less
than
half
of it
s po
tent
ial f
or d
iver
sity
. The
y co
nclu
ded
that
cha
nnel
div
ersi
ty h
as in
crea
sed,
but
was
stil
l rat
her
low
rela
tive
to it
s fu
ll po
tent
ial.
Cha
mbe
r an
d B
ates
(19
92)
exam
ined
the
assu
mpt
ion
ofef
fect
ive
com
petit
ion
in
the
radi
o m
arke
t. T
he r
esul
ts o
f the
se s
tudi
es c
ast d
oubt
s on
the
abso
lute
val
idity
of t
he
pres
umpt
ion
of s
uffic
ient
and
effe
ctiv
e co
mpe
titio
n in
bro
adca
stin
g.A
ccor
ding
to B
ates
&
Cha
mbe
rs (
1999
), in
crea
sed
conc
entr
atio
n di
d ra
ise
doub
tsab
out t
he v
iabi
lity
of
cons
ider
ing
radi
o m
arke
ts a
s in
stan
ces
of m
onop
olis
tic c
ompe
titio
nra
ther
than
olig
opol
ies
beca
use
the
mar
ketp
lace
mod
el (
whe
re th
e in
dust
ry w
ould
rely
on
mar
ket f
orce
s to
dete
rmin
e th
e pu
blic
inte
rest
) w
orks
onl
y if
ther
e is
com
petit
ion.
In o
ther
wor
ds, t
he
hallm
ark
of th
e 19
96 A
ct, w
hich
is in
tend
ed to
ser
ve th
e pu
blic
inte
rest
thro
ugh
prom
otin
g
the
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty in
bro
adca
st m
edia
, can
be
achi
eved
only
if th
ere
is s
uffic
ient
com
petit
ion.
How
ever
, it a
ppea
rs th
at c
ompe
titio
n is
see
min
gly
activ
e, th
e sh
ort-
term
impa
ct o
f the
199
6 A
ct s
eem
s to
hav
e be
en a
n in
crea
se in
conc
entr
atio
n, c
ross
-med
ia
owne
rshi
p, a
nd v
ertic
al in
tegr
atio
n.
Rel
atio
nshi
p B
etw
een
Eco
nom
ic F
acto
rs a
nd D
iver
sity
Sev
eral
stu
dies
atte
mpt
ed to
find
the
rela
tions
hip
betw
een
econ
omic
fact
ors
and
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty; t
he r
esul
ts w
ere
also
som
ewha
t con
trad
icto
ry. S
ever
al r
esea
rche
rs
foun
d th
at c
ompe
titio
n or
incr
easi
ng th
e nu
mbe
r of
cha
nnel
spr
omot
ed p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
112
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y7
(Lan
d, 1
968;
Lev
in, 1
971;
Litm
an, 1
979;
Gra
nt, 1
994)
whe
reas
oth
ers
foun
d th
e op
posi
te
resu
lts (
Nol
l, P
eck
and
McG
owan
, 197
3; L
in, 1
995)
.
Levi
n (1
971)
rel
ated
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty to
the
chan
ge in
the
mar
ket s
truc
ture
with
in lo
cal T
V m
arke
ts. H
e ut
ilize
d a
dive
rsity
inde
x fir
st d
evel
oped
by
Her
man
Lan
d an
d
Ass
ocia
tes
(196
8) w
hich
str
esse
d pr
ogra
m r
atin
gs a
s th
e de
term
inan
t of p
rogr
am ty
pes.
Land
(19
68)
had
disc
over
ed th
at a
s th
e nu
mbe
r of
com
mer
cial
sta
tions
ros
e in
a lo
cal
mar
ket f
rom
one
to s
ix, t
he d
iver
sity
inde
x ro
se b
y 20
%, a
t a d
eclin
ing
rate
with
eac
h
succ
essi
ve s
tatio
n. T
hese
res
ults
wer
e co
nfirm
ed b
y Le
vin'
s co
mpa
rabl
e st
udy
of 8
8
mar
kets
and
279
sta
tions
.
Nol
l, P
eck
and
McG
owan
(19
73)
defin
ed d
iver
sity
in th
ree
prog
ram
min
g
dim
ensi
ons:
the
num
ber
of o
ptio
ns, d
iver
sity
by
prog
ram
type
s an
d pr
ogra
m to
ne w
here
tone
ref
erre
d to
the
soci
al e
ffect
of p
rogr
am c
onte
nt a
nd th
e ob
ject
ivity
of p
ublic
affa
irs,
and
new
s pr
ogra
ms.
The
y di
scov
ered
that
a n
ew s
tatio
n en
try
did
not a
utom
atic
ally
guar
ante
e gr
eate
r di
vers
ity b
ecau
se o
f the
tend
ency
of a
dver
tiser
sup
port
ed b
road
cast
stat
ions
to m
axim
ize
audi
ence
siz
e by
dup
licat
ing
popu
lar
prog
ram
type
s ra
ther
than
expe
rimen
t with
diff
eren
t pro
gram
cat
egor
ies.
Ow
en, B
eebe
and
Man
ning
(19
74)
dem
onst
rate
d th
at d
iver
sity
was
func
tiona
lly
rela
ted
to m
arke
t str
uctu
re (
and
espe
cial
ly c
ompe
titio
n), t
echn
olog
ical
fact
ors
affe
ctin
g th
e
num
ber
of a
vaila
ble
chan
nels
, and
the
finan
cing
met
hod
of g
ener
atin
g re
venu
es. T
his
theo
retic
al w
ork
was
late
r co
nfirm
ed a
nd e
xten
ded
by S
penc
e an
d O
wen
(19
77)
and
Wild
man
and
Ow
en (
1985
).
Litm
an (
1979
) at
tem
pted
to c
onfir
m th
e ro
bust
ness
of t
he D
omin
ick
and
Pea
rce
(197
6) r
esea
rch
by e
xam
inin
g a
perio
d of
tim
e w
hen
the
netw
ork
cart
el a
ppea
red
to b
e
113
The
impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y8
unst
able
due
to a
flur
ry o
f com
petit
ive
actio
n, tr
igge
red
by a
sud
den
shift
in m
arke
t sha
res
amon
g th
e in
dust
ry le
ader
s du
ring
the
1975
-76
prog
ram
sea
son.
