0

Theodora van Boven

0527696

Masterscriptie van de Masteropleiding Religie

& Beleid aan de Faculteit Filosofie, Theologie

en Religiewetenschappen van de Radboud

Universiteit Nijmegen

Prof. Dr. F.J.S. Wijsen

19612 woorden

January 2017

RELIGIOUS EDUCATION FOR TOLERANCE

An exploratory study of the policies and practises of religious education in Public,

Christian and Islamic secondary schools in the Netherlands and Indonesia

ABSTRACT

This study focusses on analysing the field of religious education in the Netherlands and Indonesia

on a macro-, meso-, and micro-level. We have applied a qualitative, descriptive research design

that contains of a review study of legal documents, policy statements and exploratory interviews

with scholars, administrators and teachers in the educational field. By mapping the status quo of

religious education in public and religiously-affiliated secondary schools, this study aims to

provide insights in possibilities and different ways to further stimulate the development of

education that contributes to the elimination of negative stereotypes and the dissemination of

religious literacy. The value of this exploratory research lies in the fact that it sheds light on

similarities and differences between the two countries and contributes to a higher degree of

understanding of the social reality in the different national contexts. We conclude that while the

link between religious education and religious tolerance in educational practises in both countries

is seldom utilized, opportunities and possibilities to effectuate religious tolerance trough religious

education are not fully seized.

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Declaration of own work

Hereby I, Theodora Marieke Aukje van Boven, declare and assure that I have composed the

present thesis with the title ‘Religious Education for Tolerance: An exploratory study of the policies

and practises of religious education in public, Christian and Islamic secondary schools in the

Netherlands and Indonesia ’, independently, that I did not use any other sources or tools other

than indicated and that I marked those parts of the text derived from the literal content or

meaning of other Works – digital media included – by making them known as such by indicating

their source(s).

Utrecht, November 29, 2016

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Acknowledgements

“One of the truths of our time is this hunger deep in people all over the planet for

coming into relationship with each other”.

-M.C. Richards (1916-1999)-

This research project has literally brought me to the other side of the world and back. It was an

unforgettable experience to discover the unfamiliar. I want to thank Kerk in Actie and the

Netherlands-Indonesia Consortium for Muslim-Christian Relations for this wonderful opportunity

and CRCS for their incredible hospitality. I am truly thankful to all the people I have met in both

Utrecht, Yogyakarta and Ambon for making this a captivating, unforgettable, and thought provoking

experience.

I would like to express my gratitude to professor Frans Wijsen, Corrie van der Ven and Suhadi for

introducing me to all the right people, for guiding me during the initial stages of this research, and

for providing the incredible opportunity of presenting my research at the international conference

in Ambon. I also like to thank all the people I have interviewed. I am sincerely grateful to them for

sharing their knowledge and illuminating views on religious education and tolerance in both the

Netherlands and Indonesia.

Last but not least, I would like to thank my parents for their unceasing support, for believing in me

and making my journey to Indonesia possible.

Thank you,

Theodora

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

I INTRODUCTUON

1

1.1 PROJECT FRAMEWORK 1 1.2 CONCEPTUAL DESIGN 2 1.2.1 Research Objective 2 1.2.2 Research Question 3 1.2.3 Theoretical Framework 3 1.2.3.1 The ethnic competition- and the Inter-group contact theory 3 1.2.3.2 The role of the teacher in moral education 4 1.2.4 Research concepts 5 1.2.4.1 The meaning of the word tolerance in the context of this study 5 1.2.4.2 (Models of) Religious Education 6 1.2.4.2 Definition of ‘Religious Literacy’ 6 1.3 TECHNICAL DESIGN 7 1.3.1 Data collection 7 1.3.2 Analysis 8 1.3.3 Reliability and Validity 9 1.3.4 Thesis outline 9 II RESULTS: DUTCH CASE STUDY

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2.1 A Brief Overview of the Political, Social and Cultural Context 11 2.2 Religious Education in The Netherlands 12 A. MACRO-LEVEL: STATE POLICY 12 B. MESO-LEVEL: SCHOOL POLICY

Public secondary schools Christian-affiliated secondary schools Islamic secondary schools General observations

15 16 16 17 17

C. MICRO-LEVEL: ATTITUDES Public secondary schools Christian-affiliated secondary schools Islamic secondary schools General observations

19 20 21 22 22

III RESULTS: INDONESIAN CASE STUDY

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3.1 A Brief Overview of the Political and Social Context 24 3.2 Religious Education in Indonesia 25 A. MACRO-LEVEL: STATE POLICY 25 B. MESO-LEVEL: SCHOOL POLICY

Public secondary schools Christian-affiliated secondary schools Islamic secondary schools

28 28 29 30

C. MICRO-LEVEL: ATTITUDES Public secondary schools Christian-affiliated secondary schools Islamic secondary schools

31 31 32 33

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IV DIFFERENCES AND SIMILARITIES

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4.1 Differences and Similarities on a Macro-Level 35

DIFFERENCES: Engagement and supervision of the state 35

SIMILARITIES: Religious education and citizenship 36

4.2 Differences and Similarities on a Meso-Level 36

DIFFERENCES: The approach to religious education 36

SIMILARITIES: Insufficient attention to the ‘religious other’ 37

4.3 Differences and Similarities on a Micro-Level 37

DIFFERENCE: The concept of (religious) pluralism 38

V DISCUSSION

39

5.1 Present-day Initiatives and theories on fostering religious tolerance 39

5.2 Limitations and possibilities in the Netherlands 41

5.3 Limitations and possibilities in Indonesia 43

VI CONCLUSIONS

45

VII RECOMMENDATIONS

46

Recommendations Suggestions for future research Limitations

46 47 47

REFERENCES

48

APPENDIX Appendix A: Participants Appendix B: Interview Guide

53 53 54

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I Introduction

“The Highest Result of Education is Tolerance”

-Helen Keller (1880-1968) -

1.1 PROJECT FRAMEWORK

For many years, both the Dutch and the Indonesian people have taken considerable pride in their

historical legacy of religious tolerance. In the seventeenth century, the Dutch Republic became the first

country in which freedom of conscience was enshrined in the law, making the Republic home to victims

of religious persecution and a country where free-thinking intellectual dissidents like Baruch Spinoza

and John Locke thrived (Geoffrey, 2011, p. 4). Indonesia’s reputation for tolerance stems from her long

history of religious diversity. Hundreds of local religions and six or seven world religions have co-existed

in this Southeast Asian archipelago of 17.000 islands for thousands of years (Adeney-Risakotta, 2014,

p. 71).

However, in recent years, tensions have risen between religious and ethnic groups in

Indonesia, resulting in conflict and cases of faith-based violence. Simultaneously, the Dutch narrative

of tolerance seems to be declining. Negative attitudes towards the Muslim population and signs of the

rise in Islamophobia are evident from the increase in racial profiling, job discrimination to inequity in

financial services (Report ECRI, 2008, p. 38). This development raises the question how we can combat

the decline of religious tolerance.

Recent studies have shown that in general, education is one of the most effective means of

preventing intolerance (UNESCO, 2014, p. 174). The transmission of knowledge is key to combatting

intolerance and stereotypes (Scheiner, 2015, p. 142). Furthermore, there is an increasing awareness

that ‘religious literacy’ could contribute to fostering understanding and religious tolerance (Moore,

2007). Religious literacy is defined as ‘the ability to discern and analyse the fundamental intersections of

religion and social/political/cultural life through multiple lenses’ (Harvard Religious Literacy Project). More

and more people observe a widespread illiteracy about religion that spans the globe. In the words of

Indonesian professor Ali Asani: “there is a worldwide “clash of ignorances” as people of different faiths and

cultural traditions fail to understand and engage positively with their differences and, instead, seek to destroy the

other” (Harvard Gazette, 5 Nov. 2015). Harvard professor Diane L. Moore argues that the consequences

of religious illiteracy are profound and include ‘fuelling the culture wars, curtailing historical and cultural

understanding, and promoting religious and racial bigotry’ (Moore, 2007, p.3). While schools are located in

the social or intermediate domain between the public and the private domain, schools play a

fundamental role in preparing young citizens for the reality of life in a pluralistic society and the

inevitable encounter with cultural and religious ‘others’ (Miedema & Bertram‐Troost, 2008, p. 2).

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With the premise that religious education can play a role in fostering religious literacy and

promoting a positive view of diversity, the Netherlands-Indonesia Consortium for Muslim-Christian

Relations -a non-governmental network of universities and civil society organizations in the

Netherlands and Indonesia- recently organized a conference titled: ‘Towards Inclusive Religious

Education in the Netherlands and Indonesia’ (24-26 August 2016). The Conference was aimed at

sharing best and new practices, academic reflections and identifying strategies for working together

on tolerance and peace through religious education.

In preparation for this conference, my research partner Senne Joustra and I were asked to

examine the status quo of religious education in both the Netherlands and Indonesia. How is religious

education currently positioned within the educational field? What is the content of religious teachings

at schools and (how) do religion teachers accommodate religious diversity?

A comparison between these two countries arises from the organizational context of this

project. The Netherlands-Indonesia Consortium is to a large extent founded on the common history

that both countries share. The participants in the Consortium, consisting of Muslim and Christian

scholars, religious leaders and practitioners from Indonesia and the Netherlands, partner to generate

practice-oriented knowledge using dialogical methods. In this context, the question whether and what

both countries can learn from each other is paramount.

1.2 CONCEPTUAL DESIGN

The conceptual canvas of this study is coloured by the research objective (1.2.1), research questions

(1.2.2), the theoretical framework (1.2.3) and research concepts (1.2.4).

1.2.1 Research Objective

The starting point of this exploratory research is the assumption that religious education can provide

a breeding ground for religious tolerance. The research objective is to contribute to the ongoing debate

concerning religion in school education and to lay the initial groundwork for future research into ways

to disseminate religious tolerance through religious education. An overview of the current state of

affairs regarding religious education in both countries allows for a better understanding of

contemporary challenges in the educational field and helps to identify context-based limitations and

possibilities of teaching for tolerance. By mapping the status quo of religious education in secondary

schools and analysing the relationship between policy and practice of religious education in both the

Netherlands and Indonesia, this study lays the groundwork for a further investigation into a more

detailed understanding of opportunities and different ways to foster religious tolerance in Dutch and

Indonesian society, using the system of religious education as a vehicle.

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1.2.2 Research Question

This study analyses the legal framework, government policy, school policies and educational practices

regarding religious education in public and religiously-affiliated secondary schools in both the

Netherlands and Indonesia. The overarching question this study aims to answer reads;

What is the current state of affairs regarding religious education in public and religiously-affiliated

secondary schools in the Netherlands and Indonesia and what can both countries learn from each

other with regard to policies and practises of religious education as a means of promoting religious

tolerance?

In order to adequately address this main research question, the following sub-questions were

formulated:

1) Which educative goals regarding religious education and tolerance have been formulated in the Dutch

and Indonesian government policies?

2) How and to what extent are nationally formulated educational goals concerning religious education and

tolerance implemented in school policies of public and religiously-affiliated secondary schools?

3) How do teachers in public resp. religiously-affiliated secondary schools relate to religion and religious

diversity in the society and the classroom?

4) Which possibilities and restrictions are provided by the legal framework, government policies,

educational institutes and teachers’ attitudes in both countries with regard to the implementation of a

model of religious education which takes the religious other into account and fosters religious literacy?

1.2.3 Theoretical Framework

Over the years, several studies regarding the effect of diversity on social interactions have been

conducted and theories evolved. In the following, I will discuss both the intergroup contact theory and

the ethnic competition theory. These theories constitute the basis for the conceptualization of the

problem of (religious) intolerance and provide theoretical perspectives on effective ways to reduce

prejudice (1.2.3.1). Furthermore, I will briefly elaborate on the important role of the teacher in moral

education (1.2.3.2). These insights will be used as background theory when reflecting on contemporary

policy and educational practises of religious education in both Indonesia and the Netherlands.

1.2.3.1 The ethnic competition- and the Inter-group contact theory

The ethnic competition theory integrates the social identity theory and the realistic group conflict

theory (Savelkoul et al, 2010, p.1). The social identity theory assumes that the process of (social)

categorization leads to group identification, resulting in positive in-group and negative out-group

attitudes (Savelkoul et al, 2010, p.2). The realistic group conflict theory assumes that competition over

scarce resources and values between social groups, induces conflict of interest between those groups

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and eventually antagonistic inter-group attitudes (Savelkoul et al, 2010, p.2). Perceived threat seems

to be the most direct determinant of unfavourable attitudes towards ethnic minorities (Bobo, 1988).

Ethnic competition theory argues that the process of social identification and social contra-

identification intensifies under conditions of actual inter-group competition and/or perceived threat,

resulting in increased negative attitudes towards outgroups (Savelkoul et al, 2010, p.2).

The inter-group contact theory of Gordon Allport is based on the assumption that inter-group

contact will reduce prejudices against certain groups (Hewtone&Swart, 2011, p.375). Face-to-face

encounters between members from different groups reduces in-group/out-group distinctions and

negative associations such as anxiety, and induces out-group solidarity, resulting in positive

associations, such as empathy (Pettigrew&Tropp, 2008, p.923). According to Allport, direct inter-group

contact would be more likely to reduce prejudice if it involved equal status among the participants,

cooperation on common goals between groups, and institutional support. In addition, while contact is

associated with reduced anxiety, Tausch et al. (2007) found anxiety mediated the relationship between

inter-group contact and prejudice. There is less evidence for Allport’s favoured mediator, increased

knowledge about the out-group.

1.2.3.2 The role of the teacher in moral education

A considerable amount of literature has been published on the role of teachers in transmitting

attitudes and values. A survey on moral themes, carried out in Finland, England and Sweden,

demonstrated that for the effectiveness of moral education, overall school culture is as important as

the transfer of factual knowledge: ‘by encouraging young people to express their inner thoughts and feelings

and facilitate dialogue, their competences and interest in the world are stimulated. (..) In contrast: if teachers in

their everyday practice do not respect or listen to the ideas and opinions of their pupils but instrumentally

superimpose values onto them, the prospect – via education – of developing morally aware, politically active and

democratic citizens seems more difficult, if not utopian’ (Sandström et al, 2010, p.215). Another review

study points in that same direction: an indirect approach to value education appears to be more

effective than a direct approach aimed at directly transferring values (Solomon et al, 2001, p.571).

