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Religious transition: beliefs and lifehistories of some Canadian AngloCatholicsRichard Rymarza

a St Joseph’s College, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB,Canada.Published online: 26 Sep 2013.

To cite this article: Richard Rymarz (2013) Religious transition: beliefs and life histories of someCanadian Anglo Catholics, Journal of Beliefs & Values: Studies in Religion & Education, 34:2,235-244, DOI: 10.1080/13617672.2013.804682

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Religious transition: beliefs and life histories of some CanadianAnglo Catholics

Richard Rymarz*

St Joseph’s College, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada

There are a range of communities within the Anglican communion that seek tomaintain a more orthodox or Catholic emphasis. One of these is the TraditionalAnglican Communion. In 2009 the Vatican announced a special accommodationto allow these Anglicans to enter the Catholic Church and to retain key aspectsof their Anglican usage and practice. As such many of these communities havesought to formalise their links with Rome. At this important historical juncturethis study utilises a qualitative narrative approach to explore the life histories ofmembers of a small community of Canadian Traditional Anglicans. It exploresin detail the salient beliefs of these individuals and as such contributes to thegrowing discourse on the importance of beliefs in the sociology of religion.

Keywords: transition; Anglo Catholic; life history; switching

Introduction

In many Western countries one of the most significant religious movements inrecent decades has been the widespread transition into religious non-affiliation(Hout and Fischer 2002). In the United States, for example, the percentage of thepopulation which describes itself as having no religion had risen to 20%, anincrease of 5% in five years (Pew Research Report. 2012). The growth in disaffilia-tion in the USA is strongest amongst younger population cohorts. A similar move-ment can be described in Canada. Here religious ‘nones,’ that is, those who do notassociate with any church or religious group have become increasing prominent,even more so than the United States (Bowen 2004; Eagle 2011; Bibby 2012). Asidefrom this general movement away from high demands religions affiliation thereremains a number a contrary phenomena. Included here are individuals who moveto elevated degrees of religious salience. This particular phenomenon is not pro-nounced but it does, nonetheless, have interest for those concerned with religiousmobility.

There is a considerable literature on the various aspects of religious transition(Hadaway and Marler 1993; Sherkat and Wilson 1995; Loveland 2003). In this arti-cle transition will be discussed in relation to two of its most prominent categories,namely, switching and conversion. Snow and Machalek (1984, 171) have noted thatswitching and conversion are, ‘two related but not identical phenomena.’ Switchingcan be defined as moving from one religious congregation to another or moving

*Email: rymarz@ualberta.ca

Journal of Beliefs & Values, 2013Vol. 34, No. 2, 235–244, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13617672.2013.804682

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away without experiencing a substantial change (Yamane 2012). Switching has anumber of key characteristics such as being associated with movement betweenreligious communities that share many common features (Ellison and Sherkat1996). A typical switching pattern, for instance, involves movement from oneEvangelical or Pentecostal community to another similar group. As such, this is notgenerally seen as a major change or transition (Sullins 1993). Switching can occuron a number of occasions in a person’s life and is often associated with major lifetransitions such as marriage (Newport 1979). It can be a dynamic two-way processwhere individuals move away and back to communities in response to personal andinstitutional changes. One strong reason for switching is a perception of a greatersense of community and welcome in the new group (McPherson 1983). This isoften associated with a physical movement away from a previous religious commu-nity to an area where new but similar religious communities reside (Sherkat 1991).Switching also involves cognitive factors such as seeing the new group as moreauthentic or where the particular gifts of a leader are seen as superior. Roof (1989)has explored the cognitive aspect in switching and has noted that switchers aremore likely to be well educated and interested in exploring religious issues.

In seeking to provide a conceptual overview of religious transition Stark andGlock (1968) in their early and influential study explained switching in terms ofindividual choice. This was to move toward a religious group that had a higher per-ceived social status and which could, therefore, deliver more substantial benefits.Other authors have questioned this finding, noting that many conservative religiousgroups receive an influx of members from other religious communities even despitesocial marginalisation (Kelley 1972). Switching in this context needs to be seen asa complex phenomenon that takes into account a variety of factors such as degreeof early socialisation, strength of transcendent beliefs and level of interpersonal net-working.

