About the author

Ranbir Singh Malik is a senior master of society and environment at Willetton

Senior High School. He is currently doing Ph.D. as a part time student at Edith

Cowan University, Western Australia.

Mr. Malik's formal qualifications are as follows:

B.A. (Honos.) University of Punjab, India

M.A. (Geography) Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, India

B.Ed. Central Institute of Education, , University of Delhi

Dip. in Edu. Admin. Curtin Uni. Perth.

M.Ed. Murdoch University, Perth

M.Ed by thesis Uni. of Western Australia

Address: 24 Whitnell Gardens Murdoch, W.A. 6150

Tel. 93102836 (H) 93321066 (W).

Accounting for the Differential Academic Performance: A case of the Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian Children

An impressive educational performance of children from the East and Southeast Asian countries, settled in the Western World, has captured the imagination of the social scientists. Their striking academic success has been heralded in a number of cross-cultural studies undertaken in the United States (Flynn, 1991; Lee, 1960; Lynn, 1982; Schneider et al., 1994; Stevenson and Stigler, 1991), the United Kingdom (Gibson, 1988), the Nethelands (Pieke, 1991) and Australia (Bullivant, 1987; Chan, 1988; Malik, 1989; Paar and Mok, 1995). In the Western World, the image of "Asian whiz kid" (Brand, 1987) has entered the public consciousness. In the United States, policy makers have referred to the Asian-Americans as "model minority" and their children as "model students" or "quiet Americans". Measured by several traditional indicators of academic achievement Asian-Americans excel above all other racial groups in the United States (Peng, 1988). In fact, it is this extraordinary accomplishment that led to label them as "model minority" (Bell, 1985; Whitman, 1987) and "super minority" (Ramirez,1986). They consistently outscore all other groups, including whites, on tests of quantitative skills, although their verbal scores are typically lower than those of whites (Hsia, 1985). American evidence of the post-War generation of Chinese-Americans suggests that Chinese-Americans had a mean IQ of 98.5 with whites set at 100. However, their achievements in terms of education, occupation and income suggest an estimated IQ about 21 points higher than their actual IQ. In other words, "they achieve far beyond what their mean IQ would lead us to expect" (Flynn, 1991, p. 5). Flynn also showed that between 1981 and 1987 Asian-American high school students were over-represented among the winners of American National Merit Scholarships, United States Presidential Scholarships and Westinghouse Science Talent Search Scholars. The same study also showed that Asian students aimed to enrol in the most prestigious universities in the United States. Even the disadvantaged Asian-Americans such as refugees with limited resources and English proficiency and low socioeconomic status had high academic achievement in school (Chaplan, Coy and Whitmore, 1992).

Another striking feature of the "Asians" is that they tend to enrol in courses which require technical skills rather than linguistic and social skills. That is, they aim to be accountants, doctors, engineers, nurses, health technicians, self-employed, retail sales clerks etc. But they are under-represented in occupations such as journalism, law and other professions that require language skills and person to person contact.

Although there is a growing interest in the remarkable achievement of the "Asian" students , this "Asian model student syndrome" remains an unresolved sociological puzzle. How is that Asian students, even in the face of major obstacles related to the structure of school programs, racism, home-school differences and minority status perform on par or better than their mainstream counterparts.? What are the main factors that contribute to the higher academic achievements of "Asian" students and motivate them to study technical quantitative subjects? Are all "Asian" students competent and well-adjusted? Research findings have not been able to shed much light on the factors that influence achievement levels. Single factor explanations cannot adequately account for the observed performance patterns. This remarkable performance of "Asian kids" is open to multiple interpretations. "Unless educational attainment is accompanied by statistics that clarify its meaning by placing it in a proper context, the use of educational attainment as a solitary indicator of success is highly suspect" (Chun, 1995, p.99).

