Reflection and Refraction of Patriarchy in Punjabi Folkloredirpub.org/images/proceedings_pdf/EA0617116.pdf · Reflection and Refraction of Patriarchy in Punjabi Folklore. Dr. Rekha

Reflection and Refraction of Patriarchy in Punjabi Folklore

Dr. Rekha Sood Handa

Head PG Dept. of History, Associate Professor, DAV College, Abohar, Pb., India

Email id- [email protected], Mobile Number- 9417173591

Abstract: After entering in the second decade of 21st century and facing the affect of patriarchy in spite of having too many laws for elevation in the stature of women, it becomes indispensable to hit upon its foundation.

Patriarchy in one form or the other continued to be a fundamental component of Indian society same in Punjabi

culture. Folklore or oral traditions have been well thought-out as reminisced knowledge and its carriers have

been both men and women that is why it is becoming a new source of historical information. In the hierarchical

character of Punjabi society a woman occupied the ambivalent state of affairs she was adorned with the

beautiful relationships as daughter, mother, wife, daughter in law, mother in law, sister in law, maternal ant and

paternal aunt. Historical literature clearly indicates the dubious nature of the relationship due to the deep

embedded patriarchy. Whether the women in Punjab were not aware of the injustice done to them or were they

never been candidly vocal against the patriarchy. Probably they were never so strong to raise their voice against

the male dominating social structure. Hitherto available historical writings have not acknowledged the Punjabi

folklore to trace the history of women. Moreover patriarchy was certified as sacred and was being strengthened

by the religious texts. While tracing and examining history and culture of the unrecorded fragment of society i.e.

women, it becomes relevant to explore what they were doing while men were making history or, how they

responded to the historical and cultural period of nineteenth century, what reflections and refractions are

evident to analyze and describe the position of women in the 19th century society. Present paper is a humble

attempt to reconstruct the history of Punjabi women by exploring the folklore of 19th

century and using it as a

source for researching women’s concealed approach for and against male dominated Punjabi society.

Abstract: Reflection, Refraction, Punjab, Folklore

1. Introduction

After entering in the second decade of 21st century and facing the affect of patriarchy in spite of having too

many laws and government policies for elevation in the stature of women, it becomes pertinent to hit upon its

foundation. Boutros- Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary General of the United Nations, in Fourth International

Conference of Women, uttered that there is no country in the world where men and women enjoy complete

equality.1Patriarchy in one form or the other continued to be an indispensable component of South Asian

countries and same can be easily traced in Indian society as well as Punjabi culture. Pre-Partition Punjab was

northern-western state of India located in the Southern Asian country and women living in the said domain

irrespective of caste and religious ties are Punjabi women. Punjabis have a rich folklore containing folktales,

songs, ballads, epics and romances as Qisse, Vars, Heire, Sithniyan, Suhag, Ghorhiyan, Watna, Alauhani,

Chhand Praga, Boliyan, Khed Geet and Nacch Geet2, reflects the profound patriarchal social structure.

2. Objectives and Review of literature

The present paper is a humble attempt to investigate analytically and critically the situation of 19th century

women in the hierarchical character Punjabi society in the Punjabi folklores. Virginia Woolf has rightly

remarked about Indian women- “Imaginatively she is of the highest importance practically she is completely

insignificant. She pervades poetry from cover to cover, she is all but is absent from history”.3 The paper falls

within a number of a broad disciplinary domains including sociolinguistic, the history, anthropology and

sociology, gender studies and folkloristic. Colonial historical dialogue and gender historical literature especially

Manmohan Kaur4 , Gail Minnault,

5 Jasodhara Bagchi

6, Anshu Malhotra

7 and Kalpana Das Gupta

8clearly

indicates the ambiguous nature of the relationship due to the deep embedded patriarchy. Current paper addresses

a few quarries: Whether the women in Punjab were not aware of the injustice done to them or had they never

been candidly vocal against the patriarchy? It will explore which reflections of patriarchy are visible in the folk

6th International Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences (SHSS-2017) June 29-30, 2017 London (UK)

https://doi.org/10.15242/DIRPUB.EA0617116 52

mailto:[email protected]

traditions of Punjab? In this cram I would trace four most common indicators of patriarchy in Punjab pointing

towards the lower status of women on the basis of folklore: Son Preference; Female Infanticide; Psycho- Social

Conditioning and Crime against Women.