With indirect approaches, the emphasis is on the launching of a value-forming dialogue between the

teacher and students and between students. Consciously and unconsciously, teachers continually

transfer values to their students. Therefore, teachers appear to play a crucial role in moral education.

As important socialisation agents, schoolteachers’ attitudes and actions are key vehicles in ‘moral

education’ (Sandström et al, 2010, p.205). Teachers need to be aware that they are handling both

potentials for dialogue and understanding, as well as those for conflict, simultaneously (Bakker et al.,

2008, p.349).

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1.2.4 Research concepts

In this study, policies and practises of religious education are analysed and their potential contribution

to fostering religious tolerance will be examined. In the context of this study, three concepts are

essential, namely (the meaning of the words) ‘tolerance’ (1.2.4.1), ‘religious education’ (1.2.4.2) and

‘religious literacy’ (1.2.4.3).

1.2.4.1 The meaning of the word ‘tolerance’ in the context of this study

The concept of tolerance encloses a broad spectrum of underlying ideas and a variety of different

meanings. The Oxford English dictionary defines tolerance as: ‘The ability or willingness to tolerate the

existence of opinions or behaviour that one dislikes or disagrees with’. ‘To tolerate’ is in turn defined as: ‘[to]

allow the existence, occurrence, or practice of (something that one dislikes or disagrees with) without

interference’. Other definitions include ‘interest in and concern for ideas, opinions, practices, etc., foreign to

one's own’, ‘a liberal, undogmatic viewpoint’ and ‘the act or capacity of enduring’.

In ethics, tolerance is typically conceived as ‘an individual virtue, issuing from and respecting the

value of moral autonomy, and acting as a sharp rein on the impulse to legislate against morally or religiously

repugnant beliefs and behaviours’ (Brown, 2009, p.9). Robinson, Witenberg and Sanson (2001) have

studied how tolerance as an individual virtue can be learned. The authors describe four levels of

tolerance:

1) Individual endurance – to put up with the differences;

2) To be fair and objective – ignoring the relevance of difference;

3) Conscious rejection of prejudice;

4) Full acceptance – celebration of difference.

These differentiations illustrate the many different attitudes covered under the heading of 'tolerance'.

Therefore it is important to specify the meaning of the word tolerance in the context of this study.

When using the word tolerance, I refer to the definition of tolerance as enshrined in UNESCO’s

Declaration of Principles on Tolerance. This Declaration adopts a definition of tolerance in line with the

‘fourth level’ of tolerance. The Declaration affirms that tolerance is neither concession nor indulgence

or condescension, it is an active attitude promoted by recognition of the universal rights and freedoms

of others: “Tolerance is respect, acceptance and appreciation of the rich diversity of our world's cultures, our

forms of expression and ways of being human. It is fostered by knowledge, openness, communication, and

freedom of thought, conscience and belief. Tolerance is harmony in difference. It is not only a moral duty, it is also

a political and legal requirement. (…) It means accepting the fact that human beings, naturally d iverse in their

appearance, situation, speech, behaviour and values, have the right to live in peace and to be as they are. It also

means that one’s views are not to be imposed on others” (Article 1, UDPT).

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1.2.4.2 (Models of) Religious Education

Religious education encompasses a variety of different forms and practises. Based on differences in

pedagogical aspects (cognitive-, affective-, attitudinal goal and teaching methods), normative basis and

societal context, we can distinguish between three models of religious education, namely: the mono-

religious model, the multi-religious model and the inter-religious model.

The mono-religious model is characterised by the dominance of a specific religious tradition,

the pedagogical aim of internalisation of that tradition, and the claim of a particular religion to absolute

truth as a normative basis (Sterkens, 2001, p. 49). The aim of mono-religious education is to construct

a religious identity in line with one’s own religious tradition and to increase pupils’ interest and

involvement in that particular religion. Other religions might be discussed, albeit from the perspective

of one’s own tradition and with the aim of affirming that tradition (Sterkens, 2001, pp. 50-54).

While the mono-religious model can viewed as a model for ‘learning in religion’, the multi-

religious model focusses on ‘learning about religion’. The aim of the multi-religious model is to

compare different religious traditions in order to increase knowledge and tolerance of other religions

and immanent world-views. The normative basis of this model is religious relativism; all religions are

considered equally valuable and evaluated according to ‘objective’ criteria (Sterkens, 2001, pp.55-59).

It focusses on the accumulation of information about beliefs, rituals and values of different religious

traditions.

The inter-religious model focusses on religious identity formation through the development of

competence in dialogue. The normative basis for this model is ‘pluralism’. Within this model, plurality

is viewed as an opportunity for mutual enrichment. It aims at fostering respect for both other religious

traditions as well as one’s own religion by teaching effective communication between the adherents

of different religions (Sterkens, 2001, pp. 63-66). Interreligious learning is ideally characterized by

three main aspects, namely (1) the formation of identity, (2) openness to others, and (3) the willingness

to learn with and from each other (Miedema, 2006, p. 170).

1.2.4.2 Definition of ‘Religious Literacy’

Harvard professor Diane L. Moore articulates the following definition of religious literacy: “Religious

literacy entails the ability to discern and analyse the fundamental intersections of religion and

social/political/cultural life through multiple lenses”. She specified that a religiously literate person will

possess “1) a basic understanding of the history, central texts (where applicable), beliefs, practices and

contemporary manifestations of several of the world's religious traditions as they arose out of and continue to be

shaped by particular social, historical and cultural contexts; and 2) the ability to discern and explore the religious

dimensions of political, social and cultural expressions across time and place” (Harvard Religious Literacy

Project).

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Moore furthermore emphasizes that critical to this definition is ‘the importance of understanding

religions and religious influences in context and as inextricably woven into all dimensions of human experience’

(Harvard Religious Literacy Project).

1.3 TECHNICAL DESIGN

As above-mentioned studies show, teaching for tolerance is not just a matter of State or school policy,

but in practise appears to be highly influenced by preferences and attitudes of individual teachers.

Therefore, I will not only analyse current State policy and evaluate (the development of) existing

curricula, but I will also assess preferred pedagogical approaches and attitudes of present day teachers.

In order to adequately study this phenomenon, I have applied a qualitative, descriptive

research design. A cross-national, multiple case study that contains a literature review and document

analysis as well as exploratory interviews with several key figures in the educational field to

complement existing data. The major strength of the case study design is the opportunity to use many

different sources of evidence (Evers & Van Staa, 2010). By combining these different methodologies, I

hope to realize a methodological synergy that allows me to gather rich, complex data in a systematic

and holistic manner. It is commonly thought that the interdependency and interaction between the

different methods will amount to a diligent and firm research process (Vennix, 2011, p.100).

Triangulation is used to ‘partially overcome or counterbalance the deficiencies and biases that flow

from single methodologies’ (Evers & Van Staa, 2010).

1.3.1 Data collection

The specific research data on Indonesia and the Netherlands were obtained from a review study of

legal documents, policy statements and national and international literature concerning religious

education. The World Values Survey database was used to provide data concerning general attitudes

and values in Dutch and Indonesian society with regard to religion and education. The World Values

Survey studies changing values and their impact on social and political life. It is the largest non-

commercial, cross-national, time series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed.

In addition, between February and April 2016, Senne Joustra and I conducted a total of nine

exploratory interviews with scholars, administrators and teachers in the (religious) educational field,

supplemented with one e-mail interview. The interviews were recorded using a handheld recording

device. The audio files were transcribed verbatim in Word documents to facilitate subsequent data

analysis.

The participants have been carefully selected to represent different types and orientations of

public and religiously-affiliated secondary schools. The structure of the Dutch educational field created

the opportunity to contact umbrella organisations in order to provide a more general overview of

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educational practises in different secondary schools. Therefore, participants in the Netherlands were

administrators at education umbrella organisations (one public: VOS/ABB, one Christian: Verus, and

one Islamic: ISBO ) while in Indonesia, three religion teachers from different secondary schools in

Yogyakarta participated (one public: SMAN 7, one Christian: SMA Bopkri 1, and one Islamic: SMA Piri

1). Furthermore, we complemented our findings by conducting interviews with scholars specialized in

religious education (two in Indonesia: M. Yusuf (UGM), Tabita Kartika Christiani (UKDW), one in the

Netherlands: Elza Kuijk (VU)). An overview of the respondents can be found in appendix A.

Participants’ experiences were captured and interviewees were invited to provide feedback on

the usefulness, impact as well as barriers of religious education as a means to foster religious tolerance.

To ensure that the same general areas of information were collected from each interviewee, we have

used the ‘General Interview Guide Approach’. This technique provides more focus than the

conversational approach, but still allows a degree of freedom and adaptability in getting the

information from the participant (Turner, 2010, p.755). While wording used slightly varied based on

whether administrators, scholars or teachers were being interviewed, questions particularly aimed at

providing insights on the school policy of religious education and teachers attitudes towards religion

and religious diversity. See appendix B for the interview guide.

Due to time limitations, language barriers and reservations of teachers to participate, we have

used convenience sampling to select participants in the Indonesian educational field. We are aware

that this sampling technique can cause systematic bias and limitations in generalization. However,

given the nature of this research, in which the interviews serve a merely exploratory purpose

supplementary to existing literature, it is not my intention to make inferences about the entire

population based exclusively on this sample. Furthermore, we included two Indonesian scholars, both

specialists in religious education in Indonesia, in order to create a more general overview.

1.3.2 Analysis

After conducting the interviews, the recorded data were transcribed. This provided a good opportunity

to familiarize myself with the data in order to list key ideas and recurrent themes. The corpus of this

study consists of all the interview transcripts and all data collected from the literature review and the

World Values Survey.

During the process of data analysis, I have used a deductive (scissor and sort) technique. The

scissor-and-sort technique is a quick and cost-effective method for analysing a transcript (Stewart&

Shamdasani, 2015, p.123). Raw data was selected and ordered along the line of three sensitizing

concepts, which derived from the research questions (deductive) (Van Thiel, 2014, p.143). The

following concepts were used as a guideline and starting point for analysing the interviews and

literature: 1) State policy; 2) school policy; 3) teachers attitudes towards religion and religious diversity,

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allowing for an analysis of the educational field on a macro-, meso- and micro-level. Additional material

was stored in the same systematic manner. Once the interpretative process was finished, each topic

was provided with a brief summary of research insights, elaborated with direct quotes derived from

the interviews. The data from different sources were compared and contrasted with each other to

search for patterns, cause and effect relations and other forms of interconnection (Van Thiel, 2014,

p.148).

In the last phase, I compared the results of the two case studies. Shining light on the similarities

and differences between the two countries contributes to a higher degree of understanding for the

social reality in the different national contexts and might help to identify context-based limitations and

possibilities of teaching for tolerance.

1.3.3 Reliability and Validity

Opponents of qualitative research often argue that this form of research is rather subjective. Even

though it is true that most qualitative data analysis is subjective (Van Thiel, 2014, p.150), measures

have been taken to ensure validity and reliability of this study. As mentioned earlier, triangulation of

research methods was used in order to overcome the weakness or intrinsic biases related to single

method studies.

Nevertheless, I am aware of the limitations of this research. The small amount of interviewees

and the clustering of the approached institutions, will make a generalization based on the interviews

alone unreliable and rather useless. For this reason, I sought to note patterned regularities in the ways

interviewees account for their experiences with religious education and teaching for tolerance in the

classroom, as well as paying attention to alternative viewpoints and counter-evidence. I interpreted

the results using a comparison with existing literature regarding religious educational practises in both

the Netherlands and Indonesia.

Moreover, it is recognised that in a cross-national study, analytical interpretations may be

obscured by ethnocentrism and insufficient familiarity with conditions and culture of other countries,

in this case Indonesia. To compensate for this, attention is paid to general national values, using the

results of the World Value Survey.

1.3.4 Thesis Outline

This thesis is divided into five chapters. In the first two chapters, I will present the results of the analysis

of the educational field of religious education in both countries on a macro-, meso- and micro-level. In

the first chapter I will present the findings of the Dutch case study (Chapter II) and in the second

chapter, the results of the Indonesian case study (Chapter III). The next chapters sheds light on

similarities and differences between the two countries which contributes to a higher degree of

10

understanding of the social reality in the different national contexts. The similarities and difference

chapter (IV) is followed by a discussion (V) identifying possibilities and restrictions provided by the legal

framework, government policies, educational institutes and teachers’ attitudes in both countries with

regard to the implementation of a model of religious education which takes the religious other into

account and fosters religious literacy. In the two last chapters, I will present the conclusions (VI) and

recommendations (VII) in which I will make some suggestions for future research.

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II Results: Dutch Case Study

“If liberalism has a future, it is in giving up the search for a rational consensus on the best

way of life. Nearly all societies today contain several ways of life, with many people

belonging to more than one”.

-Gray (2009)-

This part of the thesis presents the results of the content analysis of the Dutch case study. Presenting

the results, I tried to find vivid examples that capture the essence of the points made by participants

(interviews) and authors (literature). This chapter is divided into two parts. In the first section, I will

present a brief overview of the political and social context of the Dutch society (2.1). These contextual

remarks will allow for a better understanding and contextualisation of the results and conclusions of

this research. In the second part, I will discuss the results of the data analysis of the case study of

religious education in the Netherlands on a macro-, meso- and micro-level (2.2). The aim is to obtain

insights in how the three domains influencing religious education (State policy, school policy and

teachers (attitudes)) in the Netherlands intertwine and interact. Furthermore, which relevant concepts

and underlying ideas influence this process?

Figure 1: Interaction and interconnextions

2.1 A Brief Overview of the Political, Social and Cultural Context

The history of religion in the Netherlands has been characterized by diversity of religious beliefs and

practices. As a means of dealing with religious diversity in Dutch society, a system of so called

‘pillarization’ was invented. Between 1880 and 1960, the Dutch society was ‘solidified’ and oriented

vertically to religious and ideological pillars (Vellenga, 2015).

In the 1950's, over 80% of the Dutch population belonged to a church. However, since 1960

onwards, the Netherlands has become one of the most secularized countries in the western world. In

2014, a survey by the VU University Amsterdam concluded that for the first time in the history of the

Netherlands, atheists (25%) outnumber the theists (17%). The majority of the population being

State Policy

School Policy

Teachers Attitudes

1) religion

2) religious diversity

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agnostic (31%) or ‘ietsist’ (27%) (Ipsos/VU 2015). However, despite the progress of secularisation and

the decline of church membership, religion remains a central aspect of Dutch society (Vellenga, 2015).

