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Understanding Pasifika Migrant Behaviour and Perspectives of Well-Being in Brisbane through Material Cultural Adaptations

Ruth (Lute) FaleoloUniversity of Queensland - AERC and ISSR

Abstract: Pasifika migrant perspectives of well-being are linked to their spatial behaviour and material cultural adaptations within urban areas. In order to understand the significance of material cultural adaptations we must also consider the underpinnings of the materials and templates used within context. The characteristics of the Brisbane urban landscape has afforded the material cultural adaptations that have been observed in places of dwelling, community and church meetings, as well as displayed during family and social events in private and public spaces. Preliminary qualitative findings have been drawn from a wider-scale research project that has explored Pasifika migrants’ (of Samoan and Tongan descent) perceptions and experiences of well-being during 2015-2017. This inquiry process has rendered significant evidence of cultural values and identity elements originating from Samoa and Tonga, and retained by generations of Brisbane-based Pasifika migrants, through adapted material culture and shared spatial behaviour. These values and elements have often been carried throughout a series of step-migration and transitory residence across other urban areas in New Zealand and Australia, prior to their settlement in Brisbane. What surfaces in the research is the ‘holistic’ notion of Pasifika well-being -- ‘moui ‘oku lelei, ola magaia’ -- a significant concept that inspires the spatial behaviour and material cultural adaptations used by Pasifika in Brisbane. The aim of this paper is to discuss how Pasifika migrant behaviour in Brisbane is linked to their holistic perspectives of well-being and how this understanding can be seen through material cultural adaptations used within this urban context. Keywords: material culture; Pasifika diaspora; spatial behaviour; traditional templates; well-being perspectives.

Introduction:

Diaspora theory suggests that migrants become ‘uprooted’ from their culture and ‘disconnected’ from their people when they leave their homelands. Mila-Schaaf (2010) outlines the debate about culture and identity that exists within the Pasifika diaspora context, with a particular focus on how second-generation Pasifika migrants operate in relation to their Pasifika identity and culture within a diaspora context (pp.16-17). According to Guo (2016), migration has been viewed as ‘traumatic’ for victimised diaspora groups, “including the Africans, Amernians, Irish and Palestinians” (pp.153-154). On the other hand, more recent works advocate that migrants remain culturally whole and socially connected despite the distance travelled. Gershon (2007) elaborates on the significant Pasifika family webs that interconnect people in Island homelands and Diasporas allowing for the continued exchange and circulation of cultural knowledge and resources (pp.474-475). Furthermore, Lilomaiava-Doktor (2009) concludes in her study of Samoan migration that “[d]istance does not separate ‘āiga, but only provides further interconnecting social pathways… because social connections constitute a significant part of people’s identity and self-esteem. It is…social connections, rather than geographic boundaries that are central to Samoan conceptions of movement” (p.22).

In response to this debate, I ask this question: Are Pasifika migrants in Brisbane disconnected from their Pacific homelands, or do they remain culturally and socially connected? In order to answer the question posed, we will consider the important links between Pasifika perspectives of well-being and their spatial behaviour that are regularly displayed through material culture. According to Abbott (2013)i, material culture is a fundamental form of ‘cultural expression’ that reflects the societal values and beliefs of the people and culture who produce and use the objects (pp.3-4). Van der Grijp (2011 p.277) extends this notion of material culture by promoting the freedom expressed by Tongan artists to reshape their contemporary Pasifika identity and redefine the meanings behind material culture used. Memmott (2011) discusses the categorical changes of culture and tradition when Pasifika migrants reconstruct their traditions from local materials and artefacts that are available based on their attitude or outlook, interactions with other cultures, agency and power (pp.39-41, 50-51). For the purpose of this discussion, the significance of Pasifika material cultural adaptations within Brisbane is both the continuation of Pasifika values and beliefs originating from the Pacific homelands, as advocated by Abbott, as well as a redefining of meanings behind ‘traditional’ materials and templates that have been adapted, as suggested by Van der Grijp according to the different types of cultural change processes

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that depend on the available materials and individual outlook or perspectives of migrants, as alluded to by Memmott.