Sherkat (2001) has proposed the idea of adaptive preference to explain religiousswitching. This sees the movement of individuals between communities as beinggoverned by both a sense of what the individual is familiar with but also the attrac-tion of a greater social and cognitive integration in the new community. This is notan irrational choice but one which seeks to preserve the best of the old and also toopen up future possibilities. Stark and Finke (2000) provide a similar argument intheir notion of individuals behaving rationally in how they manage religious choice.This is especially important where foundational religious beliefs bring with them astrong sense of connection to the transcendent. If a person has strong and demand-ing theological beliefs that are important to them they are very likely to seek sup-port in a community which shares similar views. The rational nature of this choiceis seen in the compensation that often accompanies demanding religious commit-ments. These can be seen in a strong sense of relationship with a personal God andalso access to the divine in the form of ritualised practice and custom within a tra-dition. A particularly important factor in making this transition to a new religiouscommunity is the availability of a close proximal group (Feher 1998). This is abody which acts as a type of intermediary between the old and new community. Italso allows for those in transition to remain embedded in a strongly supportivesocial network (Stroope 2012). This is especially important when the movementinvolves difficult changes such as overcoming deeply held and socialised prejudicesagainst the new group.

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Conversion can be seen as a more profound change and can predate switching(Erickson 1995). Meredith (1997) describes conversion as a religious changeresulting in an altered worldview, one that places the convert into a new social andcognitive context. Lofland and Stark (1965) in their classic study of conversiondescribed conversion as a process, distinguishing between dispositions andsituational factors. In their theoretical model conversion was aided by threepredisposition factors; perception of long-term tension, possession on the part of theconvert of religious language and rhetoric, self identification as a religious seeker orone who is open to new religious visions. These factors were enhanced bysituational conditions such as reaching a turning point in one’s life where previousconclusions and decisions are no longer satisfactory. This, in turn, leads to theforging of affective bonds with the new group and at the same time a weakening ofties with the previous community. This process was concluded with the new bondsgrowing in strength and leading to an embedding of the convert into a strong newsocial network. The Lofland and Stark theory has been well tested and provides astrong conceptual model of conversion, especially, to new religious movements(Richardson 1985; Bainbridge 1992). Lofland and Skonovd (1981) have provided afurther elaboration of the process of conversion by outlining six conversion motifs,each of which can play a role, usually in combination, in bringing about religionconversion. Of particular interest to this study is the intellectual motif. In a five-point classification system intellectual conversion is characterised by a low degreeof social pressure to convert and also by antecedence and preeminence of beliefsover participation. In this model beliefs bring about a desire to find a supportivesocial network. This is contrary to other conversion motifs such as the affectiveone. Dawson (1990), in an extension of conversion theory, proposed that rationalfactors such as the active decision of the convert to join a new religious movementshould not be downplayed. To this extent the social benefit derived from religiousconversion can best be seen as a rational choice, one which delivers obvious andimmediate advantages to the convert in terms of their perception of life satisfaction.Life satisfaction here includes a strong cognitive component as having sustainingcore beliefs justified and validated brings with it an additional sense of satisfaction.This is certainly the case if these beliefs are central to the religious worldview ofthe individual.

The focus of this study will be a particular, underreported but contemporaryexample of religious transition. This is the movement of traditional Anglicans intofull communion with the Catholic Church. Both communities are examples of main-stream churches and have relatively large numbers of adherents in countries such asCanada. And as such are subject to the general movement away from such main-stream religious groups in many Western countries. Bibby (2012) has reported sig-nificant declines in the number of professed Anglicans in Canada. The numbers forRoman Catholics are more stable but this is due, in large part, to high levels ofimmigration of active Catholics to Canada.

Traditional Anglican communities represent a small group within the broaderAnglican communion and can be characterised in a number of ways. In this studythey are described as members of Anglican communities that responded positivelyto the offer of full communion with the Catholic Church under the provisions ofAnglicanorum Coetibus (AC). The United States Conference of Catholic Bishopshas described AC as:

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An apostolic constitution issued by Pope Benedict XVI in November 2009 thatauthorized the creation of ‘ordinariates,’ geographic regions similar to dioceses buttypically national in scope. Parishes in these ordinariates are to be Catholic yet retainelements of the Anglican heritage and liturgical practices. They are to be led by an‘ordinary,’ who will have a role similar to a bishop, but who may be either a bishopor a priest.