The constitutional context of the relationship between religion and the secular state in the

Netherlands is embedded in the concepts of the separation between church and state, neutrality of

the state with regard to religion and belief (art.6 jo. Art.1 GW), and the freedom of religion and belief

(art.6 GW) (Van Bijsterveld, 2015, p. 524). Separation between church and state is considered an

important feature of the Dutch secular state and entails that the state respects the internal

organization of the church and that the churches have no formal say in public decision-making (Van

Bijsterveld, 2015, p.529).

The Dutch church-state relationship can be characterized as a model of cooperation between

state and religious institutions, based on the ‘inclusive neutrality’ of the state. Neutrality means that

the state allows all religions and denominations to have equal footing (Vermeulen & Bader, 2012, p.3).

The system of education is exemplary of the Dutch way of dealing with organizations based on a

religion or belief (Van Bijsterveld, p. 525). It is a dual system which consist of public-authority schools

(openbare) and private (bijzondere - mostly religiously affiliated) schools, equally funded by the state.

Denominational schools form an integral part of the public educational system (J. Sturm et al., 1998,

p.2). The majority of 2/3 of all schools in the Netherlands are religiously-affiliated schools whereas 1/3

have a "neutral status" according to religion and worldviews (CBS, 2009).

2.2 Religious Education in the Netherlands

In this result section, I will analyse the educational field of religious education in the Netherlands on a

macro-, meso- and micro-level. On a macro-level, I will present an overview of state’s laws regarding

religious education and tolerance (A), on a meso-level, I will discuss school policies of religious

education (B) and on a micro-level, I will analyse the attitudes of religion teachers towards religion and

religious diversity (C).

A. MACRO-LEVEL: STATE POLICY

For a proper understanding of religious education in the Netherlands, knowledge about the Dutch

educational system is imperative. Article 23 of the Dutch Constitution can be considered one of the

key features of the Dutch education system. This article governs the relationship between educational

institutes and the State (Onderwijsraad, 2016).

The Dutch “dual” educational system of equal treatment of both state and denominational

schools has existed in the Netherlands since 1920. It is rooted in the historical legacy of the Dutch

‘pillarization’ system. Until 1806, education in the Netherlands consisted only of private (elite) schools

and church-based education. Following the Education Law of 1806, public schools were founded. These

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schools were predominantly based on a liberal Christian (protestant) worldview. As a result, some

religious minorities started illegal schools in order to provide their children with education in line with

their values and world views. In 1848, the Dutch Constitution guaranteed the freedom of education

which allowed churches or religious groups to establish schools and granted parents the right to send

their children to those private schools instead of public (Vermeer, 2013, p.85). However, only state

schools received government funding. The system of completely equal treatment of both state and

denominational schools has existed in the Netherlands since 1920 and is enshrined in article 23 of the

Dutch Constitution (Freedom of Education).

The freedom of education, guaranteed under article 23, entails the freedom of establishment

(vrijheid van oprichting), the freedom of organization (vrijheid van inrichting) and the freedom of

‘persuasion’ (vrijheid van richting). The freedom of establishment means that everyone (churches,

parents) has the right to found schools to provide teaching based on religious, ideological or

educational beliefs and apply for (equal) state funding. The freedom of organization means that both

public and private schools are free to determine – within legal boundaries and quality standards set by

the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science - what is taught and how. The freedom of persuasion

encompasses the freedom to express the fundamental orientation of the school in the selection of

staff, pupils and teaching material (Mentink et al, 2016). Like the state, public schools are strictly

neutral with regard to religion and worldview.

As a result of these historical developments, the position of religious education is closely linked

to the unique features of the Dutch educational system. Within this legal structure, the autonomic

realization of religious education is part of the freedom that non-public schools enjoy. It is considered

a part of a school’s (religious) identity, an expression of the right to freedom of persuasion. Religious

education is not supervised by the state, as it would violate the separation between church and state

and the state’s neutrality with regard to religion (Vermeer, 2013, p.87).

National Curriculum/ Core Objectives

The Ministry of Education, Culture and Science is responsible for defining the general education policy.

The potent role that education can play in creating knowledgeable, involved and tolerant citizens, has

not remained unnoticed by government officials and policy makers. In 2005, the Dutch parliament

adopted the Law on the Enhancement of Active Citizenship and Social Integration which obligates

primary and secondary schools to promote active citizenship and social integration. According to the

Dutch Education Inspectorate (Inspectie van het Onderwijs, 2012) the transmission of key values

(sense of respect, tolerance, solidarity, etc.) and the formation of informed and involved citizens are

important benefits of education. Since then, article 17 of the Law on Secondary Education (WVO)

stipulates that education (among other things) is aimed at ‘ensuring that students have knowledge of, and

14

are acquainted with the different backgrounds and cultures of their peers’. The introduction of citizenship

education in 2006 is a manifestation of efforts made by the government to overcome challenges posed

by the increasingly plural nature of Dutch society. Citizenship education is supposed to ensure social

cohesion by focusing on active citizenship and social participation.

In addition to the general educational objective articulated in article 17 WVO, core objectives

of secondary education are formulated in additional regulations (Kerndoelen). There is no detailed

national curriculum. Instead, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science formulated 58 core

objectives to be taught (article 11 WVO). These core objectives provide the basis for the national exams

at the end of secondary school and the reviews and quality inspections by the Dutch Inspectorate of

Education. Core objectives describe what the school must offer, but not how it should be done. The

curriculum is interpreted according to the evocative nature of education (SLO, 2008, p.5). Schools

define their own policies within this global, national framework. However, all schools are obliged to

account for their educational practice, programs and evaluations vis-à-vis the Inspectorate of

Education (Ruiter & Vermeulen, 2007, p.194).

Education in religion does not belong to the list of core objectives, as it would violate the

separation of church and state (Ruiter & Vermeulen, 2006, p.6). Nonetheless, one of the core

objectives relates to the issue under concern. Under the heading “people and society” core objective

number 43 of the list reads: Students learn about similarities, differences and changes in culture and beliefs in

The Netherlands; learn about their own ways of life and how to connect these to the ways of life of others; and

learn to understand the meaning for society of respect for one’s convictions and beliefs (..)”. Schools are free to

interpret this in their own ways when implementing this core objective into their educational practises.

To ensure that there is always an option for Protestant, Islamic or any other religious/

ideological education, all public secondary schools are obligated by law to provide a classroom to

facilitate optional education by religious communities (article 46 WVO). The school authorities do not

take any responsibility for the content of this education. Furthermore, it should be noted that public

secondary schools are obligated by law to ‘contribute to the development of students with attention to

religious, ideological and social values as they are present in Dutch society, and acknowledging the meaning of

the diversity of these values’ (art. 42 WVO). However, this article, defining the character of public

education, does not apply to private (mostly religiously-affiliated) schools. The freedom of education

guarantees autonomy for schools concerning educational and pedagogic-didactic approaches. Private

schools decide independently on issues concerning their identity, like religious education and

citizenship education (Onderwijsraad, 2016). Whether religious education is compulsory or optional is

part of the school policy.

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In Dutch education, promoting tolerance of sexual diversity and ethnic-religious tolerance are

accepted, compulsory goals. Educational objectives related to religion are shaped within the

framework of citizenship education. However, the autonomic realization of religious, moral and

citizenship education is part of the freedom of education that schools enjoy, guaranteed under

article 23 of the Dutch Constitution. Confessional religious education is regarded an expression of

the (religious) identity of the school whereas (equal) attention to different religions in public schools

is prescribed in order to reflect the neutral character of public education. We can distinguish several

key elements, some of which are interrelated: ‘Separation of Church and State’, ‘Inclusive neutrality

of the state’, ‘Freedom of education’, ‘Dual system’, ‘Autonomy of schools’, ‘Core objectives’, and

the ‘Evocative nature of education’.

Table 1: Overview of the Dutch educational system+ RE and educational goals aiming for tolerance

Context -Separation between church and state -Neutrality of the state with regard to religion and belief (art.6 jo. art.1 GW) -Freedom of religion and belief (art.6 GW)

Inclusive neutrality of the state No supervision of RE by the state

Dutch Constitution

Art.23: Freedom of Education - freedom to found schools - freedom of organisation - freedom of conviction/persuasion

Dual system: equally funded public and non-public schools Autonomy of schools RE as expression of schools identity

Law on Secondary Education (WVO)

Art. 17: enhancement of active citizenship and social integration (ALL SCHOOLS)

Education aimed ‘ensuring that students have knowledge of, and are acquainted with the different backgrounds and cultures of their peers’.

Art. 42: Character of PUBLIC education Public schools should ‘contribute to the

development of students with attention to religious, ideological and social values as they are present in Dutch society, and acknowledging the meaning of the diversity of these values’

Art. 46+47: GVO/HVO (PUBLIC schools) school authorities not responsible for content

Public schools obligated to provide a classroom to facilitate optional religious education by religious communities (confessional)

Core objectives Besluit Kerndoelen

Number 43: all schools are obligated to teach their students about cultures and beliefs in order to generate respect and tolerance.

Students learn about similarities, differences and changes in culture and beliefs in The Netherlands; learn about their own ways of life and how to connect these to the ways of life of others; and learn to understand the meaning for society of respect for one’s convictions and beliefs (..)

B. MESO-LEVEL: SCHOOL POLICY

As mentioned above, the freedom of education and the associated ‘evocative nature of education’

allows for an interpretation of core objectives. Schools can define their own policies within the global

framework of national formulated objectives. This means that schoolboards can choose the methods

for the subjects to be taught and construct a specific program planning. Analysing the educational field

and contemporary educational practises of religious and worldview education, we can make several

observations.

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Religious education in public secondary schools

Interviews: Religious education in public secondary schools is rarely taught. Marleen Lammers

(VOS/ABB) stated that: ‘The legal obligation of public secondary schools to contribute to the development of

students with attention to religious, ideological and social values is generally met by incorporating religion into

other subjects like history or sociology’. One of our other the interviewees, Paul Boersma, clarified this

situation when he pointed out that: “Generally, public education is not familiar with the domain of religious

or worldview formation due to the fact that this discipline is traditionally exclusively taught in a confessional

setting.” Consequentially, we observe a lack of consideration for religion in educational practises in

public schools.

Literature: These findings are consistent with observations made in secondary literature regarding (the

absence of) religious educational practises in public secondary schools in the Netherlands (Kuyk, 2007,

p.139). Due to the ‘neutral character’ of public schools, public schools cannot provide confessional

religious education in which subjectivity plays a part, but they can address religious and social values

(Leeman, 2008, p.52). VOS/ABB, the Association for Public and General Education, recently published

a brochure (2016) with the aim of stimulating religious and worldview education in secondary public

schools. The vision expressed reads ‘Worldview education provides solidarity and connection, it touches the

hearts of pupils and staff (..) Identity development is paramount [therefore] VOS/ABB recommends that all

students of public secondary schools should have the opportunity to develop themselves within the religious

sphere. And also ‘It is considered a human right that children have the opportunity to develop their own identity.

Worldview is an essential part of this identity. Teachers can make a significant contribution to the development

of students to become actively tolerant citizens’. Therefore, they urge public schools to consider worldview

education as an integrated part of citizenship education.

Religious education in Christian-affiliated secondary schools

Interviews: According to one of our interviewees, religious scholar Elza Kuyk, the way religious

education is shaped ‘predominantly depends on the attitude of the religious teacher and the way schools

formulate their religious identity’. Because of this diversity, it is not possible to provide a general

description of the content of religious education at religiously affiliated schools. Elza Kuyk provided

some indicators of the status of religious education in confessional schools. She states that: ‘barometers

of the status of religious education and the importance given to the subject include the question whether or not

religious education is included in the official final exams and the school’s appreciation of the grades.’

Literature: Most religiously-affiliated schools do provide religious education, as it is considered an

important expression of the schools’ identity (richting). Whether or not religious education is an

17

integrated part of the school’s curriculum, predominantly depends on the particular identity of the

school. In 2008, Regiecentrum ‘Religious Education as a subject of examination’, conducted a study

regarding the status of religious education as an examination subject. Results indicate that 85% of

approached Orthodox schools, 57 % of Protestant-Christian schools and 48% of Catholic schools offer

religious education as a small exam (Regiecentrum, 2008, p.2).

Within Christian-affiliated secondary schools, religious education can either be confessional or

non-confessional (Kuyk, 2007, p.137). External (religious) organisations are sometimes involved in

school’s policies and the content of religious education. Officially, all Catholic schools are supposed to

integrate a confessional approach of religious education. The Bishops Conference approves standards

for religious education. However, practice might be different (Kuyk, 2007, p.138). The protestant

churches do not have any formal relation with the protestant schools.

Religious education in Islamic secondary schools

Interviews: Within the Islamic secondary school, religious education plays a significant role in the daily

educational practises. According to Rasit Bal (ISBO), religious education in Islamic schools is aimed at

‘transferring Islamic teachings and getting pupils acquainted with Islamic religious practises’. This approach can

be characterized as religious socialisation/ learning in religion.

Literature: Since 1988, several Islamic schools in the Netherlands were established with the purpose

of providing education which contributed to a cultural-religious personality development in an Islamic

spirit (Shadid & Van Koningsveld, 1992, p.110). In 2014, ‘Avicenna college’ was founded, currently the

only Islamic-affiliated secondary school in the Netherlands. Recently, the director of Avicenna College

Richard Troost, published a document regarding the school’s current state of affairs (Troost, 2016) in

which he proclaimed that: ‘The Islamic identity of the school has been shaped. You can see and feel that we

are an Islamic school: dress codes, prayer room, call to prayer, Ramadan grid etc. But also the values of faith

referring to respectful treatment and decent behaviour. Meanwhile, there is a lot of contact with the mosques on

how to shape education in the triangular relationship between parents, mosque and school.”

General observations

With regard to educational objectives related to religion which are shaped within the framework of

citizenship education, a report of the Dutch Education Council, an independent governmental advisory

body, presents some interesting insights. In this report, the Council expressed her concern about the

poor implementation of the core objectives regarding citizenship education in secondary schools

(OnderwijsRaad, 2012). In many schools, there is no coherent curriculum to meet the core objectives

concerning citizenship education such as the above-mentioned core objective number 43, which

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instructs schools to teach students about similarities, differences and changes in culture and beliefs.