He
foun
d a
dram
atic
fall
in p
rogr
am c
once
ntra
tion
(gre
ater
div
ersi
ty)
durin
g th
e fo
ur-y
ear
perio
d fo
llow
ing
the
uphe
aval
. Gra
nt (
1994
) ex
amin
ed th
e pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
of b
asic
cab
le, s
uper
stat
ions
(T
BS
,
WG
N e
.g.)
, pay
cab
le, a
nd b
road
cast
net
wor
ks, u
sing
a 1
6-da
y sa
mpl
e of
41
broa
dcas
t
and
cabl
e ne
twor
ks. H
e fo
und
that
the
aver
age
dive
rsity
of p
rogr
am ty
pes
decr
ease
d, a
nd
the
dive
rsity
acr
oss
thos
e ch
anne
l typ
es in
crea
sed
as th
e nu
mbe
r of
cha
nnel
s in
crea
sed.
Lin
(199
5) fo
und
that
eve
n in
the
com
petit
ive
vide
o m
arke
tpla
ce o
f the
198
0s, s
hifts
in
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty w
ere
rath
er li
mite
d. S
he c
oncl
uded
that
the
theo
ry th
at a
ltern
ativ
e vi
deo
com
petit
ion
enco
urag
es n
etw
ork
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty w
as n
ot s
uppo
rted
.
Stu
dies
in O
ther
Med
ia
Gre
co (
1999
) ex
plor
ed th
e im
pact
of h
oriz
onta
l mer
gers
and
acq
uisi
tions
on
corp
orat
e co
ncen
trat
ion
in th
e U
.S. b
ook
publ
ishi
ng in
dust
ry d
urin
g 19
89-1
994.
The
prin
cipa
l arg
umen
ts r
egar
ding
the
crea
tion
of a
med
ia m
onop
oly
are
outli
ned,
usi
ng th
e
Her
finda
hl-H
irsch
man
Inde
x to
inve
stig
ate
whe
ther
Dep
artm
ent o
f Jus
tice
antit
rust
guid
elin
es w
ere
viol
ated
. He
cont
ende
d th
at c
once
rns
abou
t the
div
ersi
ty h
ave
been
min
imiz
ed b
ecau
se o
f oth
er m
edia
out
lets
.
Wan
ta a
nd J
ohns
on (
1994
) ex
amin
ed th
e co
nten
t cha
nges
in n
ewsp
aper
indu
stry
.
The
y in
vest
igat
ed h
ow c
ompe
titio
n af
fect
ed th
e co
nten
t of t
he S
t. Lo
uis
Pos
t-D
ispa
tch
durin
g a
decl
inin
g st
ate
of c
ompe
titio
n, m
onop
oly,
the
reem
erge
nce
of c
ompe
titio
n, a
nd
retu
rn to
mon
opol
y. T
hey
foun
d th
at c
ompe
titio
n is
onl
y on
e va
riabl
e th
at e
xpla
ins
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
114
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
9
chan
ges
in c
onte
nt, a
sser
ting
that
som
e co
nten
t cha
nges
foun
d ap
pear
to r
epre
sent
tren
ds
rath
er th
an r
espo
nses
to c
ompe
titio
n.
In th
e m
otio
n pi
ctur
e ar
ea, D
omin
ick
(198
7) s
tudi
ed 1
898
film
s re
leas
ed d
urin
gth
e
perio
d of
196
4-83
. The
res
ults
sho
wed
som
e flu
ctua
tions
in th
e tr
ends
for
cont
ent
conc
entr
atio
n an
d ye
ar to
yea
r st
abili
ty b
ut o
nly
min
or fl
uctu
atio
ns in
the
Hom
ogen
eity
Inde
x. H
e fo
und
that
ther
e w
ere
posi
tive
corr
elat
ion
betw
een
mar
ket p
ower
and
conc
entr
atio
n of
film
gen
res,
thus
sup
port
ing
the
hypo
thes
is r
egar
ding
the
impa
ctof
econ
omic
fact
ors
on p
rogr
am c
onte
nt.
Res
earc
h Q
uest
ions
One
of t
he p
rimar
y go
als
of c
omm
unic
atio
ns p
olic
y ha
s be
en to
enc
oura
ge m
edia
dive
rsity
, how
ever
, few
stu
dies
hav
e ex
amin
ed th
e ef
fect
iven
ess
of th
e po
licy
ondi
vers
ity
in c
able
TV
. Alth
ough
som
e re
sear
ch fo
und
that
gov
ernm
enta
l reg
ulat
ion
of m
edia
syst
ems
is n
eces
sary
in o
rder
to e
ncou
rage
com
petit
ion
and
dive
rsifi
catio
n, o
ther
s fo
und
quite
the
oppo
site
.
The
pot
entia
l cha
nnel
cap
acity
of c
able
TV
is a
lmos
t unl
imite
d, s
o it
is b
elie
ved
that
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty is
mor
e ap
prop
riate
than
cha
nnel
div
ersi
ty in
ord
er to
effi
cien
tly
mea
sure
the
impa
ct o
f der
egul
atio
n. T
here
fore
, thi
s st
udy
focu
ses
onth
e pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
rath
er th
an c
hann
el d
iver
sity
. Nex
t, th
is s
tudy
focu
ses
on e
xam
inin
g th
e re
latio
nshi
p
amon
g go
vern
men
tal p
olic
y an
d ec
onom
ic fa
ctor
(co
mpe
titio
n),
and
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty.
Pre
viou
s st
udie
s di
d no
t pro
vide
com
pelli
ng e
vide
nce
that
str
ongl
y su
ppor
t the
impa
ct o
f com
petit
ion
on p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
con
cern
ing
the
econ
omic
fact
or. O
ne s
tudy
(De
Jong
& B
ates
, 199
1) in
vest
igat
ed o
nly
chan
nel d
iver
sity
to e
xam
ine
the
impa
ct o
f
115
BE
ST C
OPY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
10
polic
y am
ong
thre
e pe
riods
: hig
h (1
976)
, mod
erat
e (1
981)
, and
no
regu
latio
n (1
986)
. Lee
(199
5) fa
ctor
ed in
the
degr
ee o
f bot
h po
licy
and
com
petit
ion.