Superior performance and higher achievement motivation of children from the "Asian" migrant families is attributed to a number of factors such as their innate endowment (Jensen, 1969; Lynn, 1982), their everyday experiences at home and school (Biggs, 1990; Stevenson and Stigler, 1991) cultural values (Gibson, 1988; Ho, 1994; Matute-Bianchi, 1986, 1991; Ogbu, 1987, 1991). A common explanation for the poor academic performance of Euro-Americans is that they spend less time after school on academic activities than their Asian-American counterparts (Garden, 1987; Stevenson, Lee and Stigler, 1986).

Superior performance of the "Asian" children, attributed to innate endowment, in their own countries and abroad, has been challenged. "The hypothesis that the academic weakness of American children is due to deficiencies in innate intellectual ability is without merit" (Stigler and Stevenson, 1991, p. 50). More recent studies have started to look into the ways young children divide their time between home and school-the foremost social organisations which prepare children for adulthood. Cross-cultural studies have demonstrated that a notable characteristic of the lives of the Westerners is a striking discontinuity between home and school. Westerners do not alter their child rearing practices according to a child's age. They begin to pull back, satisfied that they have provided a foundation that will enable their children to take advantage of what the school will offer (Stevenson and Stigler, 1986). Evidence from the United States (Flynn, 1991; Stevenson and Stigler, 1991), China, Japan and Taiwan (Stevenson and Stigler, 1991) and Hong Kong (Biggs, 1991, 1994) indicates that Anglo-American children spend less time in academic activities, measured in terms of hours spent at school and days spent in school each year, than their Chinese and Japanese counterparts.

By contrast, because Chinese families believe their children's primary responsibility is to apply themselves seriously to their school work, they arrange their home life so that it is conducive to academic activities. Culturally transmitted values, beliefs and behaviours play an important role in high academic performance of the Asian children. While parents believe that it is their duty to instil in their children the value of education and to protect their children's time by discouraging part-time jobs, children on their part identify their self-esteem with academic advancement and target themselves to professional courses. For Chinese children academic success and failure reflect on the family and close social group, which puts correspondingly greater pressure on students to succeed (Biggs, 1994, p.17). Students from the Confucian heritage cultures never really lose contact with their teachers and school mates. Their school activities merge into home activities quite naturally.

This Study

In this paper I have examined the influence of home and school environments in order to account for the differential academic performance of Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian high school students studying at an academically-oriented high school in Perth, Western Australia. Chinese-Australian families are from Malaysia, Singapore and Hong Kong with their ancestry in Mainland China. Anglo-Australian families are the second and third generation Australians with British and Irish ancestry. The pseudonym of the school is Paramount Senior High School and the suburb where Paramount is located is referred to as Southside. Pseudonyms are also used for the children and their parents. This paper aims at

identifying the distinctive features of the home life and the role of the school in contributing to the differential academic performance of Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian children studying at Paramount Senior High School.

Methodology

My choice of research overall methodology was influenced by three key questions. What goes on in the homes of children from the Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian families? What goes on in the classrooms that influences teenagers' attitude towards school work and their academic performance? What is the nature of the relationship between the cultures of home and school which leads to differential academic outcomes? Qualitative methodology was deemed appropriate to capture what teachers, parents and children say and do as a product of how they interpret the complexity of their world. By using ethnographic techniques, mainly participant observation and conversational interviews, I could enter into the lives of the teenagers to understand their world view of success at school. As this study explored the complex macro and micro processes of home and school and the effects of home-school link on children's academic performance, a methodology that incorporated the existential experiences of children in their homes and school was essential.

Initially, I had contacted sixteen families: nine Chinese-Australians and seven Anglo-Australians. These families were contacted, with the permission of the principal, through their children who were my students at Paramount Senior High School. Because of a number of reasons half of the families withdrew their cooperation. Those who decided to participate were the ones who were quite willing to share information on a long term basis. Description of the participating families is given in Table One.