The following two sections will outline relevant background and methodology before presenting preliminary findings and conclusions. The aim of this paper is to discuss how Pasifika migrant behaviour in Brisbane is linked to their holistic perspectives of well-being -- ‘moui ‘oku lelei (Tongan) ola magaia’ (Samoan) -- and how this understanding can be seen through material cultural adaptations used within this urban context.

Background:

Pasifika in the studyAccording to Mila-Schaaf (2010 pp.22-23), the word ‘Pasifika’ is the transliteration of the word Pacific which has developed in a localised Aotearoa context, coined by New Zealand-born Pacific Islanders. Pasifika is a pan-Pacific Islander identity shared and used by community groups from the Cook Islands, Fiji, Hawai’i, Kiribati, New Zealand, Niue, Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, and Tuvalu (McGavin 2014 pp.128, 134). Thus, the collective term Pasifika is used in this paper to refer to the Samoan and Tongan groups, that the study focuses on, who collectively use this term Pasifika as a shared identity within the context of Brisbane. It is often that these migrants have spent some time in New Zealand, after leaving their Pacific Island homelands (Samoa and Tonga) in search of opportunities ashore, before further migrating to Australia. This specific movement of Pasifika migrants between New Zealand and Australia is a part of a greater Trans-Tasman migration flow that is discussed in depth by several studies (Green, Power & Jang 2008, Poot 2010). This paper focuses on a particular group of Pasifika migrants; Pasifika Trans-Tasman migrantsii that have in some instances been ‘twice removed’ because of their status of having migrated twice. The first migration to Auckland from either Samoa or Tonga and the second move to Brisbane from Auckland. For some of those who were born in New Zealand or Australia, they have been raised by these ‘twice removed’ parents or grandparents, who are often the main channels through which second and third generation Pasifika migrants will find a ‘connection’ to their culture. Figure 1: ‘Map of Pasifika migration steps between Australia, New Zealand, Samoa and Tonga’ shows the pattern of movements that informants of the study have taken as Pasifika Trans-Tasman migrants beginning with the initial movements of migrants from Samoa and Tonga, and further migrating to Australia.

A New Zealand documentary series ‘Second Migration of Pacific People’ by Tagata Pasifika identifies Queensland as the new ‘land of milk and honey’ for New Zealand Pasifika seeking improved lifestyles in Australia. The contemporary occurrences seen in the 1990s onwards, of Pasifika migrating across the Tasman Sea from New Zealand to Australia, is a continuation of the journey taken by Pasifika that began with their initial movements from the Pacific Islands to New Zealand (Bedford 2007, Bedford 2009, Vause 2010). According to Hameriii, since the mid-1990s, the number of New Zealand-born Pasifika arriving in Australia has exceeded the arrival numbers of Pasifika born in the Pacific Islands (2014 p.113). Currently, Queenslandiv is home to the largest cluster of Pasifika population in Australia, with a total of 102,320 Pasifika living there, 36.6 % of all Australia’s Pasifika population (Ravulo 2015 pp.4-5).

TraditionAnga faka-Tonga (the ‘Tongan way of life’) and faa Samoa (the ‘Samoan way of life’) are the combined output or living out of cultural identity and socially accepted norms or traditions (Faleolo, 2012 p.8; Lilomaiava-Doktor, 2009 p.7). It must be noted that these concepts of ‘tradition’ are subjectively defined by Pasifika who use these concepts of anga faka-Tonga and faa Samoa within a diaspora context (Mila-Schaaf, 2010 pp.246-247, pp.260-262). Therefore, the use of the term ‘traditional’ in the discussion of material cultural adaptations will be applied with the understanding that the concept is highly contested. However, it must be stated here that the core ‘values’ of respect for God and love for family are aspects of both anga faka-Tonga and faa Samoa that are generally accepted by Pasifika migrants as ‘traditional’.