He
foun
d th
at m
oder
ate
regu
lato
ry p
olic
y w
ith a
low
com
petit
ion
amon
g ch
anne
ls c
an b
e a
prop
er e
nviro
nmen
t for
mai
ntai
ning
the
high
est l
evel
of c
hann
el a
nd p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
. Thi
s st
udy
is a
par
tial
repl
icat
ion
of th
e pr
evio
us s
tudi
es, i
nclu
ding
mor
e re
cent
tim
e pe
riod.
Thi
s st
udy
atte
mpt
s to
exp
lore
the
follo
win
g re
sear
ch p
robl
ems:
I) H
ow m
uch
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty h
as c
able
TV
pro
vide
d du
ring
the
regu
lato
ry
perio
d (1
992
to 1
995)
and
der
egul
ator
y pe
riod
(199
6 up
to th
e pr
esen
t)?
2) H
as th
ere
been
mor
e pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
in th
e nu
mbe
r of
pro
gram
type
s be
fore
or a
fter
the
pass
age
of th
e T
elec
omm
unic
atio
ns A
ct o
f 199
6?
3) W
hich
fact
or b
etw
een
gove
rnm
enta
l pol
icy
and
com
petit
ion
is m
ore
asso
ciat
ed
with
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty?
Met
hod
In o
rder
to m
easu
re th
e de
gree
of d
iver
sity
, sev
eral
alte
rnat
ive
term
s an
d m
easu
res
have
bee
n pr
opos
ed. F
or in
stan
ce, c
hann
el d
iver
sity
(D
e Jo
ng &
Bat
es, 1
991)
, div
ersi
ty in
cont
ent a
nd fo
rm (
Roo
f, T
raut
h &
Huf
fman
, 199
3), p
rogr
am (
or p
rogr
amm
ing)
dive
rsity
(Lev
in, 1
97!;
Dom
inic
k &
Pea
rce,
197
6; O
wen
, 197
7; L
itman
, 197
9; 1
992)
, and
pro
gram
varie
ty (
Wak
shla
g &
Ada
ms,
198
5) h
ave
been
use
d. A
s to
how
div
ersi
ty s
houl
d be
defin
ed, M
cQua
il (1
992)
cat
egor
ized
div
ersi
ty in
thre
e w
ays
(I)
dive
rsity
ref
lect
ing
diffe
renc
es in
soc
iety
(2)
div
ersi
ty g
ivin
g ac
cess
to d
iffer
ent p
oint
s of
vie
w, a
nd (
3)
dive
rsity
offe
ring
a w
ide
rang
e of
cho
ice
(p. 1
44).
116
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
11
Thi
s st
udy
adop
ted
McQ
uail'
s (1
992)
third
dim
ensi
on o
f div
ersi
ty-d
iver
sity
as
choi
ce a
nd e
xam
ined
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty a
s th
e op
erat
iona
lmea
sure
for
div
ersi
ty. T
hus,
dive
rsity
is d
efin
ed a
s th
e de
gree
of
prog
ram
cho
ice
avai
labl
e to
the
view
erfr
om a
ll
chan
nels
of
a gi
ven
type
(G
rant
, 199
4). I
n ad
ditio
n, th
e st
udy
mea
sure
d bo
th v
ertic
al
dive
rsity
and
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
that
Lev
in (
1971
) an
d L
itman
(19
79)
posi
ted.
Whi
le
vert
ical
div
ersi
ty is
a m
easu
re o
f th
e de
gree
of
the
vari
atio
n w
ithin
the
prog
ram
sch
edul
e
of a
spe
cifi
c ch
anne
l, ho
rizo
ntal
div
ersi
ty p
rovi
des
a m
easu
re o
f th
e nu
mbe
r of
opt
ions
avai
labl
e to
the
view
er a
t any
giv
en ti
me
(Gra
nt, 1
994)
. Thi
s st
udy
code
d ba
sic
cabl
e
chan
nels
. Am
ong
basi
c ch
anne
ls, f
ive
gene
ral c
hann
els
and
five
spe
cial
cha
nnel
s w
ere
sele
cted
, whi
ch w
as d
one
in a
pre
viou
s st
udy
by L
itman
, Has
egaw
a, S
hrik
hand
e &
Bar
bats
is (
1994
). T
he f
ive
sele
cted
gen
eral
cha
nnel
s ar
e br
oadl
y ta
rget
ed c
hann
els:
A&
E,
Fam
ily, L
ifet
ime,
TN
T a
nd T
BS.
The
oth
er f
ive
sele
cted
spe
cial
cha
nnel
s ar
e m
ore
narr
owly
targ
eted
cha
nnel
s: C
NN
, DIS
C, E
SPN
, MT
V, a
nd N
ICK
.
Prog
ram
div
ersi
ty w
as e
xam
ined
dur
ing
the
afor
emen
tione
d tw
o pe
riod
s us
ing
cont
ent a
naly
sis.
Thi
s st
udy
used
Her
find
ahl-
Hir
schm
an I
ndex
(H
HI)
t of
conc
entr
atio
n,
whi
ch w
as p
rove
n as
a r
obus
t mea
sure
in p
revi
ous
stud
ies
(Litm
an e
t al.,
199
4; L
in, 1
995)
.
Hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
was
mea
sure
d by
cou
ntin
g th
e nu
mbe
r of
ava
ilabl
e di
ffer
ent
prog
ram
type
s du
ring
eac
h 30
-min
ute
time
slot
,w
hich
was
als
o do
ne in
pre
viou
s st
udie
s
(Lev
in, 1
980;
Litm
an, 1
979)
. Pro
gram
div
ersi
ty o
f ba
sic
chan
nels
dur
ing
the
cent
ral p
rim
e
Her
find
ahl-
Hir
schm
an I
ndex
is c
alcu
late
d by
I)
sum
min
g sq
uare
s of
tim
e sh
are
of e
ach
prog
ram
cate
gory
. or
by 2
) su
mm
ing
squa
res
of th
e pr
obab
ility
of
each
pro
gram
cat
egor
y to
be li
sted
. The
for
mul
a
is a
s fo
llow
s: 1
-1H
1= E
Pie
whe
re P
i= R
atio
of
time
for
prog
ram
type
Ito
tota
l lis
le f
or p
rogr
amm
ing
(Kam
bara
. 199
2. p
. 197
).O
r =
Pro
babi
lity
of p
rogr
am ty
pe i
to b
e in
clud
ed o
n th
e pr
ogra
m li
stin
g (G
rant
. 199
4. p
. 58)
. Thi
s in
dex
has
a po
ssib
le m
axim
um v
alue
of
1.0
whe
n on
ly o
ne p
rogr
am ty
pe is
car
ried
ove
r th
e tim
e pe
riod
. Thu
s.th
e in
dex
is in
vers
ely
rela
ted
to d
iver
sity
. whi
ch m
eans
the
high
er th
e va
lue
of th
is in
dex.
the
mor
epo
pula
r th
e pr
ogra
m ty
pes
and
the
low
er th
e di
vers
ity.