The Council notes that legislation regarding citizenship education is unclear. They furthermore observe

an absence of available methods and tools to effectively stimulate civic competences (OnderwijsRaad,

2012, p.7).

With regard to religious education as a subject expressing the religious identity of a school, several

observations can be made. Throughout the educational field, one can find a wide range of available

methods, modules and detailed programs for teaching worldview and religious education developed

by specialized institutes. Depending on the pedagogical approach, the identity of the school and the

preference of religion teachers, methods and hours used to teach religious education widely differ.

As a provision typical of religiously affiliated schools, religious education initially served the

general purpose of religious socialisation (Vermeer, 2013, p.88). As a result of both secularisation and

increasing diversity in society i.e. the classroom, efforts have been made to derive the subject from its

confessional basis. This resulted in the transformation of religious education into ‘worldview

formation’, more suitable to accommodate the increasingly diverse backgrounds of students (Kuyk &

Schreiner, 2010, p.6).

In an exploratory study, Wiel Veugelers (2008, p.28) distinguishes four pedagogical approaches

to religious education: 1) education in a religion (text-oriented theological approach); 2) learning about

different religions (phenomenological approach); 3) religious development within a religious tradition

(existentialistic philosophical approach) and; 4) personal religious development within a democratic

framework (social ethical approach). His research shows that most secondary schools that offer

religious education nowadays have adopted the third or fourth pedagogical approach. One can

observe a general shift in the goals of religious education; from the emphasis on the transfer of

knowledge (approach 1 and 2) to an approach were the personal development of the student is

paramount (3, 4).

Heid Leganger-Krogstad (2001, p.61) provides some additional insights. She argues that

approach 1 and 2 give priority to human understanding on the basis of common cultural history and

makes use of a mainly substantial view of religion. In the first approach, focus is on the individual

formation of identity, while the phenomenological approach puts emphasis on the understanding of

religion as a phenomenon in a broader context. Approaches 3 and 4 give priority to human

understanding on common ground and make use of a mainly functional view of religion. In the third

approach, the individualistic perspective (development of child) is dominant, while the collective

(society) perspective dominates the fourth approach (p.63).

Integrating all above-mentioned insights, I have created the following figure that provides a

general overview of current positions of different schools in the Netherlands.

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Figure 3: Main approaches to Religious Education+ current positions of different secondary schools

Analysing contemporary school policies regarding religious and worldview education, one can

identify a number of topics influencing school policy: ‘freedom of education’, ‘external (religious)

organisations’, ‘historical confessional basis of RE’, ‘student population’, ’identity of the school’,

‘pedagogical approach’, ‘social developments’ and the ‘preference of religion teachers’.

Additionally, we can observe a relationship between the identity of the school and the different

approaches to religious education. Public schools express an interest in religious education as a way

to stimulate ‘identity development’ of their students. In Islamic schools, ‘religious socialisation’ is

paramount whereas most Christian-affiliated secondary schools have adopted an approach of either

‘religious development within a religious tradition’ or ‘personal religious development within a

democratic framework’.

C. MICRO-LEVEL: ATTITUDES TOWARDS RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY IN SCHOOLS

As mentioned in the theoretical framework, several studies have revealed the eminent importance of

the attitude and role of the teacher in moral education (Sandström et al, 2010, Solomon et al, 2001).

In practise, the effectiveness of teaching for tolerance appears to be highly influenced by preferences

and attitudes of individual teachers. Teachers continually transfer values to their students. In the

following, teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in schools will be analysed.

In Dutch society in general, attitudes towards religion vary from positive to extremely negative. Results

of the World Values Survey 2010-2014, indicated that 10.7% of the Dutch population view religion as

‘very important’ and 14.5% as ‘rather important’ in life, whereas the majority of people regarded

religion as ‘not very important’ (28.9%) and ‘not important at all’ (43.8%). Overall, religious persons

seem to be more positive about the public role of religion than non-religious persons (Bernts &

Berghuijs, 2016).

20

Many Dutch regard diversity as seemingly unproblematic in their daily lives. Only 2.7% of the

1902 respondents reveal that they do not like to have people from a different religion as their direct

neighbour. On the other hand, a majority of 46.3% of the respondents indicate that they do not trust

people from a different religion to 39.5% of people who ‘somewhat trust’ (38.6%) or ‘completely trust’

(0.9%) the religious other. Furthermore, 13.3% of the respondents agrees (9.4%) or strongly agrees

(3.9%) with the statement that the only acceptable religion is their own religion while a majority of

72.1 percent disagrees (27.4%) or strongly disagrees (44.7%). These results indicate an overall

compliance with prevailing notions of basic human rights like the freedom of religion, but illustrate a

certain scepticism towards the ‘religious other’ on a personal level.

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Public secondary schools

Interviews: From our interview with Marleen Lammers (VOS/ABB) it became apparent that not all

teachers in public schools endorse the earlier mentioned vision of the Association for Public and

General Education regarding the stimulation of religious education in public schools. Lammers stated

that ‘within the domain of public schools, discussions about the place of religion in schools are often heated.’

She identifies two prominent positions: a) those who interpret the neutrality of the public school in a

strict manner: the state school is a “neutral” space and must therefore be kept free of religious insignia

of all kinds (active neutrality) and b) those who view neutrality of the public schools as an opportunity

for meeting and encounter between all members of society, regardless of their (religious) backgrounds

(active pluralism). She furthermore raises the idea that the age of the teachers might be a factor in the

preferred notion of religion in schools: “I recently heard that current students of the Pabo (Dutch teacher-

training institutes) are much more open to the idea of facilitating (religious) encounters. It might also be a

generational difference. (..) younger generations are perhaps more open towards the notion of religion in the

public domain and more focused on the question whether and how students can learn from each other.’ Although

this might indeed indicate a correlation between age and teachers’ attitudes towards religion in

schools, additional data are necessary in order to provide confirmation of this hypothesis.

Literature: Results from the World Values Survey 2010-2014 indicate that in general, 38.6% of the

Dutch population strongly agrees (6.3%) or agrees (32.3%) with the statement that all religions should

be taught in public schools whereas 48.5% of

the respondents disagreed (23.8%) or strongly

disagreed (24.7%). A cross-reference of this

data with the variable ‘age’, confirms some

influence of age on the level of compliance

with the statement that public schools should Figure 4: World Values Survey 2010-2014

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provide teaching in all religions. However, in contrast to above-mentioned hypotheses, results indicate

that younger people (<29) are less inclined to agree with the statement (33.2%) than other age groups:

36.6% (age group 30-49 years) and 40.5% of people with an age of 50 and more. In the level of

disagreement, we can only observe a slightly elevated level of disagreement in the age-group of 30-

49: 49.8% to a total of 48.5 %. Of course, these findings only account for the attitudes of the general

public towards teaching religion in public schools and do not necessarily reflect the specific attitudes

of educators/teachers in public schools.

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Christian-affiliated secondary schools

Interviews: Present day religion teachers experience a lot of diversity of religion and believe in their

classroom. This brings about new challenges for religion teachers. As one of our interviewees Paul

Boersma explained ‘As a teacher, you will need to develop a certain sensitivity to students who express a

different perspective on things you consider ‘the truth’. He argues that teachers nowadays cannot be too

normative. Teachers should create an open, safe teaching environment with room for discussion and

critical thinking “Of course, you have your own life views, but let others question those. I think most present-

day religion teachers have learned to do that, or should learn to…. They function in a diverse society and hope

that that diversity enables them to facilitate an encounter. The concept of ‘encounter’ appears to play a

prominent role in contemporary teaching practises. ‘Not interfaith learning, but an encounter… that’s a

word we’re going to be using a lot.’ The context of ‘encounter’ opens opportunities for an exchange of

ideas and values, a forum where students from different backgrounds share and develop their

worldviews in an equal setting, using dialogical methods.

Literature: Research shows that in the Netherlands, proximity to the school tends to be the main

reason for selecting a particular school. The denomination of the school appears to play a minor role.

Denomination is only mentioned by 3% of all respondents as a reason for choosing a high school.

(MARE, 2004, p.8). Consequentially, the student population at religiously-affiliated schools is often

quite diverse. As a subject predominantly present in religiously-affiliated schools, religion teachers in

denominational schools have experienced significant changes in the approach to religious education

over the years. These changes required teachers with ‘(often powerful) personal experiences of religion and

(strong) beliefs and/or views on religious, spiritual and ethical issues to develop the skills to present these matters

empathetically and impartially to pupils who have their own personal experiences, beliefs and views’

(Everington, 2016, p. 178). This presents distinctive professional challenges. In their professional role,

teachers need to be aware of and develop the relationship between their personal and professional

lives.

22

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Islamic secondary schools

Interviews: As became apparent from the before mentioned proclamation of the director of the

Avicenna College (Troost, 2016), religion plays a significant role in daily school practises in the Islamic

secondary school: dress-codes, prayer rooms, call for player etc. However, specific data regarding

teachers’ attitudes towards religion in the Islamic school, are not (yet) present. According to our

interviewee Rasit Bal, teachers’ attitudes towards religious diversity in Islamic secondary schools differ.

How diversity in the classroom is perceived ‘predominantly depends on the attitude of the specific teacher,

ranging from teachers who embrace religious pluralism to teachers who reject diversity. Most teachers try to find

a middle ground, searching for ways to integrate the reality of diversity with the Islamic religious tradition’.

Literature: In Islamic secondary schools, the approach to religious education is mainly aimed at

religious socialisation in the Islamic tradition. As a result, above-mentioned tensions between the

religious background of the religion teacher and present-day pedagogical approaches to religious

education are less evident. The student population of the Islamic school is quite homogenous. Ethnic

diversity in Islamic schools is generally limited to two to three groups: Turkish, Moroccan and Indian-

Surinamese (Dronkers, 2015). However, this does not mean that the Islamic school is religiously

homogenous. Within Islam, one can differentiate different branches (Sunni, Shia, Sufi etc.) which

account for a religiously divers student population. Within the Islamic school, 80% of teachers are

Muslim and 20% non-Muslims. With regard to the teacher population, the director of the Islamic

school states: “We would like to keep this division as it offers diversity and potential for debate within the

school” (Troost, 2016).

General observations

Research on the perceptions of teachers regarding religious and cultural diversity in secondary schools,

indicates that many teachers regard ethnic diversity in the classroom as an enrichment, as it prepares

students for life in the multicultural society (Renkema et al., 2000, p.30). However, teachers experience

a lack of structural support and programs on how to deal with diversity in the classroom (Renkema et

al., 2000, p.37). They often struggle to implement intercultural education -dealing with cultural

differences in the classroom- as an integrated part of the regular teaching practises. Moreover, it often

shows low priority (SLO, 2008, p.38).

In addition to above-mentioned attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in society and schools

in particular, our research has raised the question whether ground for inter-faith education in

contemporary Dutch society still exists. According to one of our participants (Paul Boersma), ‘there is

little space for inter-religious meeting in a society where religion plays an increasingly smaller role in the

23

perception of students’. This observation is shared by different scholars. They observe a growing tension

between the aims pursued in religious education in school and the predominantly secular outlook on

life of present-day youths. According to scholar of religion Paul Vermeer (2013), most students in

contemporary Dutch society are not particularly interested in reflecting upon their own lives from a

religious perspective: ‘Even if the aim of religious education is no longer to socialise students in a religious

tradition, but to help them develop a religious or secular worldview of their own, this tension will not be resolved

as it still assumes a personal interest in religion and worldview among the young’.

Furthermore, the context of ‘encounter’ appears to be a key concept in contemporary

educational practises. Throughout the interviews, participants of public and Christian-affiliated schools

both frequently referred to this concept. In contrast to interreligious education, the context of

encounter does not presume a religious affiliation of the students. It derives its directive from the

assumption that meetings with the religious or ethnic ‘other’, i.e. ‘out-group’, will allow for the further

development of students’ identity.

When analysing the attitudes of teachers towards religion and religious diversity in secondary

schools, we can conclude that it is impossible to formulate a general point of view. However, several

tensions can be identified: a) RE as a confessional tradition vs. neutrality of public schools; b) active

neutrality vs. active plurality; c) own religious background of RE teachers vs. present-day pedagogical

approaches to RE; d) aims of RE vs. personal interests of present-day students and; e) diversity in

the classroom vs. lack of structural support.

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III Results: Indonesian Case Study

“Religious education encourages students to obey their religious teachings in daily life and

utilise religion as the foundation of ethics and morality in their personal lives, families,

society, and national life’”

- Article 5.3 of Regulation No. 55/2007-

This chapter presents the results of the Indonesian case study. The structure is similar to the previous

chapter. The chapter is divided into two parts: 1) an overview of the political and social context of the

Indonesian society (3.1) which allows for a better understanding and contextualisation of the results,

and 2) the results of the data analysis of the Indonesian case study on religious education and teaching

for tolerance (3.2).

3.1 A Brief Overview of the Political and Social Context

Indonesia, officially the Republic of Indonesia, is the most populous Muslim-majority country in the

world. With a population of over 242 million, linguistic, religious and cultural differences are significant

(EP-Nuffic, 2015, p.5). Religion plays an important role in Indonesian society. Results from the World

Values Survey (2005-2009), indicate that 98% of the people in Indonesia regard religion as very

important (94%) and important (4%) in their lives.

Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution defined the state as neither a secular nor Islamic. Instead,

founders formulated a national doctrine aimed at accommodating all of Indonesia’s religious and

cultural traditions: the pancasila (‘five principles’). Even though Freedom of Religion is guaranteed in

the Indonesian Constitution, freedom is only partially granted. The Indonesian government has

recognized six official religions, namely Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and

Confucianism. Every Indonesian is required to embrace one of these religions. In a recent Population

Census (2010), 87.18% of Indonesians identified themselves as Muslim, 6.96% Protestant, 2.91%

Catholic, 1.69% Hindu, 0.72% Buddhist and 0.05% Confucianism.