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Methodology:

This paper presents preliminary findings from a wider-scale research project (begun in 2015 and ongoing) that has explored Pasifika migrants’ (of Samoan and Tongan descent) perceptions and experiences of well-being.

Recruitment In February 2015, I had identified key informants for Samoan and Tongan groups within their ‘āiga or famili (both nuclear and extended family groups) and from their public leadership (church leaders, other community group leaders, pastoral and academic leaders in local schools). These key informants helped to initiate the snow ball recruitment of informants for the interviews in 2015, and questionnaires that were collected in 2016. The recruitment of both Samoan and Tongan Brisbane-based informants developed quickly along both family and community lines simultaneously; a great deal of the snow-balling was greatly assisted by Pasifika key informants on social networking forums.

Generations of Pasifika migrantsIn the study a first generation Pasifika migrant has been defined as someone of Pasifika descent born in either Samoa or Tonga before migrating abroad. A second generation Pasifika migrant has been defined as someone born in either New Zealand, Australia or abroad to a first generation Pasifika migrant parent/s. A third generation Pasifika migrant has been defined as someone born in either New Zealand, Australia or abroad to a second generation Pasifika migrant parent/s. The informants referred to as Pasifika Trans-Tasman migrants are either first, second or third generation Pasifika migrants that have migrated between New Zealand and Australia, and for the purpose of this paper have migrated to Brisbane. These generations came to the fore in the interviews undertaken with Pasifika informants based in both Auckland (planning migration to Brisbane) and Brisbane. Figure 1: ‘Map of Pasifika migration steps between Australia, New Zealand, Samoa and Tonga’ shows the pattern of movements of these informants of the study.

Figure 1: Map of Pasifika migration steps between Australia, New Zealand, Samoa and TongaSource: Map outline adapted from http://www.worldatlas.comv

Talanoa and e-Talanoa interviews in BrisbaneFor the purpose of capturing Pasifika voices on their own experiences and perceptions of well-being within the context of Brisbane, it was important for the research to collect the dialogue of the Pasifika

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WELLINGTON

PERTH

CHRISTCHURCH

SYDNEY

BRISBANE

AUCKLAND

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migrants in a culturally responsive way. According to Pasifika researcher Vaioleti (2003 p.13), the ‘two-way’ interviewing process of talanoa is a culturally responsive way of interviewing in Pasifika contexts. Vaioleti defines talanoa as a ‘conversation, a talk, an exchange of ideas or thinking, whether formal or informal…and interacting without a rigid framework’. According to Havea (2010 p.14) talanoa ‘opens sacred texts and traditional values…is inviting and permissive, not just to the learned readers but also to all participants who engage one another’. Thus, talanoa is an approach that is well-suited to this study with Pasifika migrants. Talanoa has been widely accepted as an approach of gathering in-depth qualitative data across a range of disciplines within several Melanesian and Polynesian academic circles (Fa‘avae, Jones & Manu‘atu 2016, Halapua 2007, Otsuka 2006, Prescott 2008). The downside of using the traditional method of face-to-face talanoa is the actual hours required to have an ongoing and free-flowing dialogue with each informant and the need to schedule meeting times that suit the informant and researcher availability. Thus, the novel use of online forums for talanoa or e-talanoa solves this issue.

In June to August 2015, 40vi interviews with Pasifika were carried out using these two qualitative approaches: traditional face to face talanoa and e-talanoa, a unique form of talanoa using online forums that removed the inconvenience of time and location. What I term e- talanoa was in direct response to the request of the informants. This methodological development provided the flexibility and ease for informants to participate in interviews around their schedules. The e- talanoa interviews and online private messenger dialogue occurred over dispersed hours, or a number of days by email ‘volley’vii conversation.