3. The Current Paper

So far as first indictor of patriarchy in Punjab „the son preference’ is concerned it has been found that from

the ancient times son was valued more than the daughter.9Multiple positive indicators in the form of imagery

like deeva (earthen candle), phul (flower), light( roshan), chand (moon) and chiraag (earthen candle) were used

for male baby. A few folk songs were jam-packed with resentment against the women without a successor and

the word deeva or (earthen lamp) is a metaphor for son. ਜਜ ਘਰ ਦੀਵਾ ਨਾ ਫਲੇ, ਆਗਂਣ ਨਾ ਖੇਡੇ ਫਾਲ,ਉ ਨ ੂੰ ਰਾਜਾ ਕੀ ਢਣੀ,ਉਸ ਆ ਢਣੀਆਂ ਕਰਤਾਰ (Who can punish a women without a son, no child to play in the home, already been punished by God ). Marriage remained an important event in the life

10 of women in Punjabi social structure. As

soon as the female became married she was called Suhagan. Matrimony in course of time was to be followed by

maternity. An inquest with longing for a male embryo was sought after: ਰੱਤਾ- ਰੱਤਾ ਪ ੱ ਲ ਦਾ ਰੂੰਗ ਲਾਲ, ਜਕਸੜੀ ਸਾਗਣ ਤਜੜਿਆ?ਂ ਰੱਤਾ- ਰੱਤਾ ਪ ੱ ਲ ਦਾ ਰੂੰਗ ਲਾਲ, ਬਾਫ ਸਾਗਣ ਤਜੜਿਆ ਂ !11(Dark red- red flower blossomed with evergreen dark red colour, by which married lady plucked?, dark red dark red flower blossomed with evergreen

dark red colour, has plucked by my brother‟s fortunate wife). Flow of sentiment for the birth celebration of male

child was to be all fun and joviality. It is perceptible in other segment of song when the happiness of male birth

is boosted like this-ਅੱਧੀ- ਅੱਧੀ ਰਾਤ ਸਈ ਰਬਾਤ,ਜਕਸੜੇ ਘਰ ਭੂੰ ਡਲ ਵੱਜਜਆ?ਅੱਧੀ- ਅੱਧੀ ਰਾਤ ਸਈ ਰਬਾਤ, ਭੇਰੇ ਘਰ ਭੂੰ ਡਲ ਵੱਜਜਆ12! (In the midnight, day shines, which house was swirled? In the midnight, day brightens it‟s my home swirled!). She was scoffed off openly. She could not wear dirt free clothes. Many restrictions were imposed to a

female without a son and negative terminology such as banjh (child less) was common. ੱ ਤਰਾਂ ਵਾਜਿਆਂ ਦੇ ਭਲੇੈਭੈਲ ਵੇ , ਤੇਰ ੇ ਸੇ ਤੇ ਾਵੇ ਕੱੜੇ ਨੀ, ੱ ਤਰਾਂ ਵਾਜਲਆਂ ਦੀ ਜਬਜੀ ਜਬਜੀ ੇਜ,ਤੇਰੀ ੇਜ ਚੂੰਫਾ ਨੀ ਜਖਜੜਆ13 (The ladies with sons have filthy clothes, but yours are bright and clear, Fortunate are those having sons, on yours bed no flower

blossomed) ੱ ਤਰਾਂ ਫਾਂਝ ਨਾ ਸੂੰ ਦੀਆ ਭਾਵਾਂ,ਬਾਵੇਂ ਸਣ ਸ ਰਾਂ ਜਰਆਂ14 (Without sons mothers does not look nice though they be the beautiful fairies!)