A major issue in the recent history of Anglicanism is the tension inherent in adapt-ing a range of positions that can be seen as either legitimate developments or amovement away from foundational and defining principles (Wells 2011). The meritor otherwise of these positions is not within the scope of this article. Rather it willfocus on one part of the Anglican communion that has found itself increasing alien-ated from the main Church body because of its perception that these changes wereinimical to the true spirit of the Anglicanism. This has been especially true for thoseAnglicans described as High Church (Nash 2011). For these Anglicans; belief inthe Catholicity of the Church, the importance of sacraments, correct worship in theform developed by the seventeenth century Anglican divines and a range of moralteachings are of irreplaceable importance for defining what it means to be an Angli-can (Nichols 1993).

As the Church moved to provide alternate forms of worship, a more liberal the-ology and adopted moral positions such as the acceptance of homosexual acts manyAnglicans were accommodated by structures which allowed them to retain theircharacteristic views and at the same time remain in some type of relationship withthe larger Anglican communion (Knowles 2008; Buchanan 2011). In Canada thesecommunities were grouped together in the Anglican Catholic Church of Canada(ACCC) – the title here is quite instructive as to how the community considereditself to be both Catholic and Anglican, a view typical of High Church theology(Chapman 2012).

This study will examine religious change in one ACCC community. The pur-pose of the study is twofold. Firstly, it seeks to provide some account and socialrecord of a significant event for both the Catholic and Anglican communities. Sec-ondly, it seeks to apply some of the theory surrounding religious switching and con-version to the recent case of traditional Anglicans entering into full communionwith the Catholic Church. In particular, it seeks apply the concepts of conversionand switching in the analysis of religious change in a study which uses a life narra-tive methodology. Such a methodology have not been widely used in the study ofindividual religious transition.

Methodology

This study is based on narrative interviews with seven members of the ACCC in alarge western Canadian city. The seven participants were all seeking full commu-nion with the Catholic Church under the terms set out by AC. An equal number ofthe community chose to remain members of the ACCC. Interviews were conductingfollowing a narrative interview paradigm (Denzin 1988). This is especially useful inresearch areas where a comprehensive and contextualised account is required(Bertaux 1981). The story of movement from one religious community to another issuch area, as the reasons for this may not be confined to single events orexperiences but needs to be seen in the frame of an entire life. In keeping with this,

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Hermanns (1995, 183) has pointed out that the key aim of the narrative interview isto, ‘make the informant tell the story of the area of interest in question as aconsistent story of all relevant events from its beginning to its end.’ Narrativeinterviews are well suited to research topics that involve a degree of complexityand where a range of factors may have contributed to a current life situation(Rosenthal 2004). It is especially useful in tracing the development of beliefs, atti-tudes and practices over a period of time and as such is well suited to the aims ofthis project (Flick 2009).

The area of interest here is the transition of participants from the ACCC to theCatholic Church. There is a recognition that this needs to be seen in the context ofa whole life and that there may be some variation in responses. By inviting partici-pants to share their life journeys it was anticipated that such a format would giveparticipants freedom to include a number of themes in their responses, ranging fromearly childhood formation, adult experiences and reflective life practice. Narrativeinterviews do not have a set structure but begin with an expansive question thatinvites participants to respond in a way that recognises the significant life eventsthat have lead them to their current state and attitudes (Denzin 1988).

In this study the initial generative question that each participant was asked was‘what has brought you to this stage of your life when you are about to enter intofull communion with the Catholic Church.’ Each interview lasted between two andfive hours. In some cases there were follow up questions and addition interviews.Each interview was conducted in the participant’s home and was taped to supportthe extensive notes taken during the interview. Interview notes were written upimmediately following the interview and dominant response categories indentified(Bruner 1987). These categories help shape the next interview and also served as atemplate for the analysis of the interviews.

Results and discussion

One key biographical aspect that emerged in the interviews was the strong profes-sional lives of participants. As a group they had worked in a variety of areas andmany had achieved a high level of success as measured by indictors in their fields.They were interested in a range of issues and typify well one mosaic common inreligious transition, namely, that of being educated and articulate. In addition to this,they had a developed religious vocabulary and could discuss their religious beliefsand experiences in a coherent fashion, another disposition of those in religious tran-sition. For the participants in this study religious issues have been a consistent ele-ment in their self-reflection for most of their lives. The decision to join to theCatholic Church has come at the end of a very long and protracted process and asa result, the group was able to clearly reflect on their current state in light of theirprevious experience.