117
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
12
time
(6 p
.m. t
o 10
p.m
) w
as m
easu
red
thro
ugh
the
TV
Gui
de E
vans
ville
-Pad
ucah
Edi
tion,
cove
ring
the
who
le p
rogr
amm
ing
sche
dule
on
tele
visi
on s
tatio
ns a
nd c
able
ope
rato
rs in
Sout
hern
Ind
iana
, Wes
tern
Ken
tuck
y, a
nd S
outh
ern
Illin
ois,
issu
ed f
rom
199
2 to
199
9.
Tw
o-w
eek
wee
kday
sam
ples
in e
very
sea
sona
l per
iod
(Jan
uary
to M
arch
; Apr
il to
Jun
e;
July
to S
epte
mbe
r; a
nd O
ctob
er to
Dec
embe
r) w
as c
olle
cted
bas
ed o
n co
nstr
ucte
d w
eek
sam
plin
g m
etho
ds. T
he to
tal n
umbe
r of
wee
ks w
ere
64 w
eeks
(8
wee
ks ti
mes
8 y
ears
).
Am
ong
the
sele
cted
sam
ple,
day
s fr
om S
atur
day
thro
ugh
Wed
nesd
ay w
ere
code
d in
eac
h
wee
k to
incl
ude
the
prog
ram
s of
wee
kday
s as
wel
l as
wee
kend
s. T
here
fore
, the
tota
l
num
ber
of d
ays
that
wer
e co
ded
amou
nted
to 3
20 (
5 da
ys ti
mes
64
wee
ks).
The
sub
ject
ive
choi
ce o
f th
e nu
mbe
r of
pro
gram
cat
egor
ies
and
thei
r
appr
opri
aten
ess
can
infl
uenc
e th
e re
sult
of d
iver
sity
mea
sure
men
t (L
itman
et a
l., 1
994)
.
Thi
s st
udy
chos
e si
xtee
n pr
ogra
m ty
pes
sim
ilar
to th
ose
Litm
an e
t al.
(199
4) a
dopt
ed.
Litm
an (
1992
) su
gges
ted
that
twel
ve to
twen
ty-f
our
prog
ram
cat
egor
ies
are
reas
onab
le o
n
his
cate
gori
zatio
n,2
and
on th
e po
pula
rity
of
prim
e-tim
e pr
ogra
ms
(Eas
tman
, Hea
d, &
Kle
in, 1
988;
Hea
d &
Ste
rlin
g, 1
990)
. To
help
cor
rect
ly id
entif
y ea
ch p
rogr
am, s
ever
al
refe
renc
e bo
oks
wer
e us
ed.3
Def
initi
ons
and
exam
ples
of
thes
e pr
ogra
m c
ateg
orie
s ar
e as
fol
low
s:
Litm
an (
1992
) su
gges
ted
that
the
num
ber
of c
ateg
orie
s m
ust n
ot b
e so
larg
e as
to s
ugge
st th
at n
opr
ogra
ms
arc
sim
ilar
yet s
o fe
w th
at th
ey a
vera
ge to
geth
er a
nd h
ide
sign
ific
antly
dif
fere
ntki
nds
of
prog
ram
s.3
Ter
race
. V. (
1976
). T
he C
ompl
ete
Enc
yclo
pedi
a of
Tel
evis
ion
Prog
ram
s: 1
947-
1976
. San
Die
go, C
A:
Bar
nes:
Ter
race
. V. (
1981
). T
elev
isio
n: 1
970-
1980
. San
Die
go, C
A: B
arne
s: a
nd B
row
n. L
. (19
92).
Les
Bro
wn'
s E
ncyc
lope
dia
of T
elev
isio
n. N
ew Y
ork:
New
Yor
k Z
oetr
ope.
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE11
8
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y13
Def
initi
ons
of P
rogr
am C
ateg
orie
s
1.A
rt/M
usic
/Cul
ture
(E
nter
tain
men
t): P
opul
ar a
rtis
tic a
nd c
ultu
ral p
rogr
ams
to
ente
rtai
n vi
ewer
s, s
uch
as m
usic
vid
eo p
rogr
ams
by p
op m
usic
ians
.
2.A
rt/M
usic
/Cul
ture
(N
on-E
nter
tain
men
t): P
rogr
ams
abou
t int
rodu
cing
or
desc
ribi
ng p
ure
and
aest
hetic
art
s an
d cu
lture
, suc
h as
cla
ssic
al m
usic
.
3.C
hild
ren/
Car
toon
(E
nter
tain
men
t): P
rogr
ams
mad
e fo
r ch
ildre
n's
(bel
ow th
e
age
of e
ight
een)
ent
erta
inm
ent,
such
as
cart
oons
whe
re r
obot
s an
dan
imal
s st
ar.
4.C
hild
ren/
Car
toon
(N
on-E
nter
tain
men
t): P
rogr
ams
mad
e fo
r ed
ucat
ing
or
inst
ruct
ing
child
ren
(bel
ow th
e ag
e of
eig
htee
n). F
or in
stan
ce, t
hose
pro
gram
s
desi
gned
to te
ach
child
ren
som
ethi
ng.
5.D
ocum
enta
ry/E
duca
tiona
l/Ins
truc
tiona
l: Pr
ogra
ms
devo
ted
to s
yste
mat
ical
ly
desc
ribi
ng, e
xpla
inin
g, a
nd in
stru
ctin
g th
ings
, fac
ts, a
nd c
hara
cter
s of
inte
rest
,
such
as
expl
orin
g pr
ogra
ms
abou
t an
anim
al's
life
on
Dis
cove
ry c
hann
el.
6.D
ram
a: R
egul
arly
sch
edul
ed, c
ontin
uing
, or
non-
cont
inui
ng s
tory
lines
, suc
h as
soap
ope
ras
and
seri
es.