Participant-observation in BrisbaneAlongside the interviews, field observations made since 2015-2017 have provided a rich collection of photographs and participant-observation notes (field notes taken during observations and brain-dump reflexive notes written after observations). The significance of this additional qualitative component is my position as a participant-observer within the Pasifika diaspora community in Brisbane. I have been able to attend both family and community events and given permission to photograph and take note of details that would otherwise remain confidential to an outsider.

Preliminary Findings:

Pasifika perspectives of well-being What surfaces in the research is the ‘holistic’ notion of Pasifika well-being being -- ‘moui ‘oku lelei (Tongan) ola magaia’ (Samoan) -- a significant concept that inspires the spatial behaviour and cultural adaptations revealed within urban spaces used by Pasifika in Brisbane. Pasifika view their ‘well-being’ as more than tangible outcomes or improvements in the life of an individual. The Tongan concept moui ‘oku lelei and Samoan concept of ola magaia literally translates to the phrase ‘a good and happy life’ but these concepts embrace many dimensions of life that are integral to how Pasifika people live on a daily basis (Faleolo, 2016 p.68). Pasifika migrants define well-being beyond just a state of physical or emotional health, and include important familial and spiritual dimensions that connect them as Pasifika people to their extended family networks, their village or church community and further provide avenues for the continuation of cultural ways of living. The following two excerpts reveal these holistic notions of Pasifika well-being:

Sioneviii, second-generation Tongan (38 years), in transit between Auckland and Brisbane, based in a Perth mineix, explains his understanding of moui ‘oku lelei: ‘Being physically and mentally healthy…being able to have quality time and being content with [a] lifestyle that is healthy…happy with family life. Spending time with my family. Staying true to God and my family. Being able to spend my time doing what really matters to me. To be around to meet my grandchildren and to be able to retire from working full-time before I turn 50.’

‘Inax, second-generation Samoan (35 years), moved to Brisbane from Auckland in 2015, shares her understanding of ola magaia:‘…having the simple necessities in life to at least be comfortable. Healthy family relationships, being well connected to family. Being physically healthy, able to still do physical activity to feel good and eating well. Being spiritually healthy too, having that intimate relationship with God. Mentally stable too which I guess ties in with the other three. If one area is lacking, it can affect the others.’

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Spiritual well-being: God and churchFor many Pasifika in Brisbane, attending church is not only a spiritual experience but a social experience where weekly church meetings and programs allow families and village members to connect and nurture their cultural way of living based on a shared faith and Christian values system. During field observations it was apparent that the adornment of the church meeting space (whether in an actual dedicated church building, a community hall, a converted carport or hired classroom space) was a reflection of Pasifika migrants living out a sacrificial commitment to God. The use of Pasifika fine mats and traditional materials that would cost hundreds and sometimes thousandsxi of dollars (within the church setting in Brisbane) is an indicator of the high significance that Pasifika place on their spiritual well-being. Giving their best items and best efforts to the church, to the pastors or ministers, and to the functions and duties performed within the church meeting spaces are a reflection of what is of important to Pasifika migrants who attend churches within Brisbane.

Familial well-being: nuclear and extended familiesBrisbane-based Pasifika prioritise the family -- famili (Tongan) or ‘āiga (Samoan). For many of the informants in the study, their references to family included the nuclear as well as extended under the term famili and ‘āiga. The progress of famili and ‘āiga are important considerations that sit at the core of Pasifika decision-making. What is highlighted in the research is that well-being aims such as ‘getting better ’or‘ better job opportunities’, although seemingly individualistic well-being aims, are means to providing for and maintaining ‘familial’ connections that are very important to the well-being of Pasifika migrants in Brisbane.