TABLE 1

DESCRIPTIVE INFORMATION ABOUT THE SAMPLE

(N = 8 families, target children = 14, males = 8, fEMALES = 6)

ANGLO - SAXON AUSTRALIANS CHINESE - AUSTRALIANS

Smith Morgan

Morrison Marshall

Cheong

Goh Tuan Kok

Kwang

Target Children

Krista

Year 9

Ben

Year 9

Clint

Year 11

Glenn

Year 9

Chris

Year 11

Rachel

Year 9

Victor

Year 9

Pearl

Year 7

Chi Chen

Yean 9

Lena

Year 11

Lee Kuan

Year 9

Lit Wey

Year 7

Hongzia

Year 9

Miran

Year 7

Ordinal Position

Last born

Last born

First born

Second born

First born

Second born

First born

Second born

Second born

First born

First born

Second born

First born

Second born

Family Size

Parents

2 boys

1 girl

Parents

2 boys

1 girl

Parents

2 boys

Parents

2 boys

2 girls

Parents

1 boy

1 girl

Parents

1 boy

1 girl

Parents

2 boys

1 girl

Parents

2 girls

Parents Education

Father B.A.

Mother Matric.

Father Dip.

Mother B.A.

Father Yr 10Apprenticeship

Mother Yr 10

Father Yr 10

Mother Yr 10

Father B.A.

Mother Yr 12

Father B.Eng

Mother Dip.

Father Yr 12

Mother Yr 12

Father Yr 12

Mother Yr 12

Parents Occupation

Father: Chartered

Accountant

Mother: Housewife

Father: Engineer

Mother: Primary Teacher

Father: Factory

Supervisor

Mother: Works at a Shop

Father: Aircraft

Fueler

Mother: Secretary

Father: Accountant

Mother: Secretary

Father: Computer

Technician

Mother: Nurse

Father: Car

Salesman

Mother:

Housewife

Father: Porter

Mother: Factory

Worker

Number of years in Australia

Both parents born in Australia

Both parents born in Australia

Both parents born in Australia

Both parents born in Australia

Parents born in Malaysia

Migrated 1988

Parents born in Malaysia

Migrated 1980

Parents born in Singapore

Migrated 1988

Parents born in HongKong

Migrated 1989

Language Spoken at home

English

English

English

English

Mandarin

Mandarin

English and Mandarin

Cantonese

The eight families included in this study resided in Southside, a predominantly middle class suburb of Perth which in recent years had attracted a large number of immigrants from the Southeast Asian region, mainly because of the academic reputation of Paramount Senior High School. The growing reputation of Paramount Senior High also had attracted experienced teachers. The principal was a dynamic and innovative person who took pride in academic excellence as well as good sports results. And parents were very supportive of these policies. I taught at this school for several years including the period when this study was conducted.

Data were collected mainly through participant observation, conversational interviews and document analysis. To a limited degree, especially early on, questionnaires were also used. I used a number of general questions initially to guide my observations. How is each family organised? What kinds of interpersonal dynamics exist in each family? What types of activities occur in each home? What topics are discussed and what information, opinions and beliefs are exchanged among the participants? How do the children from the participating families adjust to school? How do children relate to teachers? My specific questions, particularly about the interaction between parents, children and teachers, were developed from the review of my field notes made from observation, as research progressed. These observations not only illuminated what happened in each setting but they were also the focus for in-depth interviews about the nature and meaning of the participants' actions.

Conversational interviews-an integral part of ethnographic fieldwork- created an atmosphere where the individuals felt able to relate subjective and often highly personal material to me. This type of interview allowed for the introduction of new material into discussion which had not been thought of before hand but arose during the course of interview. It allowed me a greater scope in asking questions out of sequence; and parents, children and teachers could

ask questions in their own ways. Thus, in order to obtain individuals' subjective experiences conversational interviews were not organised into standardised questions. Instead, they were framed around the family being studied. From the review of the field notes more specific questions were framed which were asked during later interviews to gain deeper insight into the situations, and clarify any misunderstandings.

Responses from parents and their children were cross-checked at home, and between students and teachers at school. Interviews were designed to discover how individuals interpreted the social world around them and how these interpretations were used as the basis for their actions.

Interviews were conducted fortnightly and later monthly for two years (1994-95). Children and their parents were interviewed in their homes. At school, children were observed in my own class, in the classes of the other teachers, in the play grounds and on their way to home after school hours. Teachers who taught these children were interviewed formally and informally. Between 1993 and 1996 I paid 253 visits to these families and spent 556 hours interviewing parents and their children. With some parents I played a few

games of golf and tennis, while with most of them I shared meals and went on picnics.