7.G
ame:
Pro
gram
s in
whi
ch c
onte
stan
ts a
nsw
er q
uest
ions
in o
rder
to w
in p
rize
s
and
rew
ards
.
8.M
ovie
: All
kind
s of
mot
ion
pict
ures
that
wer
e re
leas
ed f
or th
eate
rs o
r m
ade
for
tele
visi
on.
9.N
ews/
Info
rmat
ion:
Tim
ely,
sho
rt r
epor
ts o
f st
orie
s on
cur
rent
eve
nts
and
affa
irs,
incl
udin
g re
gula
r ev
enin
g ne
ws,
fin
anci
al r
epor
ts, a
nd w
eath
er r
epor
ts.
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y14
10. P
ublic
Aff
airs
/New
s M
agaz
ine
(Ent
erta
inm
ent)
: Pro
gram
s of
cur
rent
eve
nts
with
in-d
epth
rep
orts
and
dis
cuss
ions
for
ent
erta
inin
g pu
rpos
es, s
uch
as
sens
atio
nal r
epor
ts a
bout
cel
ebri
ties.
11. P
ublic
Aff
airs
/New
s M
agaz
ine
(Non
-Ent
erta
inm
ent)
: Pro
gram
s of
cur
rent
even
ts w
ith in
-dep
th r
epor
ts a
nd d
iscu
ssio
ns f
or n
on-e
nter
tain
ing
purp
oses
,
such
as
pane
l dis
cuss
ions
abo
ut d
iplo
mat
ic a
nd e
cono
mic
rel
atio
ns w
ith o
ther
coun
trie
s.
12. R
elig
ions
: Pro
gram
s br
oadc
astin
g w
orsh
ip s
ervi
ces,
pre
ache
rs, a
nd g
ospe
l
mus
ic.
13. S
ituat
ion
Com
edy:
Reg
ular
ly s
ched
uled
com
edy
prog
ram
s w
ith a
dif
fere
nt
epis
ode
per
sche
dule
.
14. S
port
s: L
ive
and
reco
rded
spo
rts
even
ts, i
nclu
ding
com
men
tary
, int
ervi
ews
or
prev
iew
s of
upc
omin
g ev
ents
.
15. T
alk
Show
/Var
iety
Sho
w: S
oft a
nd e
nter
tain
ing
prog
ram
s w
ith a
hos
t tal
king
abou
t cur
rent
and
hum
an e
vent
s by
invi
ting
a fe
w g
uest
s, w
ho a
re m
ostly
cele
briti
es a
nd p
ublic
fig
ures
and
som
etim
es s
how
thei
r un
ique
per
form
ance
s,
such
as
sing
ing
and
danc
ing.
16. O
ther
s: A
ll th
e ot
her
prog
ram
s no
t inc
lude
d in
abo
ve c
ateg
orie
s.
Furt
herm
ore,
whi
le v
iew
ing
the
rela
tions
hip
amon
g po
licy,
com
petit
ion
and
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty; f
irst
, the
pol
icy
fact
or a
s an
inde
pend
ent v
aria
ble
was
divi
ded
into
two
time
peri
ods,
rep
rese
ntin
g di
ffer
ent d
egre
es o
f go
vern
men
tal p
olic
y su
ch a
s st
rong
(19
92-
1995
) an
d w
eak
regu
latio
ns (
1996
-199
9). T
his
vari
able
was
trea
ted
as a
n in
terv
al v
aria
ble
11`,
J12
0
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y15
in r
egre
ssio
n an
alys
is o
f th
is s
tudy
and
as
a ca
tego
rica
l var
iabl
e in
a t-
test
. Sec
ond,
whi
le
mea
suri
ng c
ompe
titio
n le
vel,
the
num
ber
of o
ver-
the-
air
chan
nels
, bas
ic c
able
cha
nnel
s,
and
spec
ial c
able
cha
nnel
s (p
rem
ium
cha
nnel
s) w
ere
coun
ted.
The
se d
ata
wer
e al
so
gath
ered
fro
m T
V G
uide
Eva
nsvi
lle-P
aduc
ah E
ditio
n. T
his
vari
able
was
trea
ted
as a
rat
io
vari
able
in r
egre
ssio
n an
alys
is.
The
dat
a w
ere
anal
yzed
usi
ng in
depe
nden
t sam
ple
t-te
st to
com
pare
the
dive
rsity
betw
een
the
two
time
peri
ods.
Mul
tiple
reg
ress
ion
anal
yses
wer
e co
nduc
ted
to in
vest
igat
e
the
rela
tions
hip
betw
een
two
inde
pend
ent v
aria
bles
(re
gula
tion
and
com
petit
ion)
and
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty (
vert
ical
and
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
) A
.05
leve
l of
sign
ific
ance
was
set
.
Als
o, th
e av
erag
e of
ver
tical
and
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
was
cal
cula
ted.
One
-day
cod
ed it
ems
from
eac
h ye
ar w
ere
rand
omly
sel
ecte
d to
cal
cula
te
inte
rcod
er r
elia
bilit
y. T
en p
erce
nt o
f th
e sa
mpl
es w
ere
then
cod
ed b
y a
seco
nd tr
aine
d
code
r to
det
erm
ine
the
leve
l of
inte
rcod
er r
elia
bilit
y. T
he r
esul
t of
vert
ical
div
ersi
ty a
nd
hori
zont
al d
iver
sity
was
85%
and
84%
, res
pect
ivel
y.
Res
ults
Wha
t fol
low
s is
the
aver
age
of v
ertic
al a
nd h
oriz
onta
l div
ersi
ty e
ach
year
fro
m
1992
to 1
999.
Tab
le 1
det
ails
the
vert
ical
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty e
ach
year
. Alth
ough
ther
e is
no s
igni
fica
nt tr
end
with
in e
ach
of th
e tw
o pe
riod
s, a
ll th
e m
ean
scor
es o
f th
e re
gula
tory
peri
ods
(199
2-19
95)
are
low
er th
an th
ose
of th
e de
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d (1
996-
1999
). T
hat i
s,
mor
e di
vers
ity is
pre
sent
dur
ing
the
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d th
an th
e de
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d. I
t
show
s th
at th
ere
is li
ttle
diff
eren
ce d
urin
g th
e re
gula
tory
per
iod,
whi
ch m
eans
ran
ging
from
the
mea
ns o
f 0.