Material CultureThe adaptation of material culture in Brisbane reflects the desire of most Pasifika migrants to maintain ‘traditional’ templates of living alongside an improved well-being in Brisbane. In order to understand the significance of material cultural adaptations we must also consider the underpinnings of the materials and templates used within the Brisbane urban landscape that has afforded the material cultural adaptations that have been recorded. The following is a list of the six variations of material culture that will be discussed in the following sections:

Traditional materials used in traditional spaces with traditional meanings Traditional materials used in adapted spaces with traditional meanings Traditional materials used in adapted spaces with redefined meanings Adapted materials using traditional templates with traditional meanings Adapted spaces using traditional templates with redefined meanings Adapted materials using adapted templates with traditional meanings

Traditional materials used in traditional spaces with traditional meaningsThe photo Figure 2 was taken during a religious celebration of Thanksgiving to God held at a church space in Brisbane. There is a display of wealth and ornamentation using traditional fine mats. The following photo Figure 3 was taken after a church choir practice. Note the traditional mats worn by the church elders as a sign of reverence to God and respect to other Tongans in their community. The young man standing on the right is my son who accompanied me as is required in Pasifika contexts.

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Figure 2: Photo of traditional materials used in a church building in BrisbanePhotograph taken by Ruth Faleolo on 29/10/2016. Used with permission.

Figure 3: Photo of traditional materials worn by Pasifika leaders of a church in BrisbanePhotograph taken by Ruth Faleolo on 1/10/2016. Used with permission.

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Traditional materials used in adapted spaces with traditional meaningsThis photo Figure 4 was taken during a church service that was held in the local school. This picture shows a continued use of Pasifika materials such as traditional woven floor covering to decorate this makeshift meeting space, as well as the fine mats and crafts worn by some members of the congregation. The display of fine mats and decorative crafts is done so by the members of this congregation to honour God. This particular church group were using the school because of the availability and affordability of this space.

Figure 4: Photo of traditional materials used in an adapted classroom space used for Pasifika church services

Photograph taken by Ruth Faleolo on 18/07/2015. Used with permission.

Traditional materials used in adapted spaces with redefined meaningsThe photo Figure 5 was taken at an informant’s home in Brisbane during a community women’s meeting. The meeting was held by the informant to discuss the progress of crafted costumes to be worn by their children an annual celebration of Children’s Day. The women are sitting in a converted carport area. This open-plan meeting space is typical of a Pasifika home where connecting with extended family and church or community is important. During the day, the informant runs a family day-care in this converted carport area. The traditional bark cloth called ngatu (Tongan) or siapo (Samoan) hanging as a back-drop during the meeting serves a dual purpose in this instance; to cover the playground set used for the day-care, as well as to keep out the cool night air. However, these traditional crafts are commonly reserved for special occasions to be gifted, worn or to decorate places of cultural significance, i.e. the seating area of a guest at a special event.

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Figure 5: Photo of converted carport using traditional and non-traditional materials in BrisbanePhotograph taken by Ruth Faleolo on 18/07/2015. Used with permission.

Adapted materials using traditional templates with traditional meaningsThese photos in Figure 6 were taken at an informant’s home in Brisbane. These are samples of her community crafts made using traditional templates to create traditional costumes. The informant explained that they had not been able to source their usual seashells and Pasifika weaving materials traditionally. However, they have successfully used red synthetic curling ribbons, large decorative buttons and white women’s earrings bought from Brisbane department store and discount novelty store and have adapted these to create familiar patterns seen on traditional costumes.

Figure 6: Photos of adapted materials used to create traditional costumes in BrisbanePhotographs taken by Ruth Faleolo on 18/07/2015. Used with permission.

Adapted spaces using traditional templates with redefined meanings

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The photo Figure 7 was taken at an Informant’s Baby Shower event that was held in an adapted outdoor living area, using traditional templates of celebratory materials with redefined meanings. Traditional decorative mats are displayed here by Aunts, cousins and nieces of the informant; the tapa cloth on the floor and the fine mats on the table are highly valued by both Samoan and Tongan families who attended the event. However, it is not common that these mats are used at a baby shower; in fact, the baby shower is a new addition to the long list of Pasifika celebrations in Brisbane’s diaspora context.