The transition to communion with Rome is best described as switching ratherthan conversion. The participants in this study saw the decision to be formallyreceived into the Catholic Church as a fulfillment of their life journeys and not anabnegation of what had happened previously. For many in this group an exemplarof their journey was John Henry Newman. This nineteenth century churchmanmoved from being a leader of the Oxford Movement, an Anglican High Churchrevival, to ultimately, becoming a cardinal in the Catholic Church.

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Here was a man who went through what we went through a hundred years ago. Hisexample turned us around, we had to do this, as what he [Newman] thought we alsothought. (DS 4)

Some participants did speak of a religious conversion but this was well before theirdecision to become Catholics. This was in keeping with the understanding of con-version as a significant life-altering event that makes substantial changes to life andbelief. The participants in this study saw their religious journey as moving toward,or in a theoretical sense switching to, a community that could best support and nur-ture the beliefs and behaviours that they already possessed. It was the primacy ofthese beliefs that had lead to their dissatisfaction with the Anglican Church andwhich resulted in them seeing the ACCC as bridge between the Anglican and Cath-olic communities.

One common theme that emerged was the importance of foundational beliefs inthe life histories of participants. In terms of Lofland and Skonovd motifs of transi-tion typology this would appear to be an example of intellectual conversion. In thismotif, the social pressure to switch is low and this was the case with participants inthis study. There was little societal or personal pressure on them to seek fullcommunion with Rome. What did seem particularly attractive though were theanimating Catholic ideas that the participants shared. Often as a result of earlysocialisation, participants articulated the importance of seeing the Church as beingbased on a series of foundational creedal formulas that defined what the Churchwas and what it meant to be a Christian. The life history narrative approachrevealed a rich and diverse account of early formative experiences. One participantrecounted that although her parents were nominal Anglicans the example of thenuns at the local Catholic school she attended as a child in England left a lastingimpression. Another spoke of the importance of the witness of Baptist missionariesvisiting the school he attended. The fact that so many participants were able to lookback on their early lives and see important religious formative influences placesthem well within the searcher category of those disposed to religious transition. Inaddition, it gave participants a ready vocabulary with which they could articulatetheir religious questions.

I learned what it was to be a Christian from my parents. The ways of Godwere not built on our ways and the Church was there to guide us about God’srevelation.

One critical belief in the narratives of participants was one the unchangeable char-acter of religious dogma. This pertained to the most central teaching of theChurch and a common cause of dissatisfaction with the Anglican Church was theperception that it was too subject to transitory and culturally mediated teachings,or as one participant put it prone to ‘refashioning God in a way that they couldaccept’ (SW 17). That so many teachings could change gave the sense that theChurch was too accommodating to cultural rather than offering an alternativevision. In contrast, the Catholic Church was seen as more self-assured and assuch a desirable home:

‘This Church (Catholic) isn’t afraid to say what it believes and teach what itbelieves’ (SW 12). This point is powerfully illustrated when participants spokeabout how they came to consider becoming Catholics:

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For me, beliefs like the Real Presence, Jesus really present in the form of bread andwine. That’s what I believe and that’s what the Catholic Church believes. I can’t saythe same for the Anglican Church. (KF 12)

Along with this sense of the importance of core beliefs was a common concern thatthe Anglican Church had changed over the years and these changes did not corre-spond to what the Church should believe and how it should worship. As one personput it: ‘Somewhere along the way the Anglican Church began to change’ (DW 7).This sense of being in the losing faction in the Church was very widespread andcould be described in a historical continuum.

When I was growing up there was no mention of any of the teachings we had toaccept. The idea that homosexual acts could be even acknowledged was unimaginable.Now we have to believe that they are a good thing, part of God’s plan. I can neveraccept that…what will we have to believe next! (DW 5)

The participants were involved in a variety of aspects of Anglican life over manyyears but none of these provided a satisfactory sense of community. This was oftendespite efforts by the wider Church to accommodate the views of Anglo Catholics.This point was brought into sharp relief by liturgical worship. A strong feature ofAnglicanism has been the emphasis placed on liturgy. Much of this is embedded inthe Book of Common Prayer and other liturgical manuals.