530
to 0
.582
, but
som
e in
crea
se e
xist
s du
ring
the
dere
gula
tory
121
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y16
peri
od. E
spec
ially
the
year
of
1998
indi
cate
s th
e hi
ghes
t mea
n ve
rtic
al p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
valu
e (0
.661
) an
d th
e se
cond
hig
hest
is th
e ye
ar o
f 19
99 (
0.65
2), w
hich
sho
ws
less
dive
rsity
than
the
othe
rs. T
he y
ear
of 1
994
has
the
low
est m
ean
vert
ical
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty
valu
e (0
.530
), w
hich
mea
ns th
is y
ear
has
mor
e ve
rtic
al p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
than
the
othe
rs.
The
yea
r of
199
5 ha
s th
e se
cond
low
est v
alue
(0.
539)
Tab
le I
. Mea
ns a
nd S
tand
ard
Dev
iatio
ns o
f V
ertic
al P
rogr
am D
iver
sity
By
Yea
r
Yea
rM
ean
Sta
ndar
d D
evia
tion
1992
0.58
20.
034
1993
0.55
60.
034
1994
0.53
00.
028
1995
0.53
90.
029
1996
0.62
00.
054
1997
0.59
60.
137
1998
0.66
10.
058
1999
0.65
20.
075
Tab
le 2
sho
ws
hori
zont
al p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
eac
h ye
ar. I
t sho
ws
that
ther
e is
no
real
tren
d w
ithin
eac
h of
the
two
peri
ods.
It a
ppea
rs th
at h
oriz
onta
l pro
gram
div
ersi
ty
rem
ains
rel
ativ
ely
mor
e co
nsis
tent
than
its
vert
ical
cou
nter
part
dur
ing
the
peri
od (
1992
-
1999
), r
angi
ng m
ean
scor
es f
rom
6.9
66 to
7.4
21. I
t is
note
wor
thy,
how
ever
, tha
t the
yea
r
of 1
999
has
the
low
est m
ean
hori
zont
al d
iver
sity
val
ue (
6.96
6), w
hich
mea
ns it
has
the
leas
t div
ersi
ty. O
n th
e ot
her
hand
, the
yea
r of
199
5, w
hich
was
the
year
bef
ore
the
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
122
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
17
Tel
ecom
mun
icat
ions
Act
, has
the
high
est m
ean
horiz
onta
l val
ue (
7.42
1). T
his
indi
cate
s a
grea
t div
ersi
ty.
Tab
le 2
. Mea
ns a
nd S
tand
ard
Dev
iatio
ns o
f Hor
izon
tal P
rogr
am D
iver
sity
By
Yea
r
Yea
rM
ean
Stan
dard
Dev
iatio
n
1992
7.29
60.
371
1993
7.13
60.
317
1994
7.28
30.
312
1995
7.42
10.
370
1996
7.27
00.
310
1997
7.28
90.
367
1998
7.20
00.
330
1999
6.96
60.
447
Tab
le 3
is a
sum
mar
y of
t -te
sts
for
findi
ng m
ean
diffe
renc
es in
the
vert
ical
pro
gram
dive
rsity
dur
ing
the
two
time
perio
ds. I
t ind
icat
es th
at s
core
s of
der
egul
ator
y pe
riod
are
high
er, w
hich
mea
ns le
ss p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
for
indi
vidu
al n
etw
orks
. The
t-va
lue
is
sign
ifica
ntly
hig
h at
the
leve
l of .
05. T
he [-
scor
e is
15.
493
(df =
318
, p <
.000
). It
indi
cate
s
that
ther
e is
a s
igni
fican
t mea
n di
ffere
nce
betw
een
the
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d an
d th
e
dere
gula
tory
per
iod.
The
ver
tical
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty o
f the
reg
ulat
ory
perio
d ha
s a
mea
n
scor
e of
0.5
51, w
hile
that
of d
ereg
ulat
ory
perio
d ha
s 0.
640.
1''3
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
18
Tab
le 3
. Ind
epen
dent
Sam
ple
t-te
st fo
r V
ertic
al P
rogr
am D
iver
sity
Mea
ns a
nd P
aire
d S
ampl
e t-
scor
esV
ertic
al P
rogr
am D
iver
sity
Reg
ulat
ion
(199
2-19
95)
Der
egul
atio
n (1
995-
1996
)
N t-sc
ore
df p
0.55
1
0.64
0
320
15.4
93
318
0.00
0
Tab
le 4
is a
sum
mar
y of
t -te
sts
for
findi
ng m
ean
diffe
renc
es o
f the
hor
izon
tal
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty d
urin
g th
e tw
o tim
e pe
riods
. The
re w
ere
nosi
gnifi
cant
diff
eren
ces
betw
een
the
two
time
perio
ds. T
he t-
valu
e is
not
sig
nific
antly
hig
her
atth
e le
vel o
f .05
(t =
-1.2
60, d
f= 3
18, p
< 0
.208
). N
ever
thel
ess,
the
mea
n ho
rizon
tal p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
valu
e of
the
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d (7
.233
) is
slig
htly
hig
her
than
the
mea
n ho
rizon
tal p
rogr
amdi
vers
ity
valu
e of
the
dere
gula
tory
per
iod
(7.1
81).
Tab
le 4
. Ind
epen
dent
Sam
ple
t-te
st fo
r H
oriz
onta
l Pro
gram
Div
ersi
ty
Mea
ns a
nd P
aire
d S
ampl
e t-
scor
esH
oriz
onta
l Pro
gram
Div
ersi
ty
Reg
ulat
ion
(199
2-19
95)
Der
egul
atio
n (1
995-
1996
)
7.23
3
7.18
1
N31
8
t-sc
ore
-1.2
60
JES
T C
OP
Y A
VA
ILA
BLE
124
df
318
p0.
208
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y10
Tab
le 5
is th
e re
sult
of r
egre
ssio
n of
the
inde
pend
ent v
aria
bles
on
the
vert
ical
dive
rsity
. The
tota
l var
ianc
e ac
coun
ted
for
by tw
o in
depe
nden
t var
iabl
es w
as s
igni
fican
t (R
Squ
are
= .4
38; F
= 1
23.8
1; d
f = 2
/317
; p <
.001
). T
hat i
s, p
olic
y an
d co
mpe
titio
n
expl
ains
the
vert
ical
div
ersi
ty b
y ap
prox
imat
ely
44%
. It i
s co
nclu
ded
that
bet
wee
n th
e tw
o
varia
bles
, pol
icy
fact
or (
Bet
a =
-.4
9; t
= -
6.74
; p <
.001
). e
xpla
ins
mor
e th
an c
ompe
titio
n
fact
or (
Bet
a =
-.1
9; t
= 2
.72;
p <
.001
).