The women were facing questionable social tribulations and Infanticide was one of the most common

practices among the higher and lower sections of society.15

Punjab, the cradle of Vedic culture placed women at

the stature of the risahngis but Atharvaveda contains charms and rituals to ensure the birth of a son in preference

to that of a daughter16

. Slowly the deterioration in the society resulted into the practice of infanticide in „some

sections of Hindu society during medieval period‟17

. At the advent of British rule in Punjab the custom seems to

have prevailed in the upper and lower classes as well. Female infanticide was explained in many northern and

western castes as being related to hyper gamy, status, maintenance and dowry. Hence it was wished there should

be no daughter. The operant societal wisdom in the form of sayings was common: ਧੀ ਸੱਦੀ ਨਾ ਭਰੇ;ਧੀ ਵਦੀ ਨਾ ਭਰੇ ;ਧੀ ਜੂੰ ਭਦੀ ਭਰ ਜਾਏ ;ਜਜ ਦਾ ਦ ੱ ਖ ਵੀ ਨਾ ਆਏ (Daughter should not die while laughing, Daughter should not die while married, Daughter should die after birth No pain be there) Punjabi folk of the time were devoid of any

kind desires and blessings for the birth of girl rather methods to kill daughters became more systematized. ਗ ੜ ਖਾਈ ਂ ਣੀ ਕਤੀ , ਆ ਨਾ ਆਈ,ਂ ਵੀਰਾ ਘਤੀ (Eat jaggery, spin cotton, don‟t come yourself send brother). In 1848 John Lawrance

18 took measures to stop female infanticide and sati by giving a slogan „ Beva Mat Jalao; Beti Mat

Maro; Kuri Mat Dabao‟ means Don‟t Burn a widow; Don‟t kill a daughter; Don‟t dig a girl‟. British Colonial

intervention led to the formation of Act VIII of 1870 which prohibited female infanticide. It was not easy for the

social reformers and British colonial government to interfere in the Punjabi customs which were common among

the masses. The census of 1911 reported the number of Hindu Jat girls in Punjab were 839 per 1000 boys19

.

Deep rooted patriarchy had its reflections in the outward manifestation of Psychological and Social

Conditioning. A girl child was conditioned in an upbringing which had to be altogether different from a boy



child. They were the creatures of two entirely different worlds. The domains of activity were set according to

which it was not considered for female to go out of home for wages.20

The gendered ambiance reflection were

belittling in nature as a proverb forbids grinding to male; womb to bull and trail to female ਭਰਦ ਨ ੂੰ ਚੱਕੀ; ੂੰ ਢੇ ਨ ੂੰ ਗਰਬ; ਰਨ ਨ ੂੰ ਰਾਸ! The females were believed to stay in the four walled home as it was a prevalent belief that her exposure to the outer world would lead to lose her value for marriage in a better family. Hence it was said ਅੂੰਦਰ ਫੈਠੀ ਲੱਖ ਦੀ,ਫਾਸਰ ਗਈ ਕੱਖ ਦੀ ! They were not even allowed to join three-fold indigenous centres of education consisting of Hindu village schools corresponding to those of the North-Western Provinces; Sikh schools, a large

proportion of which taught in the Gurmukhi character the language of the Sikh Scriptures or Granth; and

Muhammadan schools, usually conducted by the Mulla of the local mosque21

. As it was a well verified

approach that women can never acquire knowledge. It was a prevalent view the females getting education would

never come back home. By god‟s grace be back she could not be as whole as she been. The mocking attitude and

the comparative parameters with nonliving entities were visible in the proverb as: ਰੂੰਨ ਜਗਆਨਣ, ਬੇੜ ਅਸ਼ਨਾਨੂੰ , ਲਈ ਖ ਭਫ ਨਾ ਸਈ22 (Woman can‟t be erudite, Sheep can‟t be bathed, Loi (men‟s shawl) can never be white as mushroom.) The urge to read and write forced them to express their frustration in the suppressed environment in

a boli23

- ਨਾ ਭੈਂ ੜਿੀ ਗ ਰਭ ਖੀ, ਨਾ ਫੈਠੀ ਭੈਂ ਡੇਰ,ੇ ਜਨਤ ਨਵੀਆਂ ਭੈਂ ਜੜਿਾਂ ਫਜਲਆ, ਘਰ ਜਵਚ ਘ ੱ ਸਨੇਰ (I did not read Gurmukhi, neither I been Dere