Figure 7: Photo of adapted spaces using traditional materials at a Baby Shower in BrisbanePhotograph taken by Ruth Faleolo on 16/04/2016. Used with permission.

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The photo Figure 8 was provided by an informant. This photo shows a place of business that is displaying Pasifika artwork by a local Pasifika artist. The artwork symbolises Pasifika culture and identity in a diaspora context. The paint and canvas artwork uses symbols and patterns that continue to be appreciated by Pasifika who do not have access to traditional artefacts that carry their identity and way of life, yet can access Pasifika artwork that reflects their cultural stories. This is an example of continued traditional meanings behind familiar cultural patterns used within adapted cultural materials and templates.

Figure 8: Photo of adapted materials using adapted templates with continued traditional meanings of art patterns and designs in Brisbane

Photograph provided by Teleise Ne’emia Lesa on 25/04/2017. Used with permission.

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Conclusions:

At the outset of this paper I asked the question, are Pasifika migrants in Brisbane disconnected, or do they remain culturally and socially connected?

Despite further movements of Pasifika migrants from their homelands (of Samoa and Tonga) through urban centres of New Zealand and Australia, the Brisbane-based Pasifika in this study have shown a cultural resilience that is maintained in the use of material cultural adaptations in Brisbane. Pasifika material cultural adaptations have been a shared ‘cultural expression’ within places of dwelling, community and church meetings, as well as displayed during family and social events in private and public spaces in Brisbane. These shared spatial behaviours reflect the desire of most Pasifika migrants to maintain ‘traditional’ templates of living alongside an improved well-being in Brisbane.

Pasifika migrant perspectives of a holistic well-being, that embraces their spiritual and familial dimensions, are very much linked to their spatial behaviour and material cultural adaptations within Brisbane. Therefore, the findings presented and discussed in this paper reveal that Pasifika in Brisbane are still connected to their people and deeply-rooted in their cultural way of life. In Brisbane, the Pasifika cultural materials and their templates have been transferred through family and church networks. These same networks have also helped to reshape and redefine the use of material culture in the Brisbane context. Thus these networks continue to build connection points for Pasifika in Brisbane, as well as to maintain Pasifika cultural values that in turn shape Pasifika well-being aims. . References: Abbott, R.G. (2013) The Scandinavian Immigrant Experience in Utah, 1850-1920: Using material culture to interpret cultural adaptation. Unpublished PhD dissertation (Alaska, USA, University of Alaska Fairbanks).Bedford, R. (2007) Pasifika mobility: Pathways, circuits and challenges in the 21st century. (Hamilton, NZ, University of Waikato Population Studies Centre). Bedford, R. (2009) Pasifika Migration: The New Zealand story, Around the Globe, 6(1), pp.37-44.Fa‘avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu ‘atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa: Talking about Talanoa, AlterNative,12(2), pp.138-150.Faleolo, R.L. (2012) Higher Education in New Zealand: A form of fakalakalaka for educated Tongan women? Unpublished MEd thesis (Palmerston North, NZ, Massey University).Faleolo, R.L. (2016) Pasifika Trans-Tasman migrant perspectives of well-being in Australia and New Zealand, Pacific Asia Inquiry, 7(1), pp. 63 – 74.Gershon, I. (2007) Viewing Diasporas from the Pacific: What Pacific ethnographies offer Pacific diaspora studies, The Contemporary Pacific, 19, pp.474 – 504.Green, A.E., Power, M.R., & Jang, D.M. (2008) Trans-Tasman migration: New Zealanders’ explanations for their move, New Zealand Geographer, 64 pp. 34-45. Guo, S. (2016) From international migration to transnational diaspora: Theorizing ‘double diaspora’ from the experience of Chinese Canadians in Beijing, International Migration & Integration, 17, pp.153-171.Halapua, S. (2007) Talanoa – talking from the heart, SGI Quarterly, 47, pp.9-10.Hamer, P. (2014) Unsophisticated and unsuited: Australian barriers to Pacific Islander immigration from New Zealand, Political Science, 66(2), pp. 93-118.Lilomaiava-Doktor, S. (2009) Beyond ‘migration’: Samoan population movement (malaga) and the geography of social space (vā), The Contemporary Pacific, 21(1), pp.1-32.McGavin, K. (2014) Being Nesian: Pacific Islander identity in Australia, The Contemporary Pacific, 26(1), Spring, pp. 95-154.Memmott, P. (2011) Cultural change and tradition in the indigenous architecture of Oceania, Architectural Theory Review, 16(1), pp.38-54.Mila-Schaaf, K. (2010) Polycultural capital and the Pasifika second generation: Negotiating identities in diasporic spaces. Unpublished PhD thesis (Albany, NZ, Massey University).Otsuka, S. (2006) Talanoa research: culturally appropriate research design in Fiji. Proceedings of the Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE) 2005 International Education Research Conference, Melbourne, Retrieved 11 July, 2010, from http://www.aare.edu.au/05pap/ots05506.pdfPoot, J. (2010) Trans-Tasman migration, transnationalism and economic development in Australasia, Asian & Pacific Migration Journal, 19(3), pp.319-342.Prescott, S.M. (2008) Using talanoa in Pacific business research in New Zealand experience with Tongan entrepreneurs, AlterNative: An International Journal of Indigenous Peoples, 4(1), p.127-148.Ravulo, J. (2015) Pacific communities in Australia. (Sydney, AUST., University of Western Sydney). Retrieved 30 May, 2016, from https://www.uws.edu.au