With regard to the state-religion relationship, it could be stated that Indonesia incorporated a

model in which the state embraces more than one official religion, whereas the first principle of

Pancasila, the state ideology, is the belief in one God. Under Suharto, the government made strenuous

efforts to construct a homogeneous national culture, most notably through the education system

(Yusuf, 2015, p.29). However, since the end of the New-Order regime (1966-1997), the post-New Order

regime can be characterized as ‘preferred treatment for some religions, or support for a particular

traditional model’ (Yusuf, 2015, p.29). The post New-Order regime seems more inclined to support the

Islamic majority, whereas the New Order regime treated all official religions equally.

25

The Indonesian education system is governed by the Ministry of Education and Culture and the

Ministry of Religious Affairs. Educational institutes in Indonesia can be divided into two main

categories: Formal and Non-Formal education. Formal schools follow the state’s official curriculum.

Public formal schools are financed by the state (Department of National Education (Depdiknas)), while

private formal schools are partly state-funded (by the Department of Religious Affairs) and partly

privately financed. Private education plays a prominent role, particularly in secondary education. 66%

of all secondary education institutions are privately owned (EP-Nuffic, 2015, p.5).

3.2 Religious Education in Indonesia

In compliance with chapter II, I will present the results of the Indonesian case study of religious

education, focussing on state policy (A); school policy (B) and attitudes of teachers towards religion

and religious diversity in schools (C). This will allow for an analysis of the educational field on a macro-

, meso-, and micro-level.

A. MACRO-LEVEL: STATE POLICY

In this part, I will address the first sub-question of this study. This section focusses on the question

whether and which educative goals aiming for (religious) education for tolerance have been

formulated in Indonesian educational policies.

After the independence of Indonesia, the construction of a national educational system

became one of the key challenges faced by the young state. The first Education Law was introduced in

1950 (Law No. 4/1950). The Educational objective of the 1950 Education Law was “to foster decent

competent human beings and democratic citizens who have good morals and take responsibility for the welfare

of society and the homeland” (art.3). Following the example of the Dutch educational system, the 1950

Education Law stipulated religious instruction as an optional school subject in public schools, with the

right of the parents to decide whether children ought to be enrolled. In 1966, religious education

became compulsory in both public and private schools, from elementary school to university. The

Educational Objective of the 1966 Education Law was to ‘develop true followers of Pancasila based on the

provisions required by the Preamble and contents of the Constitution of 1945’ (Suhadi et al, 2015, p.17).

After the democratic transition in 1998, the Indonesian government issued a new education

law (Law No. 20/2003). The educational objective of this law is to ‘develop students’ potential in order to

become persons imbued with human values who are faithful and pious to the one and only God Almighty, noble,

healthy, knowledgeable, skilled, creative independent, who will become democratic and accountable citizens’

(art.3). The Education Law regards formal, non-formal and informal religious education as a national

responsibility – shared by the government and the religious communities. The law No. 20/2003

particularly stipulates the aim of religious education: ‘Religious education has the function to prepare

26

students to become community members who understand and practise religious values and/or acquire expertise

in his or her own religion’ (art.30.2). Religious education is part of the mandatory national curriculum

(art.37). The law requires all schools to provide teaching about any particular religion for the students

who hold that religion by teachers of the same religion (art.12). During the religious teaching hours,

students should be separated in different classrooms in accordance with their own religion.

In 2007, the government released Government Regulation No. 55/2007 concerning (the

implementation of) religious education in schools. Article 1.2 of this Peraturan Pemerintab explains

the objective of religious education in further detail: ‘Religious education is aimed at developing students’

abilities to comprehending, embracing and practising religious values (..)’. Furthermore, article 5.3 of

Regulation No. 55/2007 articulates that: ‘Religious education encourages students to obey their religious

teachings in daily life and utilise religion as the foundation of ethics and morality in their personal lives, families,

society, and national life’ (Yusuf & Sterkens, 2015, p.116).

National curriculum

The curriculum contents of religious education are developed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs,

which provides guidance on the management of religious education in schools, in accordance with Law

No. 20/2003 and Government Regulation No. 55/2007. For each officially recognized religion, a specific

curriculum is developed. Article 6 of Ministry of Religious Affairs Regulation No. 16/2010 states that

the formulation of the curriculum content of religious education should aim to (a) deepen and widen

students’ knowledge of and insight into their own religion, (b) encourage students to practise their

owns teachings in daily life, and (c) to position religion as the foundation of noble character in personal

life, family, society and national life (Yusuf, 2016, p.56).

In 2013, a new national curriculum was developed and implemented. In the 2013 Curriculum,

‘Spiritual attitude’ became a Core Competency in all school subjects. Religion and civic education are

prevailing aspects in the new curriculum. According to some Indonesian scholars, this can only be

understood in the context of strengthening religious ideology in the Reform Era. Historically, one can

observe a close link between political situations and ideologies adopted by the government towards

education, and religious education in particular (Suhadi et al, 2015, p.13). Dominant ideas in the

Reform Era are ‘noble character’ and ‘faith and piety’. Since the 2013 Curriculum, religious values are

considered the standard for morals and character building (Suhadi et al, 2015, p.49).

Teaching for tolerance does not receive much attention in any of the curricula of religious

classes (Parker, 2010). In the 2013 curriculum for Islamic Religious Education at secondary school level,

the word tolerance gets mentioned once. Furthermore, the overall approach of the curriculum tends

to be rather exclusive as it stresses the mastery of religious teachings and marginalizes the aspects of

reflection (Suhadi et al., 2015, p.54). In the 2013 curriculum of Christian Religious Education

27

(Protestant Christianity), the word tolerance does not appear. However, the curriculum emphasizes

the approach of ‘ethics over dogma’, affirming that one of the purposes of Christian Religious and

Character Education is ‘to nurture Indonesian citizens who are able to live their faith in a responsible manner

with noble characters in a pluralistic society’ (Suhadi et al., 2015, p.50).

Like religious education, Civic education is a compulsory subject in the national curriculum

(art.37 of Law No. 20/2003). Explanatory notes to the article explain: ‘Religious education shall be intended

to mould learners to become a human being who is faithful and pious to the One and Only God, and who has

morals and noble character. Civic education shall be intended to mould learner to become a human being who

has a sense of nationalism and patriotism’ (MNE, 2002a). The curriculum for Civic Education articulates

the importance of the value of equality and diversity ‘without distinguishing race, religion, gender, group,

culture and ethnicity' (Parker, 2010). At the same time, it does not mention religion in the remaining

content of the subject’s curriculum, providing limited opportunities to teach about other religions in a

way that promotes understanding and religious tolerance.

When comparing the educational objective of the 2003 Education Law to the objectives formulated

in previous Education Laws, one can observe a general shift towards a more religiously engaged

purpose of education. Religion is considered the foundation of ethics and morality. Religious

education in Indonesia is mandatory and supervised by the Government. The Indonesian

government demonstrates a strong preference for mono-religious education, predominantly meant

to internalize one’s own religion.

Figure 5: Overview of the Indonesian educational system+ RE and educational goals aiming for tolerance

Context -Pancasila -Selected/partial freedom of religion

Preferred treatment for some religions Six officially recognized religions

Education Law No. 20/2003

Art.3: general educational objective develop students’ potential in order to become persons imbued with human values who are faithful and pious to the one and only God Almighty, noble, healthy, knowledgeable, skilled, creative independent, who will become democratic and accountable citizens’

Art.12+37: RE mandatory + part of curriculum: preference of mono-religious model

Every student is entitled to receive religious education in accordance with his/her religion, imparted by an educator who has the same religion;

Article 30.2: aim of RE. ‘Religious education has the function to prepare students to become community members who understand and practise religious values and/or acquire expertise in his or her own religion’

Government Regulation No. 55/2007

Article 1.2: objective of religious education in further detail

‘Religious education is aimed at developing students’ abilities to comprehending, embracing and practising religious values (..)’

article 5.3: religion as foundation of ethics and morality

‘Religious education encourages students to obey their religious teachings in daily life and utilise religion as the foundation of ethics and morality in their personal lives, families, society, and national life’

28

Ministry of Religious Education Regulation No. 16/2010

Article 6: curriculum content of RE: cognitive (a) and attitudinal aspects (b/c)

curriculum content of religious education should aim to (a) deepen and widen students’ knowledge of and insight into their own religion, (b) encourage students to practise their owns teachings in daily life, and (c) to position religion as the foundation of noble character in personal life, family, society and national life.

2013 Curriculum

-Spiritual attitude as Core Competence -Religion as foundation of morality and character building

Mono-religious education Stresses the mastery of religious teachings and marginalizes the aspects of reflection

B. MESO-LEVEL: SCHOOL POLICY

In Indonesia, each school is obligated to provide a course of religion according to the religion their

students believe and adhere to. Schools can format their religious education within these

requirements of the national curriculum. Analysing the educational field and contemporary

educational practises of religious education in Indonesia, we can make several observations.

Religious education in the public secondary school

Interviews: In accordance with the state policy, the public secondary school facilitates religious

education for every student based on their religious background. Students are separated during

religious classes. The public school stated that, as a school, they support multiculturalism and religious

dialogue. In every religious subject, material based on multiculturalism is used: ‘We implement

multiculturalism in every subject’. The method used to teach the content of the curriculum focusses on

the experience of the student as foundation for discussion, study-cases and research. ‘We also teach

about universal values like empathy, tolerance, love. So we put these universal values in all the material’. In this

public school, religious education focusses not merely on religious socialization. Regarding the purpose

of religious education, the religion teacher at the public school stated that the aim of religious

education is ‘to improve life quality based on religion, to gain universal knowledge of humanity and of the world

and to learn to treat each other equally and with respect. For example, if humans are all created by God, we are

all equal’.

Literature: In contrast to the inclusive, multiculturalist approach to religious education in above-

mentioned public secondary school, most public schools tend to embrace a rather exclusive mono-

religious approach. One can observe a trend towards Islamisation of school culture in public schools

(Kwok, 2014). Parents expect public schools to be neutral and reflect the multicultural heritage of a

country that recognized six religions. However, over the past decade, public schools have increasingly

adopted policies that favour Islam, the majority religion. This trend becomes apparent from mandatory

Muslim-styled dress codes to reciting verses from the Koran before morning lessons.

29

Religious education in the Christian-affiliated school

Interviews: The Christian school indicated that they build their school around education in ‘unity in

diversity’. ‘Although the founder is Christian, this school is not build with the purpose of Christianisation. The

purpose is to facilitate proper education’. At the Christian school, the method used to teach religion is very

unique; ‘we do not separate the students based on religion, but we teach interreligious class. So faith

communication between students’. The school policy is to make the school a ‘multiculturalism laboratory’.

The school still uses the state curriculum, but adjusts the content towards a more general subject-

matter. ‘For example, in the content for Christian teaching, the curriculum instructs to learn students about

democracy based on the bible, we change it to democracy based on God’s word. So it’s not just democracy in

Christian perspective, but interreligious perspective’. According to the religious teacher at the Christian

school, the purpose of religious education is to educate students so ‘in the future, they can use the

multicultural perspective in the multicultural society’.

From our interview with scholar of religoon Tabita Kartika Christiani, it became apparent that

most Christian schools in Indonesia only provide one form of religious education. In contradiction with

the obligations of the 2003 Education Law, all students, regardless of their religious background,

receive Christian religious education. Tabita explains: “In Indonesia there are so many laws that are not

implemented well, and nobody knows, nobody cares.” Furthermore, scholar of religion Mohamad Yusuf

pointed out the influence of the social context of the schools. He found a correlation between the

content of religious education at Christian schools and their geographical location. Schools located in

areas with a Christian majority, ‘provide Christianity which focuses merely on theology. The student will only

learn about Scripture, memorising scriptures and practising religious rituals’. In contrast, schools located in

Christian minority areas not only focus on the cognitive aspects of religious teachings, but are more

inclined to teach about ethics and attitudinal aspects of Christianity: “Within Christian religious education

in the minority context, students not only learn Christian teachings but also ethics, for instance, how to deal with

society? How do religious teachings respond to societal issues?’

Literature: In Christian schools, religious education is predominantly mono-religious (Yusuf, 2016,

p.95). However, Christian religious education emphasises both ethical and doctrinal aspects of

Christianity. Findings from a recent empirical study of religious education models in Islamic, Christian

and Hindu affiliated schools in Indonesia (Yusuf, 2016) indicate that Christian schools tend to integrate

non-theological aspects such as democracy, human rights and other societal problems into their

religious teachings. Students are encouraged to reflect their theological Christian teachings in their

daily lives (Yusuf, 2016, p.97). Religious communities seem to influence school policy at Christian-

affiliated schools. Christian schools often receive teaching materials and financial support from

religious communities and are all led by an active member of the Christian community (Yusuf, 2016,

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p.99). However, almost all Christian schools participate in the centralised State examination for

religious education, demonstrating the acknowledgement of both the power of the state and religious

communities.

Religious education at the Islamic school

Interviews: At the Islamic school, students are separated during religious classes. The teacher

combines the government curriculum with the institutions’ curriculum. She teaches religious

education based on experience. In her view, religion is not about knowledge, but about ‘practising

religious values and how we live the religion in daily life’. She teaches about other religions, creates religious

dialogues by inviting teachers from other faiths during religious classes and organises fieldtrips to

minority communities. Her methods are quite unique; ‘My methods here are different from the other Islamic

schools here, they focus on theory. I try to teach students not to be exclusive’. She states that the aim of

religious education is ’to teach how to be a good person, with good behaviour in the context of society. How to

be tolerant, how to be good to the other, despite our differences. It’s about learning universal values(…).

Eliminating prejudice is the goal of my teachings’.

Literature: Results from recent empirical studies (e.g. Yusuf, 2016) indicate that Islamic schools tend

to emphasise the creation of religious identity in Islamic religious education. Almost all students at

Islamic-affiliated schools are Muslim. Schools usually do not teach about other religious traditions

(Yusuf, 2016, p.96). Policies of religious education in Islamic schools are usually strongly influenced by

both the state and religious communities. Islamic schools use the state curriculum and textbooks

together with additional curricula and teaching materials developed by their religious communities

(Yusuf, 2016, p.98). Some scholars like Kathleen Woodward (2015) detect a general trend within

Islamic schools regarding the teaching of democratic values and pluralism. She observes that civic

education in Islamic schools is often taught with specific Islamic interpretations that change the

meaning of concepts, particularly pluralism: “The pluralism aspect is addressed in the sense that the

Constitution of Medina is used as evidence that Muhamad allowed non-Muslims to live in a Muslim

society, but it is not addressed in the manner Westerners may assume when they hear the word

pluralism” (Woodward, 2015, p.19). Consequentially, while Islam and democracy’s compatibility are

stressed in Islamic civic education, tolerance for pluralism is generally limited (Woodward, 2015, p.1).