For me divine worship was the absolute key of being an Anglican. The prayers, themusic, the symbols all of it was part of who I am. Then it changed…we still had ourservice but there were others you could go to that were just awful. (KF 9)

By allowing a range of services the Church sought to accommodate the differingbeliefs of those within the communion. The difficulty with this approach for theAnglo Catholic in this study was that it simply underlined their more substantial dif-ficulty that the Church did not have core and binding beliefs that held all together.This clashed with their conviction that the correct type of Christian life was one ofconfirmation to teachings that had defined the Church since Apostolic times.

I discussed this [teaching on Real Presence] with the vicar on several occasions and itwas clear to me that we just didn’t share the same beliefs. I don’t criticize him forthis, these things are important. (DS 4)

In order to provide mutual support the participants in this study were drawn to theACCC which retained a high Church theology and practice. Over time, however,all of the participants in this study realised that this was not a long-term solution totheir problem of finding a religious community that supported them and reflectedtheir views. This was, in Stark and Finke’s (2000) terms, a pragmatic and rationaljudgment, a hard decision but one that preserves a close link between the individualand the transcendent.

They realised that their community was small and aging and did not have a longterm future. In addition with each passing year it was clear to those in the groupthat here connection with the Anglican Church was becoming more and moretenuous. When the ACCC was formed, in the view of those interviewed here, itwas with a view of seeking an accommodation with the Catholic Church. How this

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was to take place was a topic for reflection and negotiation but even at this earlystage the participants saw themselves as being on a journey that would concludewith them becoming Catholics. A turning point, or in terms of switching theory adecisive tipping event, came with the release of AC. This seemed to be just whatthe participants were looking for, namely, recognition of their Anglican traditionsand a place in the Catholic Church.

Over the last five years we saw more and more that there was no future in the ACCC,we were dying, we needed to do something. The only people interested in joining uswere because of Anglicanorum Coetibus. This meant we needed to move to Rome.(PP 2)

The ACCC served, in part, as the close proximal group that made transition fromone community to another easier. This was especially important for those partici-pants who had long held a deep unease and suspicion of Catholicism. This was apart of the formation and socialisation of many and was carried through to adultand later life.

I always felt that the Catholic Church was a bridge too far. Sure we had some beliefsin common but we didn’t have all that superstitious nonsense and crass party politics.That was how I grew up and I had these views when I married and was always onthe lookout for being too Catholic. I was deeply wedded to the via media. (OY 7)

Anglo Catholics have tended to regard themselves as a middle way – or via media –between the extremities of Protestantism and Roman Catholicism. Thus was the ini-tial position of most of the participants in this study. With the adoption of more andmore liberal positions by the Anglican Church those in the ACCC saw themselvesas preserving the best of the Anglican tradition. There came a point, however, whenmembership of the ACCC was no longer viable. The conditions set out in ACaccounted for the major concerns of many in the ACCC, so to remain there was nolonger a preferable option. In Sherkat’s terminology adaptive preference now is toseek full commotion with Rome as this is the best way to preserve familiar andfirmly held beliefs but also to do so in a way that ensures the best future for both theindividual and the group.

Conclusion

The transition of the traditional Anglicans in this study provides a good illustrationof religious switching in the context of a life’s journey. The narrative life historyapproach used here provided a strong technical instrument to look at religious tran-sition in contemporary secular culture. A strong motivating factor here for the par-ticipants religious transition was the intellectual appeal of the Catholic Church. Thiswas a worldview which best suited their strongly held religious beliefs. Thesebeliefs were maintained over a long period of time and supported by a strong, ifsmall, network of fellow traditional Anglicans.

Time also lead them to a decisive tipping point where membership of the ACCCwas no longer tenable and the path to Rome seemed the most plausible option. Inseeking communion with the Catholic Church the participants in this study weredemonstrating a strong adaptive preference that at once accommodated their most

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important religious sensibilities and reflected the changing religious context inwhich they found themselves.

Notes on contributor

Richard Rymarz holds the Peter and Doris Kule chair in Catholic religious educa-tion at St Joseph’s College University of Alberta and adjunct professor faculty ofeducation Australian Catholic University.

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