Tab
le 5
. Mul
tiple
Reg
ress
ion
on V
ertic
al D
iver
sity
Mul
tiple
R.6
62A
naly
sis
of V
aria
nce
R S
quar
e.4
38D
FS
um o
f Squ
ares
Adj
uste
d R
Squ
are
.435
Reg
ress
ion
2.6
38
Res
idua
l31
7.8
17
F =
123
.81
Sig
F =
.000
0
Var
iabl
es in
the
Equ
atio
n
Sig
T
.000
0
.006
8
Var
iabl
eB
SE
BB
eta
Par
t Cor
Par
tial
Reg
ulat
ion
-.06
61.0
098
-.49
06-.
2838
.354
3
Com
petit
ion
.004
1.0
015
.198
1.1
146
.151
3
Tab
le 6
is th
e re
sult
of r
egre
ssio
n of
the
inde
pend
ent v
aria
bles
on
the
horiz
onta
l
dive
rsity
. The
tota
l var
ianc
e ac
coun
ted
for
by tw
o in
depe
nden
t var
iabl
es w
as s
igni
fican
t (R
125
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y20
Squ
are
= .0
494;
F =
8.2
36; d
f = 2
/317
; p <
.001
).It
mea
ns th
at p
olic
y an
d co
mpe
titio
n
expl
ains
the
horiz
onta
l div
ersi
ty b
y 4%
. How
ever
, tw
o fa
ctor
s w
ere
muc
h le
ss a
ssoc
iate
d
with
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
com
pare
d to
ver
tical
div
ersi
ty. A
lso,
bet
wee
n th
e tw
o va
riabl
es,
only
com
petit
ion
fact
or w
as s
igni
fican
t, an
d co
mpe
titio
n fa
ctor
(B
eta
= -
.29;
t =
-3.
16; p
<
.001
) m
ore
expl
ains
than
pol
icy
fact
or (
Bet
a =
-.1
0; t
= -
1.1;
p <
.001
) in
this
cas
e.
Tab
le 6
. Mul
tiple
Reg
ress
ion
on H
oriz
onta
l Div
ersi
ty
Mul
tiple
R.2
22A
naly
sis
of V
aria
nce
R S
quar
e.0
49D
FS
um o
f Squ
ares
Adj
uste
dR
Squ
are
.043
Reg
ress
ion
Res
idua
l
F =
Var
iabl
es in
the
Equ
atio
n
2
317
8.23
6
2.15
7
41.5
2
Sig
F =
.000
3
Var
iabl
eB
SE
BB
eta
Par
t Cor
Par
tial
Sig
T
Reg
ulat
ion
-.07
74 .0
699
-.10
47-.
0606
.062
0.2
691
Com
petit
ion
-.03
43 .0
108
-.29
92.1
731
.174
8.0
017
Dis
cuss
ion
Thi
s st
udy
exam
ined
the
effe
cts
of g
over
nmen
tal p
olic
y an
d co
mpe
titio
n on
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty in
cab
le T
V b
etw
een
a st
rong
reg
ulat
ion
perio
d an
d a
dere
gula
tory
perio
d in
whi
ch g
over
nmen
tal p
olic
y ha
s su
bsta
ntia
lly a
ffect
ed th
e U
.S. c
able
TV
indu
stry
.
Thi
s st
udy
prov
ides
a m
ore
rece
nt e
xam
ple
than
the
prev
ious
inve
stig
atio
ns.
BE
ST
CO
PY
AV
AIL
AB
LE
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y21
The
re is
littl
e do
ubt v
iew
ers
toda
y ar
e en
joyi
ng m
ore
dive
rse
prog
ram
cho
ices
than
ever
, con
side
ring
incr
ease
d ch
anne
l cap
acity
and
oth
er m
edia
out
lets
. Ove
rall,
cabl
e T
V
appe
ars
to b
e pr
ovid
ing
a co
nsis
tent
leve
l of p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
vie
win
g fr
om th
ere
sults
.
The
res
ults
of t
his
stud
y, h
owev
er, s
ugge
st th
at d
ereg
ulat
ion
has
not i
ncre
ased
div
ersi
ty a
s
inte
nded
. Thi
s st
udy
furt
her
sugg
ests
that
div
ersi
ty h
as d
eclin
ed w
ithin
var
ious
cha
nnel
s
(ver
tical
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty)
as w
ell a
s ac
ross
cab
le n
etw
orks
(ho
rizon
tal d
iver
sity
),
alth
ough
onl
y ve
rtic
al p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
bet
wee
n th
e af
orem
entio
ned
two
perio
ds w
as
stat
istic
ally
sig
nific
ant.
With
res
pect
to th
e re
latio
nshi
p or
ass
ocia
tion
amon
g
gove
rnm
enta
l pol
icy,
com
petit
ion,
and
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty, i
t see
ms
to w
ork
diffe
rent
ly fo
r
vert
ical
and
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
.
The
res
ults
dem
onst
rate
that
it is
impo
rtan
t to
incl
ude
horiz
onta
l div
ersi
ty a
s w
ell
as v
ertic
al d
iver
sity
in m
easu
ring
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty b
ecau
se th
ey a
reco
ncep
tual
ly
diffe
rent
. In
this
sen
se, t
he fi
ndin
g su
ppor
ts th
at th
e pr
evio
us s
tudy
of G
rant
(19
94)
whi
ch
foun
d th
at th
ere
was
no
sign
ifica
nt r
elat
ions
hip
betw
een
horiz
onta
l div
ersi
ty a
nd a
vera
ge
vert
ical
div
ersi
ty. T
his
also
app
ears
con
sist
ent w
ith p
ast w
ork
(Dom
inic
k &
Pea
rce,
197
6)
that
foun
d pr
ogra
mm
ing
unde
rwen
t gra
dual
cyc
les
of c
hang
e, a
nd th
e do
min
ant p
rogr
am
genr
es w
as r
elat
ivel
y st
able
, alth
ough
thei
r st
udy
did
not d
eal w
ith c
able
TV
. In
addi
tion,
the
resu
lts p
artly
sup
port
the
findi
ng o
f Lee
(19
95)
whi
ch c
oncl
uded
that
mod
erat
e
regu
latio
n co
ntrib
uted
to p
rom
otin
g pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
rat
her
than
wea
k re
gula
tion.