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Schlereth, T.J. (1985) Material culture and cultural research, in T.J. Schlereth (Ed.) Material Culture Studies in America. (Nashville, American Association for State and Local History), pp.1-75.Vaioleti, T.M. (2003) Talanoa research methodology: A developing position on Pacific research, paper presented at the Pasifika Symposium on Pacific Research in Education, Hamilton.Van der Grijp, P. (2011) Contemporary Tongan artists and the reshaping of Oceanic identity, in E. Hermann (Ed.) Changing Contexts, Shifting Meaning: Transformations of cultural traditions in Oceania. (Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press), pp. 277-295.Vause, G. (2010). Pasifika achieving: Building bridges across the Pacific. Education Review: Teach International, 24-25.http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/oceania/oceaniaoutline.jpg Oceania map outline showing Australia and New Zealand in the South West Pacific, Retrieved 12 July, 2017 and manipulated on 17 July, 2017 for Figure 1 Map of Pasifika migration steps between Australia, New Zealand, Samoa and Tonga).

FiguresFigure 1: Map of Pasifika migration steps between Australia, New Zealand, Samoa and Tonga....................................................................................................................................................3Figure 2: Photo of traditional materials used in a church building in Brisbane............................6Figure 3: Photo of traditional materials worn by Pasifika leaders of a church in Brisbane........6Figure 4: Photo of traditional materials used in an adapted classroom space used for Pasifika church services....................................................................................................................................7Figure 5: Photo of converted carport using traditional and non-traditional materials in Brisbane................................................................................................................................................8Figure 6: Photos of adapted materials used to create traditional costumes in Brisbane...........8Figure 7: Photo of adapted spaces using traditional materials at a Baby Shower in Brisbane.9Figure 8: Photo of adapted materials using adapted templates with continued traditional meanings of art patterns and designs in Brisbane........................................................................10

Notes

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i Refer also to Schlereth (1989) as cited in Abbott (2013, pp.3-4).

ii The Pasifika Trans-Tasman migration concept in this paper refers specifically to the process of movement of Pasifika across the Tasman Sea, between Auckland and Brisbane. This movement is a part of a greater Trans-Tasman migration flow of New Zealanders visiting and living permanently in Australia, or in some cases can happen in reverse whereby New Zealanders are returning home after some time spent working and living in Australia.