24, every day I compose bolliyan, in the darkened home). Their mother asked them to prey for

the happiness and healthy life of their suhag (pati da sukh mang ni)25

. Conditioning was so strong that women

commit voluntary suicide by burning herself with the funeral pyre of her husband (Sati). Patriarchy was a

boulder as her mental abilities were either under developed or wasted upon questionable activities, whilst her

notions of right and wrong overlaid by a superstition and credulity…26

Women, as mother in law, always

remained a powerful feminine image and far more powerful than wife. Relations of these two in the family

always remained estranged. Feelings drained in the folklore are highly swelled especially when mother in law

traces excuses to trouble her subordinate. In the chhand her veiled abhorrence by uttering these words- ੱ ਚੂੰਦਰੀ ਦੇ ਰ ਦਨ ਣਾਵਾਂ,ੀੜਿੀ ਉਤੇ ਫਜਸਜਾ ਵੀਰਨਾ. She was to be pained by the work and at times memorize her paternal family‟s love and care as: ਭਜਆਂ ਨੇ ਰੱਖੀ ਭੈਂ ਲਾਡਲੀ, ਸ ਰੀ ਲੈ ਲਾਇ ਰਸ ਵ,ੇ ਐਵੇਂ ਜਨਭ ਗਵਾਇਆ, ਚੂੰਨਣ ਵਰਗੀ ਦੇਸ ਵੇ27 (my parents brought up me with love, in laws indulged me in bringing juice of sugarcane, wasted my existence, body

is alike sandal) she was not paid anything but pains of merciless hard labour in the family. ਉੱਠ ਨੀ ਨ ੂੰ ਸੇਂ ਜਨਿੱਜਿ ਸ ,ਚਰਖਾ ਛੱਡ ਤੇ ਚੱਕੀ ਢੋਂ (Get free oh daughter in law! Leave spinning wheel and start on grinding machine). She was being abused in the name of her parents being helpless her frustration drained in a boli: ਨਾ ਦੇ ੱ ਗਾਲੀਆ,ਂ ਏਥੇ ਭੇਰਾ ਕਣ ਣ?ੇ (Oh mother in law! Don‟t abuse me, no one is here of mine). Women had to be in purda (covering) while working from the male (in few cases female) members in family which was obnoxious for them. There

was a hidden reaction to get rid of this tradition: ਕਰੇ - ਕਰੇ ਕ ੱ ਜੇ ਜਵਚ ਜਭਰਚਾਂ ਭੈਂ ਰਗੜਾਂ, ਸ ਰੇ ਦੀ ਅੱਖ ਜਵਚ ਾ ਜਦਨੀ ਆ,ਂ ਘ ੂੰ ਡ ਕੱਢਣੇ ਦਾ ਭਰਨਾ ਭ ਕਾ ਜਦਨੀ ਆਂ (In the brand new urn I grind chilies, shall throw in the eyes of father in law, finish the job of covering face from father in law). The women folk were not getting adequate diet. At times had

to stay without getting equal share of eatables: ਸਰੇ ਭੇਰੇ ਨੇ ਕਰੇਲੇ ਜਲਆਂਦ,ੇ ੱ ਭੇਰੀ ਨੇ ਵੂੰ ਢ ੇਭੇਰੀ ਵਾਰੀ ਅੂੰ ਤੀਲਾ ਖੜਕੇ (My father in law brought bitter gourds, my mother in law distributed, at my turn the empty urn was sounding).

Punjabi folklore clearly portrays a picture of women‟s life in Punjab during 19th century, where a male child was

not only preferred by the Punjabi family, neighbored, the villagers but also by the society. The earnest desire for

having a son in family strengthened the patriarchal structure and furthered the tendency to kill a girl child which

was known in the literary terminology as Female Infanticide. In these state of affairs, the girls continued to stay

alive were brought up in strict ethical obedience with a number of social taboos. There is enough evidence that

they were not being sent to schools rather conditioned at home to respect and adore their respective husbands.

After marriage a female had to leave her parental home and to stay with her in laws family. Conditioned girl



were regarded as „sanskari‟ and „shariff‟ and home tasks was her main responsibility where she had to be a

faithful wife and dutiful daughter-in-law. It was the environment which made them to think that they are nothing

without their husbands. All the family members of in laws family irrespective of gender instantaneously altered

into „patriarchal deities with all divinity‟ to be revered by the new entrant in the family. Punjabi folklore is the

mirror image of the times in which physical and mental torture of females section of society refracted. Study is

limited in nature as it covers only one side of folklore and that too inadequate in numbers.