She argues that the mainstream Islamic schools are important actors in the increasing Islamization of

Indonesian society: ‘Islamic schools are homogenizing Islam in Indonesia and shaping the public

discourse and democracy in ways that are infused with modernist Islamic values’ (p.20).

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In line with the state’s policy, the approach to teaching religion in public schools is mono-religious/

confessional. Public schools seem to be more inclined to follow state policy when it comes to

providing separate religion classes to students from different religious backgrounds. Even though

most religiously-affiliated schools seem to favour mono-religious education, statements from our

interviewees indicate that the social context of the educational institutions might influence the

preferred approach to religious education. Moreover, local religious communities and institutes

appear to play a significant role in shaping the content of religious education in religiously-affiliated

schools. Furthermore, studies show that Islamic schools tend to emphasize the creation of religious

identity in Islamic teachings whereas Christian schools are more inclined to focus on ethical, as well

as doctrinal aspects of their religion. In general, we can observe a shift towards a more religiously

engaged (school) culture, reflecting the state policy and according to some, the Islamization of

Indonesian society in general.

C. MICRO-LEVEL: ATTITUDES TOWARDS RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY IN SCHOOLS

As the effectiveness of teaching for tolerance appears to be highly influenced by preferences and

attitudes of individual teachers, this section focusses on the teachers’ attitudes towards religion and

religious diversity in schools. Conducting our own exploratory interviews in Yogyakarta, we have made

several observations regarding the attitudes of religion teachers towards religion and religious

diversity in society and schools.

In general, the Indonesian people regard religion as (very) important in their life. Results of the World

Values Survey 2005-2009 indicate that only 1.2 percent of the respondents regard religion as not very

important (0.9%) or not important at all (0.3%). 91% of the respondents regard religious faith as one

of the five most important qualities that children should be encouraged to learn. Over 85% of the

respondents agree (26.6%) or strongly agree (58.7%) with the statement that politicians who do not

believe in God are unfit for public office.

With regard to general attitudes towards (religious) diversity in Indonesian society, the

database of the World Value Survey provides some indicators. 41% of the general population regards

ethnic diversity as enrichment. When asked which people they do not like to have as their neighbour,

31% mentioned people from a different race whereas 33% mentioned people from a different religion.

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Public secondary schools

Interviews: The director of the public school, pak Budi articulated that in his school, all students are

equal. “Discrimination based on religion does not exist in this school”. He explained that the school facilitates

a program for all religion teachers to visit different places of worship, in order to create a more

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multiculturalist view. “[This way] we also built this multicultural perspective on all the teachers”. Budi

furthermore states that “In this school, we try to implement the highest level of tolerance”. He explains that

the highest level of tolerance means understanding, accepting and celebrating differences.

Religious scholar Mohamad Yusuf suggested that teachers in public schools are generally more

tolerant towards other religions then religion teachers at religiously-affiliated schools. However, his

premise is primarily based on the theoretical assumption that intergroup contact would eliminate

prejudice (Allport) and does not necessarily reflect the reality. He argued that “If they work in the public

school, they are able to interact with students or with teachers from different religious backgrounds. And then

they become more tolerant. But in private schools, where the school only hires teachers from the same religious

backgrounds, they have no opportunity to interact with teachers from different religious backgrounds, and they

tend to be more exclusive and more intolerant.”

Literature: In 2008, the Centre for Islamic and Social Studies of the State University of Jakarta,

conducted a survey which focused on the socio-religious attitude and behaviour of religious teachers

in Java (UIN, 2008). A total of 500 religion teachers from different public secondary schools in Java

were asked to participate. The results indicate that only 18.5 percent of the teachers agree with the

statement that children need to learn about another religion, apart from their own. 10.4 percent of

the respondents report that their Muslim students learn about non-Islamic religions, whereas 26

percent state that their schools conduct inter-religious dialogues. Furthermore, teachers were asked

to indicate the most important goal of their teachings. 3 percent agreed that the value of tolerance is

the most important goal or second most important goal (11 percent). The majority of the teachers

regarded ‘noble virtue’ and ‘obedient in worshipping’ as their top goals (Tan, 2011, p. 117). According

to Dr. Burhanuddin, the director of CISS, this 'anti-pluralist view' of most religion teachers is likely to

reflect in their school lessons (Tan, 2011, p. 117).

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Christian-affiliated secondary schools

Interviews: When asked about teachers attitudes towards religion in Christian-affiliated schools,

religious scholar Tabitha explained that teachers often view that it is their responsibility to provide

confessional religious education to students in compliance with students’ religious backgrounds: “They

say they have to teach their students their own faith to make sure that they go to heaven”. Teachers are often

afraid that teaching about other religions will confuse the students and make them question their own

religious affiliation. “[They think that] if students know about other religions, they can change their religion.

Something like that, a kind of fear about that. Their students only have to know Christianity, and they will go to

heaven.”

33

Literature: In 2014, scholar of religion Tabita Kartika Christiani studied the ways Religiosity Education

-as an alternative to Catholic religious education- was implemented in some Catholic schools in

Yogyakarta (Christiani, 2014). Religiosity Education aims at teaching students to appreciate different

religions. Between October and December 2012, she interviewed Catholic religious education teachers

from 10 different Catholic schools in Yogyakarta. Some respondents indicated that they don’t feel the

need to teach students about other religions, because most students are Catholic. They argue that

Catholic parents send their children to a Catholic school so they will learn about Catholic teachings and

be educated in a Catholic manner. Learning about other religions might lead to less understanding of

their own Catholic teachings (p.535). Furthermore, there are practical issues to consider: if almost all

students are Catholic, it is hard to conduct an inter-faith dialogue in the classroom. Moreover, some

Catholic religious education teachers indicate that they are not confident enough to teach religiosity

education, as they feel they do not possess adequate knowledge of other religions (p.535). Christiani

furthermore indicates that nationally formulated government regulations do not stimulate schools to

implement other forms of religious education. She argues that there are two substantive reasons for

teachers' worries and fears regarding the implementation of religiosity education: “First, if they do not

obtain approval from the Office of Education for their syllabus, the school will not be accredited and the teachers

will not be certified. Secondly, the implementation of Catholic religious education anticipated a plan for a national

exam on religious education. Nationally and formally, the subject is Catholic religious education, not religiosity

education. If a school does not implement Catholic religious education' the students may not be able to answer

the questions in the national exam” (p.536).

Teachers’ attitudes towards religion and religious diversity in Islamic secondary schools

Interviews: The Islamic school is an Ahmaddiyah school, a repressed minority within Indonesian Islam.

The school has experienced oppression and violence from Islamic fundamentalist groups. This

experience shaped the teacher’s view on religious education; ‘it made me more inclusive and me more

eager to learn students not to be exclusive’. In her experience, exclusivism is a product of truth claims and

dawa (proselytizing Islam). She argues that religious education plays an important role in teaching

tolerance: “in Indonesia the situation now is about conflict and violence. This conflict and violence is always

based on the prejudices and stereotypes. So I try to eliminate the prejudice by meeting, by dialogue, with the

people who have different identities”. Statements from the teacher furthermore indicate that not all

Islamic school teachers share the same tolerant attitude towards other religions: ‘Teachers from other

schools regard me as a liberalist, judge me because I am a pluralist [=haram]. Not all Islamic school teachers

embrace the same inclusive approach. “There are different perspective on how to teach Islam, there are many

people who want to teach exclusive way, but also a pluralist way”. She observes a growing tendency towards

exclusive Islamic teaching since the 1998 Reformation: “I taught for 30 years: before the reformation I didn’t

34

see exclusive teachings, but after that massive”. The teacher furthermore explains that this tendency

towards exclusivism goes beyond school walls: "My school was attacked by some groups. And the local

government asked us to stop the activities, if we want to be safe we had to stop. So they take the side for exclusive

groups, not to protect inclusive groups. So indirectly the government, and also the police, support the exclusive

groups.”

Literature: Results from a recent study on the perceptions of teachers and students towards religious

diversity in Islamic secondary schools in Solo (Baidhawy, 2014) indicate that nearly one-third of the

Islamic school teachers in Solo express intolerant views towards socio-religious differences. Baidhawy

specifies that tolerant teachers believe that God considers Islam as the only true religion, and

consequently that all religions other than Islam are rejected by God. However, this group also believes

that the existence of other religions must be recognized and respected, as they are all protected under

the Indonesian Constitution (Act 1945). Tolerant teachers view religious freedom as an human right,

and therefore believe that Muslims must respect all religions and beliefs of others, while remaining

faithful to Islam. Tolerant teachers encourage mutual respect and building good relationships between

Muslims and non-Muslims in the realm of social interaction among human beings (Baidhawy, 2014,

p.300). Similar to the tolerant teachers, intolerant teachers also believe that God considers Islam as

the only true religion, and that religions other than Islam - though accepted by the Government - are

rejected by God. The difference is that intolerant teachers believe that the duty of Muslims is to

convert non-Muslims. Muslims should spread the message and the mission of Islam (da'wah). Choosing

a religion other than Islam in the end would risk being cursed by God and put in hell. According to this

group, it is necessary to convince others that Islam is the only true religion. Therefore any religion

other than Islam is false. Participating in celebrating Christmas and holy days of other religions is

forbidden (haram). They avoid friendship with non-Muslims for fear of being converted into non-

Muslim (Baidhawy, 2014, p.300).

Most Indonesian religion teachers (82%) at public schools do not agree with the statement that

children need to learn about another religion, apart from their own. This view is likely to reflect in

their lessons. Furthermore, our findings indicate that most religiously-affiliated religion teachers

predominantly favour a mono-religious model of religious education. This view appears to be

motivated by a fear of converting and/or confusing the student. However, participants in our own

exploratory research in Yogyakarta, all express a strong willingness to implement a multireligious

perspective within religious education. These findings illustrate possibilities and commendable

efforts at teaching for tolerance that rely on the good will and spirit of individual teachers.

35

IV Differences and similarities

“The opposite of a correct statement is a false statement. But the opposite

of a profound truth may well be another profound truth.”

- Niels Bohr (1885-1962)-

In the following, I will compare the findings of the exploratory research in both countries, allowing for

a context-based interpretation of the results and contributing to a higher degree of understanding of

the social reality in the different national contexts. The chapter is divided into three sections where I

will discuss the most significant similarities and differences between the two countries on a macro-

(4.1), meso- (4.2), and micro-level (4.3).

4.1 Differences and Similarities on a Macro-Level

Public policies regarding religious education cannot be understood in a vacuum. Policies are generally

influenced by a variety of factors including public opinion, economic conditions, new scientific findings,

interest groups, NGOs, lobbyists and political activity (Gittell et al, 2012, p.110). Aside from the fact

that both countries share a common history and both struggle with the question of how to

accommodate (religious) diversity, societal differences between the two countries are manifold.

One of the most prominent differences between the Dutch and Indonesian society is (the

public opinion about) the role of religion in the public domain. Although Indonesia it is not an Islamic

state, Islam is very much a part of the public domain and policy making. Religions and faiths are

significant and powerful elements in the hearts of the Indonesian people. Consequentially, religion is

considered the foundation for national ethics and morality. In contrast, many people in the

Netherlands seem to marginalize the role of religion in contemporary ‘secular’ Dutch society. The

separation between Church and State characterizes the secularity and religious neutrality of the state.

Even though this separation between Church and State does not mean a separation between religion

and the public domain, many Dutch seem to articulate this point of view. These views are reflected in

the position of religious education in the educational policies of both countries.

DIFFERENCES: Engagement and supervision of the state

In the Netherlands, confessional religious education is not an obligatory school subject. Whether

religious education is compulsory or optional is part of the school policy. Moreover, the content of

religious education is not supervised by the state. Such measures would violate the separation

between church and state and the state’s neutrality with regard to religion.

In Indonesia, religious education is an important pillar of the official education system. It is

compulsory on all levels and the Ministry of Religious Affairs is actively involved in the development of

36

the different religious education curricula. The 2003 Education Law has been publicly criticized, mainly

with regard to the incorporation of religious values in the national educational system and the state’s

intervention regarding the practise of religious education in private schools (Yusuf, 2016, p.1).

SIMILARITIES: Religious education and citizenship

In the Netherlands, references to education in/about religion are predominantly shaped in the context

of citizenship education. The introduction of citizenship education in 2006 (article 17 WVO and core

objective number 43), is a manifestation of efforts made by the government to overcome current

challenges posed by the increasingly plural nature of Dutch society. In this context, teaching about

religions is perceived as a way to stimulate certain citizenship competences such as understanding

(worldviews of) fellow citizens.

In Indonesia, religious education is seen as an important factor in identity formation. Religious

education in Indonesia is primarily meant to internalize one’s own religion and to create ‘piety and

faithful persons’. However, whereas religious values are perceived as the foundation for national ethics

and morality, one can argue that the realm of religious education in Indonesia is regarded instrumental

in fostering and promoting civic values (M. Künkler and H. Lerner, 2016, p.18). Thereby indirectly

making religious education an important part of citizenship education.

4.2 Differences and Similarities on a Meso-Level

In both countries, schools can format their religious education within the requirements of the national

curriculum. However, the national curriculum regarding religious education in Indonesia is exceedingly

more extensive and, contrary to the Netherlands, Indonesian educational policies do not allow for a

‘free interpretation’ of prescribed objectives. In both countries, school policies regarding religious

education appear to be (highly) influenced by the ‘identity of the school’, the ‘student population’, the

‘preference of the teacher’ and, at some schools more than others, ‘external (religious) organisations’.

One obvious difference between the two countries is the fact that confessional religious education is

not taught by teachers working at public schools in the Netherlands. More specifically, following article

46/47 of the Law on Secondary Education (WVO), confessional religious education might be taught in

public schools, but school authorities do not take responsibility for the content of religious teachings.

This is a direct result of the neutrality of the state and by extension, the neutral character of public

schools in the Netherlands.

DIFFERENCES: The approach to religious education

In the Netherlands, one can distinguish between four main approaches to religious education. These

approaches are distinctly described by both Wiel Veugelers (2008) and Heid Leganger-Krogstad (2001).