How
ever
, in
resp
ect t
o th
e re
latio
nshi
p am
ong
polic
y, c
ompe
titio
n, a
nd d
iver
sity
, thi
s
stud
y on
ly p
artly
sup
port
ed th
e pr
evio
us fi
ndin
g. T
hat i
s, a
pol
icy
fact
or tu
rned
out
to b
e a
mor
e po
wer
ful v
aria
ble
than
com
petit
ion
that
can
exp
lain
the
vert
ical
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty,
whi
le th
e co
mpe
titio
n fa
ctor
was
mor
e as
soci
ated
with
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
.
1`'7
The
Impa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y22
Litm
an (
1992
) po
inte
d ou
t tha
t the
hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
faci
litat
ed a
n as
sess
men
t of
how
a p
artic
ular
med
ium
or
all m
edia
are
sim
ulta
neou
sly
perf
orm
ing,
whi
le th
e ve
rtic
al
dive
rsity
cou
ld fa
cilit
ate
judg
emen
ts o
f eith
er in
divi
dual
org
aniz
atio
ns o
r gr
oups
of
orga
niza
tions
. Hor
izon
tal d
iver
sity
was
dev
elop
ed b
ased
on
the
notio
n of
giv
ing
view
ers
vario
us p
rogr
am c
hoic
es w
ithin
a g
iven
tim
e pe
riod.
Thu
s, if
eac
h ch
anne
l em
phas
izes
one
spec
ific
type
of p
rogr
am, h
oriz
onta
l div
ersi
ty c
an b
e de
velo
ped
desp
ite th
e fa
ct th
at th
ere
is n
o ve
rtic
al d
iver
sity
of p
rogr
ams
with
in o
ne c
hann
el. I
n th
is r
espe
ct, t
he r
esul
t of t
his
stud
y de
mon
stra
tes
that
a c
able
net
wor
k be
com
es m
ore
spec
ializ
ed, d
evel
opin
g on
e
spec
ific
type
of p
rogr
am, w
hile
vie
wer
s ha
ve b
een
enjo
ying
a w
ide
varie
ty o
f pro
gram
choi
ces
with
in a
giv
en ti
me
perio
d. T
his
tren
d ca
n us
ually
take
pla
ce e
spec
ially
whe
n
chan
nel c
apac
ity o
f cab
le s
yste
m is
incr
ease
d. T
he r
easo
n w
hy h
oriz
onta
l div
ersi
ty r
emai
ns
rela
tivel
y co
nsis
tent
and
less
fluc
tuat
ed c
an s
tem
from
ove
rall
prog
ram
rep
licat
ion,
cou
nter
prog
ram
min
g, a
nd a
tend
ency
to a
ppea
l with
the
man
y fo
rms
of th
e le
ast c
omm
on
deno
min
ator
pro
gram
min
g, s
imila
r to
con
vent
iona
l bro
adca
stin
g ne
twor
ks in
the
cabl
e T
V
indu
stry
. Ove
rall,
gov
ernm
enta
l pol
icy
and
com
petit
ion
mig
ht b
e on
e of
sev
eral
fact
ors
such
as m
arke
t str
uctu
re, f
inan
cial
sys
tem
of e
ach
cabl
e pr
ogra
m p
rovi
der,
owne
rshi
p, a
nd
audi
ence
fact
ors
like
ratin
gs th
at c
an a
ffect
the
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty. I
n th
is s
ense
, it w
ould
be d
iffic
ult t
o de
velo
p an
ove
rarc
hing
theo
ry to
pre
dict
the
mos
t crit
ical
fact
or a
ffect
ing
the
leve
l of p
rogr
am d
iver
sity
. How
ever
, the
res
ults
of t
his
stud
y su
gges
ts th
at th
e
dere
gula
tion
polic
y is
not
wor
king
in in
crea
sing
the
prog
ram
div
ersi
ty in
U.S
. cab
le T
V a
t
this
poi
nt, a
lthou
gh th
e ju
dgm
ent i
n de
cidi
ng th
e ou
tcom
e of
gov
ernm
enta
l pol
icy
may
take
mor
e tim
e.
TC
OP
Y A
VA
ILA
BLE
128
The
Im
pact
and
Rel
atio
nshi
p of
Pol
icy
23T
he I
mpa
ct a
nd R
elat
ions
hip
of P
olic
y24
Lim
itatio
ns a
nd S
ugge
stio
nsR
efer
ence
s
Bas
ical
ly, d
iver
sity
may
be a
n el
usiv
e co
ncep
t to
mea
sure
, alth
ough
this
stu
dyA
llard
, N. W
. (19
93).
The
199
2 C
able
Act
: Jus
t the
beg
inni
ng. H
astin
gs
atte
mpt
ed to
mea
sure
pro
gram
div
ersi
ty b
y us
ing
sixt
een
prog
ram
type
s w
hich
was
Com
mun
icat
ions
and
Ent
erta
inm
ent L
aw J
ourn
al, 1
5, 3
05-3
55.
empl
oyed
in s
ever
al p
revi
ous
stud
ies.
Fur
ther
, it m
ay b
e m
ore
cont
rove
rsia
l to
dete
rmin
eB
ates
, B. J
., &
Cha
mbe
rs L
. T. (
1999
). T
he e
cono
mic
bas
is fo
r ra
dio
dere
gula
tion.
how
muc
h pr
ogra
m d
iver
sity
wou
ld b
e su
ffici
ent.
Jour
nal o
f Med
ia E
cono
mic
s, 1
2(1)
, 19-
34.
The
tim
e sp
an o
f gov
ernm
enta
l pol
icy
that
was
com
pare
d be
twee
n th
e re
gula
tory
Bro
wn,
L. (
1992
). L
es B
row
n's
Enc
yclo
pedi
a of
Tel
evis
ion.
New
Yor
k: N
ew
perio
d an
d th
e de
regu
lato
ry p
erio
d in
this
stu
dy c
ould
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