4. Conclusion

An attempt has been made to sieve symbols of patriarchy, on the basis of 21 proverbs, boliyan and songs

which was present in reflective as well as refractive form in the Punjabi society during 19th century when the

British annexed and ruled Punjab. The Punjabi folklore clearly shows the patriarchal set up in Punjab in which

women were having not only subordinate position but pitiable too. They were devoid of birth, love and affection,

healthy diet, honourable place, education and environment to grow which resulted into indignation, hatred,

jealousy and sick madness. They could not speak openly hence her sentiments got expression in folklore. A

female in Punjab was being troubled by the social values drafted by the parents and grandparents in parental

home shaped by dowry burden, child marriage, purda, female infanticide, four walled feudalistic upbringing.

The marriage of a girl was seen as next birth as she had to leave the parental family and to enter in a new-fangled

and widely divergent setting. Here the father in law, brother in law, relative in law was the medium of patriarchy

and she was taken as a foreign element, less dowry fetcher, a working machine for mother in laws, veiling

herself from male members and even elder female.

5. References and Notes

[1] K. K. Gill, Gender Bias in Punjab and Haryana, ed. 1stPatiala, Publication Bureau,2011, ch.1, p.7. [2] S. Maadpuri, Lok Geetan di Samajik Viyakhiya, ed. 1st Ludhiana, Chetna Prakashan, , p.14. [3] V. Woolf, A Room of One’s Own, London, Penguine, 1945, ch.1, p. 3. [4] M. Kaur, The Role of Women in Freedom Movement, ed.1st New Delhi, Sterling Publishers,1968, ch.1, p.4. [5] G. Minnault, The Extended Family: Women and Political Participation in Indian and Pakistan, Delhi, Chanankya

Publications, 1981.

[6] J. Bagchi (ed.), Indian Women: Myth and Reality, Hydrabad, Sangam Books, 1995. [7] A. Malhotra, Gender, Caste and Religious Identities: Restructuring Class in Colonial Punjab, Delhi, Oxford

University Press, 2002.

[8] K. D. Gupta, Women in Indian Scene, Delhi, Abhinav Publications, 1976. [9] A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-Historic Times to the Present Day, ed. 8th

Delhi, Moti Lal Banarsidas, 1995,ch,.1,p.3.

[10] A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-Historic Times to the Present Day, ed. 8th Delhi, Moti Lal Banarsidas, 1995, ch.2, p. 29.

[11] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, Punjabi Lok Geet, ed.7th Delhi, Sahit Academy, 2000, p.267. [12] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, Punjabi Lok Geet, ed.7th Delhi, Sahit Academy, 2000, p.267. [13] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, Punjabi Lok Geet‟ ed.7th Delhi, Sahit Academy, 2000, p.267. [14] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, Punjabi Lok Geet‟ ed.7th Sahit Academy, 2000, p.267. [15] For details see M. Kaur, Role of Women in the Freedom Movement 1857-1947, New Delhi, Sterling Publishers. [16] A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-Historic Times to the Present Day, ed. 8th

Delhi, Moti Lal Banarsidas, 995, p.4.

[17] A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-Historic Times to the Present Day ed. 8th Delhi, Moti Lal Banarsidas,1995, p.8.

[18] J. Lawrence, The Chief Commissioner of Punjab [19] Census Report 1911 [20] Lebra, Paulson and Everett, ed. Women Work in India, ed.1st New Delhi, Faula Press, , 1984, p.20. [21] Hunter Commission Report [22] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, ed.7th, Punjabi Lok Geet, Delhi, Sahit Academy, 2000, p.582. [23] Boliyan are of three types- Nikki Boli(small), Lammi Boli (long Boli) and Do Tuki Boli(two lined boli) [24] A place where the HIndu and the Sikh girls were getting education. [25] Dhiya ne dhiya pati parmeshwa ni



a. Sir da suhaag nakk da jewar ni.(oh daughter! Oh daughter!, your husband is your god, symbol of your married and

husband is your ornament)

[26] The Friend of India , 31st August, 1866, Vol. XXXII, p.1018. [27] M. S. Randhawa and D. Satyarthi, Punjabi Lok Geet, ed.7th, Delhi, Sahit Academy, 2000, p.102.



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Reflection and Refraction of Patriarchy in Punjabi Folkloredirpub.org/images/proceedings_pdf/EA0617116.pdf · Reflection and Refraction of Patriarchy in Punjabi Folklore. Dr. Rekha