37

Nowadays, religious education at secondary schools in the Netherlands is rarely confessional. Due to

secularisation and an increasingly diverse student population, most schools have embraced a more

sociological/historical approach to the phenomenon of religion in the form of ‘worldview formation’.

In this study, the text-oriented theological approach is only found in the Islamic secondary school.

In the Indonesian context, the approaches to religious education are clearly less diverse.

Religious education is almost always mono-religious/confessional. Religious teachings are

predominantly theological, text-oriented and dogmatic. Such an approach is possible because religious

affiliation of all students is presumed and students are separated during religious classes. Within

religious teachings one can observe a distinction between an inclusive and exclusive approach to

religious education. Exclusive religious teachings derive from an exclusive truth claim: one’s own

religion is the only religion that can claim truth. Other religions will only be positively evaluated insofar

they show similarities to one’s own religion (Sterkens, 2001, p.50; Yusuf, 2016, p.14). Inclusive mono-

religious education derives from an inclusive truth claim. Other religions are evaluated positively

inasmuch as they display signs of divine revelation: other religions mediate salvation through general

grace (Sterkens, 2001, p.51). Findings from this exploratory study indicate a growing tendency towards

an exclusive approach to (Islamic) religious education.

SIMILARITIES: Insufficient attention to the ‘religious other’

In the Netherlands and Indonesia, children and youth attending secondary schools seldom learn about

the diversity of the religious and world-view traditions that surround them. In Indonesia, this situation

is a direct result of the state’s preference for mono-religious education. There is limited attempt to

endorse teaching across religions, nor to teach about other religions in a way that promotes

understanding and religious tolerance. The emphasis is on religious socialization in one’s own religion.

As a direct result of the legal structure of the Dutch educational system, national formulated

core objectives concerning moral/value education are generally vague by their nature.

Consequentially, core objectives like number 43, obligating schools to teach students about differences

in cultures and beliefs, are often poorly implemented in secondary schools (Onderwijsraad, 2012). In

public secondary schools, religion is seldom part of the curriculum. If religion is being taught at all, it is

teaching about religion in which religion is addressed as a social/historical phenomenon rather than

something relevant to students’ personal lives.

4.3 Differences and Similarities on a Micro-Level

The findings of this exploratory research reaffirm the importance of teachers’ attitudes towards

religion and religious diversity in shaping the content of religious education at secondary schools.

Overall, we can observe that in Indonesia, teachers and religious scholars struggle with the question

38

of how to make religious education more inclusive, whereas in the Netherlands, current discussions

among teachers and religious scholars often concern the position of religion in education in general.

One interesting observation is the difference in the conceptualization of (religious) pluralism between

the two countries.

DIFFERENCE: The concept of (religious) pluralism

In the Netherlands, the acceptance of differences in religion and beliefs derives from the idea of

universalism of human rights, freedom and equality. In Indonesia, the concept of pluralism is often

addressed from within religious thought itself. Religious scriptures and values constitute the basis for

the acceptance of pluralism. For example, "people of the book” (Muslims, Jews, and Christians) should

be respected, as did Muhammad, for worshiping the same God and many prophets the same as

Muslims (Woodward, 2015, p.19). Consequentially, the acceptance of religious pluralism in Indonesia

is often restricted to accepting ‘variations of the same religious thought’, as long as they do not

threaten the credibility of one’s own beliefs. In a way, this point of view is similar to popular opinions

among the Dutch, where different worldviews are deemed acceptable as long as they are considered

compatible with democratic values and liberal thought.

Table 3: Overview of similarities and differences (RE=religious education, CE=citizenship education)

INDONESIA THE NETHERLANDS

MACRO LEVEL CONTEXT Pancasila

Preferred treatment of some religions

Religiously engaged citizens

Pluralism

Separation between Church-State

Inclusive neutrality of (secular) state

Secularized society

Pluralism STATE POLICY RE Confessional RE: compulsory

Religious values = national values (CE)

Extensive RE curriculum developed by ministry

Content of RE supervised by state

Confessional RE: optional

Learning about religions in context of CE: compulsory

No national developed curriculum regarding RE or CE

RE not supervised by state (separation Church-state)

MESO LEVEL

PUBLIC Mono-religious/confessional RE Absence of RE in general CHRISTIAN Mono-religious/confessional RE. In minority

context: more attention to ethical aspects

Varies: general shift from ‘transfer of knowledge’

‘personal development of student’ ISLAMIC Mono-religious/confessional RE Mono-religious/confessional RE GENERAL

OBSERVATION Absence of teaching across religions Poor implementation of CE + Insufficient attention to

(other) religion(s) as relevant to students personal lives.

MICRO LEVEL

GENERAL ISSUES How to make RE more inclusive? Position of religion within education? CONCEPT OF

PLURALISM Acceptance of pluralism derives from religious

scriptures and thoughts

Acceptance of pluralism derives from human rights and

liberal thoughts

39

V Discussion

“There is a worldwide ‘clash of ignorances’ as people of different faiths and cultural

traditions fail to understand and engage positively with their differences and, instead, seek to

destroy the other.”

- Ali Asani, 2015 -

Now we have analysed both educational policies as well as educational practises of religious education

in both countries, we will address the fourth sub-question: identifying possibilities and restrictions

provided by the legal framework, government policies, educational institutes and teachers’ attitudes

in the Netherlands (5.2) and Indonesia (5.3) with regard to the implementation of a model of religious

education which takes the religious other into account and fosters religious tolerance. First, I will briefly

highlight some theories and present-day initiatives that demonstrate potential for fostering religious

tolerance between religious groups in contemporary society (5.1).

5.1 Present-day Initiatives and theories on fostering religious tolerance

In Indonesia as well as in the Netherlands, various social organisations have developed activities for

promoting religious pluralism among adherents of different faiths. In both counties, numerous NGO’s

work on facilitating ongoing intercultural and interreligious dialogue as a means of fostering knowledge

and mutual understanding in a pluralistic context. An example of such an organisation in the

Netherlands is the foundation ‘Veelkleurige Religies Rotterdam’ (VVR). This initiative focuses on

appreciating diversity by establishing dialogue between participants from different religious and

cultural backgrounds. They organise lectures, symposia and trips to places of worship such as mosques,

mandirs, synagogues and churches.

In Indonesia, the institute for interfaith dialogue (Interfidei), provides a rich source of

information concerning interfaith activities. Established in 1991, Interfidei was the first interfaith

organization in the country. They offer short courses, exchange programmes, conferences, workshops,

publications and visits to religious centres. By using the word ‘interfaith’ rather than ‘inter-religious’,

Interfidei aims to ‘go beyond the institutional baggage of religion to focus on the faith of individuals’

(Tan, 2011, p. 142). In this new margin, bridges can be built through intellectual and emotional

connections. Most activities have proven to be fruitful for creating more understanding between

religiously affiliated participants.

The theoretical foundation for the idea that establishing encounters and dialogue will

contribute to building greater understanding between students of different religions and cultural

backgrounds, can be found in the earlier mentioned inter-group contact theory. According to this

theory, face-to-face encounters between members from different groups are likely to reduce prejudice

40

as contact would weaken in-group/out-group distinctions and related feelings of anxiety which fuel

negative attitudes.

Aside from applying dialogical methods in religious education as a way of stimulating

understanding of religious diversity and reducing negative associations between different (religious)

groups, some general criteria should be considered when and wherever teaching about religions and

beliefs takes place. In a recent UN-report (UN, 2010) of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion

or Belief, Heiner Bielefeldt focuses on the theme of freedom of religion or belief and school education.

In his report he expressed the following view: ‘(…) what is relevant is that education on religious trends,

traditions and movements as well as convictions, be provided in a fair and objective way, stimulating

the curiosity of the audience, encouraging it to question their bias and stereotypes about cultures,

religions and views other than the one which they see as being part of their own identity’ (UN, 2010,

par.26).

To accomplish such education, the Special Rapporteur recommends that states should

favourably consider a number of principles. He explicitly refers to the final document adopted at the

International Consultative Conference on School Education in relation to Freedom of Religion or Belief,

Tolerance and Non-discrimination (UN, 2001) and to the Toledo Guiding Principles on Teaching about

Religions and Beliefs in Public Schools (OSCE/ODIHR, 2007). The latter is prepared by the ODIHR

Advisory Council of experts on freedom of religion or belief with the aim of offering ‘practical guidance

for preparing curricula for teaching about religions and beliefs, preferred procedures for assuring fairness in the

development of curricula, and standards for how they could be implemented’ (OSCE/ODIHR, 2007, p.10).

According to these guidelines, school curricula that touch upon teaching about religions and beliefs

should ‘promote respect for freedom of religion or belief' and should be ‘impartial, balanced, inclusive, age

appropriate, free of bias and meet professional standards’ (UN, 2010, par.61). Among other things, the

Special Rapporteur urges states to favourably consider evaluating existing curricula in order to

determine whether they meet these standards.

Additionally, more and more scholars propose that including ‘religious literacy’ as an aspect of

education would improve social cohesion as it provides students with the necessary skills, tools, and

knowledge to function in a religiously diverse society (Rosenblith & Bailey, 2007, p.93; Moore, 2007).

Religious literacy means having knowledge of, and the ability to understand, various religions in

context. It means being aware of the roles religions play in human agency and understanding (Harvard

Religious Literacy Project). Diane Moore argues that the common approaches to religious education

are often insufficient when it comes to fostering religious literacy; “Such an understanding highlights the

inadequacy of understanding religions through common means such as learning about ritual practices or

exploring “what scriptures say” about topics or questions. Unfortunately, these are some of the most common

approaches to learning about religion and lead to simplistic and inaccurate representations of the roles religions

41

play in human agency and understanding”(Harvard Religious Literacy Project). Moore proposes

incorporating a method that recognizes that; 1) religions are not uniform but internally diverse; 2)

religions are not ahistorical and static but evolve and change over time; and 3) religious influences are

embedded in all dimensions of culture as opposed to the assumption that religions function in isolated

“private” contexts (Harvard Religious Literacy Project).

Integrating above mentioned insights, theories and suggestions, one can deduce that religious

tolerance will most likely be stimulated when: 1) teachers use dialogical methods; 2) the curriculum

content promotes respect for human rights (i.e. the freedom of religion and beliefs) and takes an

impartial, balanced, inclusive and non-discriminatory approach to teaching about religions and

beliefs and; 3) religious literacy among students is stimulated by incorporating an academic,

refectory study of religion throughout the curriculum.

5.2 Limitations and possibilities in the Netherlands

One can argue that the structure of the Dutch educational system provides limitations for the top-

down implementation of a specific model of religious education. The separation between Church and

State prevents the government from prescribing the content of (confessional) religious educational

practises. Furthermore, article 23 of the Dutch constitution guarantees the freedom of education.

Within this legal structure, the autonomic realization of religious education is part of the freedom that

schools enjoy.

Because of this legal structure, the Dutch government can –in principle- not interfere in the

practises of confessional religious education in schools. Therefore, one might ask in how far the state

can consider taking responsibility for ‘evaluating existing school curricula that touch upon teaching about

religions and beliefs in order to determine whether they promote respect for freedom of religion or belief and

whether they are impartial, balanced, inclusive, age appropriate, free of bias and meet professional standards’,

as proposed by the Special Rapporteur (UN, 2010, par.61). One might consider such measures to be

an unlawful interference of the State in ‘religious affairs’. On the other hand, under international

human rights law, states are expected to promote an atmosphere of tolerance and appreciation of

religious diversity (Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination

Based on Religion or Belief, art. 5, para. 3). Furthermore, one might wonder if providing certain (quality)

standards would directly affect, or unduly compromise the religious integrity of religiously-affiliated

schools. Even though it would be interesting and relevant to further explore these questions, such a

detailed examination goes beyond the scope of this research.

The situation would be less controversial when it does not concern confessional religious

education, but involves teaching about religions and beliefs in the context of citizenship education.

42

Since the introduction of citizenship education in the Netherlands, some religious educationalists have

seized the opportunity to reaffirm the importance of religious education as a means of promoting

religious tolerance among students. In the European context, religious education is often considered

to be an agent for orientation and dialogue in an increasing plural society with a manifold variety of

religions and cultures (Scheiner, 2015, p. 145). Consequently, Miedema & Bertram‐Troost (2008,

p.131) argue that religious education should be considered as an integral part of citizenship education:

‘a broad concept of citizenship education implies that religious education and development is part and parcel of

citizenship education and should not form an optional or facultative element, but instead a structural and

necessary element of all citizenship education’. They stress that from a societal as well as pedagogical point

of view, all schools should be obliged to foster a religious dimension to citizenship. Such a measure

would involve a responsibility of the government to ‘stimulate the policy of and practice in schools to foster

religious edification as part of an integral citizenship education, without any preference at the side of the

government itself for a particular world view or religion’ (Miedema & Bertram‐Troost, 2008, 131).

The current debate about the future of education in the Netherlands illustrates the divergent

opinions about the role and position of religious education within the educational field. Early 2015, the

State Secretary of Education, Culture and Science appointed an advisory commission, Platform

Onderwijs2032, which was instructed to produce an advisory report on the form and content of future

education and to make recommendations for reform. In their preliminary report, no references were

made to religious education or religion in general (PlatformOnderwijs2032, 2015). It appeared that the

commission deemed religious education as insignificant, given the decline of ‘traditional support

systems such as religion’ (Davidsen et al, 2015). In the process of public consultation, many scholars of

religion emphasized the need for knowledge about -and understanding of- religion as an important

skill that young people must acquire if they are to function effectively in a rapidly changing

multicultural society. Their plea for the acknowledgement of the importance of religious education

proved to be successful. In its final document, published January 2016, the commission included

several references to teaching about religion, among which: ‘Education must also help to develop social

skills, an open attitude, and knowledge and understanding of other cultures and religions. This will help students

to appreciate the major societal challenges of today, and to think about viable solutions’

(PlatformOnderwijs2032, 2016, p.22) and ‘Students will also learn about the cultural expressions of other

nations. This domain includes an exploration of religion as a manifestation of culture’ (p.39).