iii Hamer (2014) reports (based on the Australian census figures available for 2011) that Pasifika of Samoan ancestry born in New Zealand outnumbered those born in Samoa for each year of arrival since 1995. This was similar for Pasifika of Tongan descent born in New Zealand who outnumbered those born in Tonga. Hamer notes that the data is not entirely accurate based on year-of-arrival data; it does not account for the mortality or emigration of Pasifika (2014, pp.113).

iv Ravulo (2015) recorded that the “majority of Pacific communities reside along the east coast of Australia… with largest cohort living in Queensland, followed by New South Wales and Victoria.” (2015, p. 4)The 5 largest Pacific people groups in Australia are Samoan, Tongan, Fijian, Maori and Cook Islanders residing in New South Wales and Queensland. As recorded by Ravulo, based on the 2011 Census figures (Australian Bureau of Statistics), the total Pasifika population in Queensland is 102,320, followed by New South Wales with 92,028. The total Pasifika population in Australian states and territories is 279,228.

v Source: Map outline adapted from http://www.worldatlas.com/webimage/countrys/oceania/oceaniaoutline.jpg retrieved 12 July, 2017

vi 40 interviews in total were collected; the majority of these were with informants already living in Brisbane with the remaining interviews conducted with informants yet to have made the move but were planning to do so at the time of the interview.

vii I have termed this email ‘volley’ to describe the ‘to’ and ‘fro’ pattern of conversation that was happening over the internet during the e-talanoa sessions that would often take several days between questions and answers, responses and feedback. Note that during both emails and private messenger conversations, as well as during face-to-face talanoa, the informant would ask me (researcher) questions that I would then respond to in order to continue the dialogue. I was always open to allowing informants to ask questions of me. Informants were given the control during parts of the conversation in order to create a ‘vā’ of mutual respect and understanding. Often their questions were asked in order to find out more about me as the researcher or to double-check that I had understood them. This ‘to’ and ‘fro’ and ‘volley’ process of e-talanoa has allowed for a more in-depth dialogue between my informants and I.

viii Sione is a second-generation Pasifika migrant; a man of Tongan descent (aged 38 years), who was in transit between Auckland and Brisbane, and was based in Perth at the time of the e- talanoa. He had moved there with his family from Auckland for a job in the mines. This excerpt was taken from the e-talanoa carried out on the Facebook private messenger forum and was Sione’s response to the prompt concerning his understanding of a ‘good and happy life’; moui ‘oku lelei.ix At the time of writing this paper, on follow-up talanoa with Sione, he and his family had successfully migrated to Brisbane after purchasing a family home in Ipswich. Sione continues to fly out to the mines in Perth for work, although makes plans to leave this form of employment in exchange for a family business in Ipswich.

x ‘Ina is a second-generation Pasifika migrant; a woman of Samoan descent (aged 35 years), who was Brisbane-based having moved from Auckland in 2015. At the time, of the e- talanoa, ‘Ina had been living in Brisbane less than 12 months. This excerpt was taken from the e-talanoa carried out on the Facebook private messenger forum, and was Ina’s response to the prompt concerning her understanding of a ‘good and happy life’; ola magaia.xi Due to the lack of access to fine mats, tapa cloths and traditional materials in Brisbane, these items can often cost double or triple the price of purchase in the island homelands. For instance a fine mat that would cost $300 in Tonga could end up being purchased for $700-$1000 depending on how decorative the piece becomes once it has been transferred from the original weaver (village-based) through the networks of Pasifika that use, adorn and pass on the mat. By the time a mat has arrived in Australia through the process of gift exchange (usually at birthdays, weddings and funerals) the mat may have been further adorned with decorative items and patterns that increases the value of a fine mat dramatically from the time it was first

woven.