The value of the final document lies in the fact that it recognizes the relevance of religion in

the public domain and that it should be taught accordingly. However, the government cannot prohibit

schools from organizing their teachings in line with their own ideological principles. As a result of the

freedom of education, the ownership of religious and citizenship education rests with the school

(Onderwijsraad, 2012, p.12).

43

5.3 Limitations and possibilities in Indonesia

In Indonesia, religious education is understood as being about one’s own religion; it is mono-religious

education, predominantly meant to internalize one’s own religion. Integrating earlier mentioned inter-

group contact theory and the ethnic competition theory, it could be reasonably contended that mono-

religious education has the least potential for minimalizing prejudice and religious intolerance. As the

normative foundation for the mono-religious model is the absolute truth claim of one’s own religion,

it could be argued that theoretically, an exclusive mono-religious approach is even likely to induce

conflict of interest between religious groups. An absolute truth claim makes the truth by definition a

scarce resource, while according to the ethnic competition theory, competition over scarce resources

will lead to negative out-group attitudes.

Furthermore, article 12 of the 2003 Education Law prescribes that ‘every student is entitled to

receive religious education in accordance with his/her religion, imparted by an educator who has the same

religion’. Consequentially, students are separated in different classrooms during religious teaching

hours. Therefore, one can argue that the 2003 Education Law constitutes a limiting factor for the

implementation of religious dialogue among students from different religious backgrounds during

religious classes.

In 2009, Tabita Kartika Christiani (UKDW) analysed the curriculum of Christian education in

Indonesia. She concluded that ‘in the pluralistic Indonesian context, Christian education needs to change from

learning only Christian teachings to learning about and appreciating other religions, having interreligious

dialogue with people of other faiths, as well as working with al people for peace and justice and reflecting on it

religiously’ (Christiani, 2009, p.192). Since then, efforts have been made towards a less dogmatic

curriculum content, affirming an approach of ‘ethics over dogma’ in the latest 2013 Christian Religious

Education curriculum. In the 2015 edition of the Annual Report on Religious Life in Indonesia, which

analyses the content of religious education in the 2013 Curriculum, authors also advocate a more

‘inclusive’ approach to religious education: ‘considering the diversity of Indonesian society, it is essential for

religious education to cultivate an attitude of appreciation for differences without marginalizing the

strengthening of each believer’s commitment to his or her own religion’ (Suhadi et al., 2015, p.50). They argue

that religious education should be reflective and emphasize the transfer of values rooted in religion,

rather than memorizing dogma. While learning about ritual practices or exploring ‘what scriptures say’

does not contribute to a deeper understanding religion(s) in context (i.e. do not stimulate religious

literacy), it can be concluded that the contemporary religious education curriculum in Indonesia offers

significant possibilities for improvement.

When reflecting on the possibilities and restrictions of the implementation of a model of

religious education which takes the religious other into account, dispels stereotypes and fosters

religious tolerance, it is paramount to recognize the role and the importance of (the attitudes of) the

44

teacher. As mentioned before, previous research has shown that 82% of Indonesian religion teachers

do not agree with the statement that children need to learn about another religion, apart from their

own. It is unlikely that teachers who demonstrate such an anti-pluralist view are willing to teach about

other religions in an inclusive, impartial, balanced and non-discriminatory way. In order to effectuate

a structural change, the perspective of teachers must be addressed.

When analysing contemporary policies and practises of religious education and evaluating their

potential for stimulating religious tolerance among students, we can conclude that in the

Netherlands and Indonesia, children and youth attending schools do not learn enough about the

diversity of the religious and world-view traditions that surround them. In the Netherlands, this

situation is a direct result of the marginalization of the role of religion in the public domain, which

prevents schools from fully appreciating and implementing government policies related to teaching

about different religions and changes in cultures and beliefs. In Indonesia, the insufficient attention

to the ‘religious other’, appears to be directly related to the preference of the government, schools

and religion teachers for a mono-religious model. Teaching about other religions is discouraged.

Other religions might be discussed, but only from the perspective of one’s own religion.

45

VI Conclusions

“‘Freedom of religion and school education is a multifaceted issue that entails significant

opportunities as well as far-reaching challenges.”

- Heiner Bielefeldt, 2010 -

This study focussed on analysing the field of religious education in the Netherlands and Indonesia on

a macro-, meso-, and micro-level. By mapping the status quo of religious education in public and

religiously-affiliated secondary schools, this study aimed to provide insights in possibilities and

different ways to further stimulate the development of education that contributes to the elimination

of negative stereotypes and the stimulation of religious literacy among students. We have applied a

qualitative, descriptive research design that contains of a review study of legal documents, policy

statements and exploratory interviews with scholars, administrators and teachers in the educational

field. The overarching question this study aimed to answer was: What is the current state of affairs

regarding religious education in public and religiously-affiliated secondary schools in the Netherlands

and Indonesia and what can both countries learn from each other with regard to policies and practises

of religious education as a means of promoting religious tolerance?

We can conclude that in the Netherlands and Indonesia, children and youth attending schools

do not learn enough about the diversity of the religious and world-view traditions that surround them.

Contemporary policies and practises in both countries are insufficient when it comes to stimulating

religious literacy among the young. In Indonesia, teachers and religious scholars struggle with the

question of how to make confessional religious education more inclusive. In the Netherlands, current

discussions among teachers and religious scholars often concern the position of religion in education

in general.

Religions and faiths are significant and powerful elements in the hearts of the Indonesian

people. In contrast, many people in the Netherlands seem to marginalize the role of religion in

contemporary ‘secular’ Dutch society. These views are reflected in the importance given to religious

education in government policies and educational practises in both countries. Even though religious

education can be considered an agent for orientation and dialogue in a pluralistic society, the link

between religious education and religious tolerance in educational practises in both countries is

seldom utilized. In a pluralistic society, a one-sided emphasis on one’s own religion during religious

classes is far more likely to divide than to unite students. Likewise, not teaching about religion at all

will not provide students with the acquired religious and world view literacy needed to fully

understand their fellow citizens. Consequentially, one can conclude that in both the Netherlands and

Indonesia, opportunities and possibilities to effectuate religious tolerance through religious education

are not fully seized. Therefore, I have formulated the following recommendations.

46

VII Recommendations

“Succeeding in portraying the others so that they can recognize themselves provides not only

a valuable and inspiring educational experience; it also help create understanding and

mutual respect between different communities or world-views.”

- Abdelfattah Amor, 2002-

In general, contemporary educational policies should prepare students for the reality of life in a

pluralistic society. Policies should intent to strengthen accurate understanding of others, ensuring

respect and acceptance of diversity, eliminate stereotypes and foster (religious) tolerance. Drawing on

the findings of this research and conforming to suggestions of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of

religion or belief (UN, 2010), I have formulated the following recommendations;

a) Realize that religious education is relevant to the public domain and that it should be taught

accordingly;

b) Disseminate the importance of teaching for tolerance and be aware of the key role that

religious education and teachers can play in moral education. Religion teachers are handling

both potentials for dialogue and understanding as well as those for conflict;

c) Religious education should be taught in accordance with general education criteria

(educational quality). Encourage an impartial, balanced, non-discriminatory, inclusive and

unbiased approach to teaching about religions and beliefs;

d) Review to what extent existing teacher-training institutes are proficient in providing teachers

with the necessary tools, expertise and knowhow for teaching about religion in a way that

promotes respect for the religious other;

e) Subsidise retraining for religion teachers. Religion teachers should be education professionals

who all possess sufficient self-awareness and derive their professional reflection on academic

study that allows for a critical appropriation of their own religious background and biography;

f) Provide opportunities for students and teachers for meetings and exchanges with their

counterparts of different religions;

g) Evaluate existing school curricula, teaching methods and textbooks in order to eliminate all

forms of discrimination and religious intolerance;

h) Establish advisory bodies that take an impartial, balanced and inclusive approach to involving

various stakeholders in the development of curricula and teaching methods for schools and

teacher-training institutions.

i) Orientate on present-day initiatives like Interfidei (Indonesia) and Veelkleurige Religies (the

Netherlands) for sharing experience, insights and knowledge about interfaith dialogue.

47

Suggestions for future research

During my research, I observed an absence of comprehensive information about how religion is taught

in schools and how teacher-training institutes prepare present-day teachers for challenges and

opportunities related to teaching about religion in a multi-religious society. Therefore, suggestions for

future research include further analysing how religion is taught in public and religiously-affiliated

schools and, analysing how teacher-training institutes address content related to religion and religious

diversity. Additionally, it would be fruitful to further explore the integration of scientific knowledge

and educational practises. Therefore I urge States and research institutes to facilitate systematic

accumulation of knowledge regarding criteria for high-quality religious education and the

development of effective educational programs that foster religious tolerance.

Limitations

It must be emphasised that, due to time constrains, language barriers and the exploratory nature of

the research, this study has its limitations. Nevertheless, the results from this study seem relevant and

indicate that the matter needs to be studied more closely. The value of this exploratory research lies

in the fact that it sheds light on similarities and differences between the two countries and contributes

to a higher degree of understanding of the social reality in the different national contexts. The study’s

value is furthermore that it identifies gaps in available empirical data and provides suggestions for

future research.

48

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LEGISLATION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

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APPENDIX A PARTICIPANTS

NEDERLAND Openbaar onderwijs

Marleen Lammers, beleidsmedewerker/ onderwijsadviseur

VOS/ABB, de vereniging voor bestuur, management en medezeggenschap in het openbaar en algemeen toegankelijk onderwijs; VOS/ABB behartigt de belangen van bijna 300 besturen met in totaal ruim 2200 scholen met in totaal circa 700.000 leerlingen.

Christelijk onderwijs

Paul Boersma Gepensioneerd, voorheen leraar, onderwijskundige en adviseur bij Verus

Verus, de vereniging voor katholiek en christelijk onderwijs in Nederland. Ruim 4000 scholen in het basisonderwijs, voortgezet onderwijs, middelbaar beroepsonderwijs en hoger onderwijs zijn aangesloten. Vanuit het hart inspireert, begeleidt en ondersteunt Verus bestuurders, toezichthouders, schoolleiders, docenten en ouders.

Islamitisch onderwijs

Rasit Bal, voormalig directeur van de Islamitische Scholen Besturen Organisatie (ISBO)

De Islamitische Schoolbesturen organisatie, ISBO, verenigt scholen op islamitische grondslag en is een geïntegreerde organisatie voor bestuur en management van de scholen. Bij de ISBO zijn op dit moment 41 van de 50 totaal islamitische scholen aangesloten.

Specialist Elza Kuyk, Wetenschappelijk coördinator Remonstrants Seminarium

Gespecialiseerd in onderwijs en godsdienst. Belangrijkste publicatie: “Religious Education in Europe. Situation and Current Trends in Schools”, 2007, IKO/ICCS, Noorwegen. Elza Kuyk, Roger Jensen e.a. (eds).

Overig:

Hindoeïstisch onderwijs

SHON Niet gebruikt want basisonderwijs

Cultuureducatie MOCCA Niet gebruikt want geen religieuze educatie

Interculturele dialoog

Platform IENS, Alper Alasag

Gebruikt als achtergrond informatie over (effecten van) interculturele dialoog.

INDONESIE

Openbaar onderwijs

Pak Budi, directeur &godsdienstleraar

SMAN 7, een openbare middelbare school in Yogyakarta

Christelijk onderwijs

Pak Sartana, godsdienstleraar

SMA Bopkri 1, een christelijke middelbare school in Yogyakarta

Islamitisch onderwijs

Ibu Anis, godsdienstlerares

SMA Piri 1, een Islamitische middelbare school. Let op: Geen mainstream Islam maar Ahmaddiyah school, een onderdrukte minderheid binnen de Indonesische Islam.

Specialist Pak Mohamad Yusuf (UGM)

Gepromoveerd op onderzoek naar modellen van religieuze educatie binnen Islamitische, Christelijke en Hindoeïstische scholen in Indonesië.

Specialist Ibu Tabita Kartika Christiani (UKDW)

Gepromoveerd op onderzoek naar godsdienstonderwijs in Christelijke en Katholieke scholen in Indonesië.

Overig

Kyai Gus Reza, religieus leider Islamitische boardingschool

Niet opgenomen gesprek + e-mail vragen, achtergrond informatie

Interreligieuze dialoog

Interfidei (NGO) Niet opgenomen gesprek achtergrond informatie

Specialist Suhadi Niet opgenomen gesprekken, achtergrond informatie

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APPENDIX B INTERVIEWGUIDE

School policy

1. In which ways are you involved in the subject of religion and tolerance in education? Are you involved in school policies or are there other ways in which you gain insight in the link between government policy and the educational curriculum?

2. What are the characteristics of the relation between religion and education according to your own experiences?

3. Does the (religious) background of the school influences the preference given to certain models of religious education? (social context)

4. How do you implement the curriculum (Indonesia) or educational goals (the Netherlands) into your everyday teaching practises? (teaching methods)

Teaching practises/ attitudes

1. How do teachers in public resp. private secondary education relate to religion/ideology? a. Do you consider religion to be part of education and upbringing and if so, what is the aim

of religious education? (pedagogical aspects/ general goal of religious education) b. What kind of definition of religion is practised? c. Does the notion of neutrality (inclusive/exclusive) play a role in the choice of a position

towards religion and education? d. If so, are there demonstrable differences in positions? e. How do teachers relate to interreligious education?

2. How do (teachers in) public resp. private secondary education relate to religious or ideological diversity in the society? a. (How) do you pay attention to religious or ideological identity? b. In what ways is this diversity visible inside schools? c. Which factors play a role in the specific way a school deals with religious or ideological

diversity? d. (How) does the school’s own identity play a role, when dealing with and formulating a

vision on religious or ideological diversity?

3. How do (teachers in) public resp. private secondary education relate to religious tolerance as religious-pedagogical/didactic goal? a. How is tolerance defined? b. What is your opinion about religious tolerance as an educational goal and what (if any)

are your strategies in teaching religious tolerance in this school? (religious tolerance) c. What are the possibilities and barriers to implement a model of (religious) education

aimed at increasing (religious) tolerance? (limitations & possibilities) d. Are there possibilities to pay attention to tolerance either within or outside religious

education? e. In how far do you have experience with education in citizenship and tolerance? f. Broader perspective of citizenship education: is there also space for other

religions/interreligious understanding? Would there also be an opportunity to meet the (religious) other within the frame of citizenship education?

g. In what ways are interreligious and social connections between students addressed?