CHINESE-AUSTRALIAN FAMILIES

Chinese-Australian families included in this study were from Malaysia (Gohs, Cheongs), Singapore (Koks) and Hong Kong (Kwangs) with their ancestry from the Southeast province of Kwantung, China. These families came from big cities. In their native countries male parents in three families and both parents in the Goh family were employed in white-collar middle class jobs. They were all originally economically well-placed in their countries which, when they were teenagers, were British colonies. Their own parents (the grandparents of the research students) were self-employed in small businesses like street hawkers, small grocery stores or owning coffee shops. These parents had seen the hardships which their own parents had to go through and sacrifices they made to provide them education. They worked hard at school and settled in white-collar jobs which enabled them to lead a much more comfortable life than their parents did. However, when these parents had their own children they had benefited from having a good education. All of these parents had visited Australia at least once before they decided to emigrate. Mr. Goh and his wife and Mr. Cheong had studied in Perth at the tertiary level. Their experience was that with Australian degrees they could get well-paid jobs in their own countries or they could settle in Australia as permanent residents. In fact, three factors motivated these families to emigrate to Australia: better educational opportunities for their children, an appealing easy-going life-style, and socio-political problems in their own countries. An excerpt from an interview with Yu Chi Kwang is typical of the other families' reasons for emigrating to Australia.:

We liked the open space (in Australia), fresh air, and cheap food.... In Hong Kong

there are only two universities. There is so much competition for education. My

daughters could not be sure of a place at the university even if they could get good

marks. You have to be very smart to enrol in the university in Hong Kong.

In Australia there are so many universities and competition is not so much.... (also)

in 1997 Hong Kong will become part of China.... We wanted to get out before

China took over-Yu Chi Kwang.

Parents in these families spoke in their own language at home.Their life style, food habits, social network were distinctively akin to the countries of their origin. Except for the Goh family which immigrated in 1979, these families arrived in Australia in the mid-1980s.

The choice of Southside as a place for residence, where Paramount Senior High is located, was not a coincidence. They bought their homes in this suburb because of the academic reputation of the school. Kok family had heard about Paramount Senior High before they decided to emigrate.

Although three Malaysian-born parents (Mr. and Mrs. Goh and Mr. Cheong) had earned degrees as full-time students, from the University of Western Australia before they immigrated, and the fathers in two other families had completed A-level (equivalent to TEE) they found it hard to get jobs commensurate with their qualifications.

Overcoming the Initial Problems

With the proceeds brought from their native countries, these families bought houses in the catchment area of Paramount Senior High; each bought two cars and all the necessary household items. They deposited some money in banks and left some in banks in their native countries (in case they decided to go back). With their Australian qualifications and relevant work experience in their own countries, the Gohs and Cheongs were quite confident about getting jobs commensurate with their qualifications and experience. The Kwangs and Koks wanted to start businesses but did not have a great deal of success. They confronted more problems than they had anticipated. Mr. Kwang was an assistant manager of a good hotel in Hong Kong. He explained:

Here (in Australia) I am a porter in a hotel working on different shifts. I earn

$265 per week. My wife earns about the same (as a worker in a garment

factory). With this salary in Hong Kong I could not have afforded the quality

of education which my daughters are getting in Australia....To earn extra money

I have started a driving school.... There is no social life in Australia. Some

Australians are racists. One day a lady at a shopping centre looked at me and

I could tell from her eyes that she hated me. Some Australians really do not

like the Asians but we ignore them.

Parents in the other families also experienced problems in getting the jobs commensurate with their qualifications. The Cheongs in partnership with their Malaysian friends, unsuccessfully opened a Chinese restaurant; Tuan Kok worked as a kitchen hand at Kentucky Fried Chicken before he got a job as a car sales person. The Gohs were successful in getting well paid jobs but after working for several years they resigned from their jobs and bought a newsagency. Mr. Goh explained:

When I and my wife were working we earned about $86000 (per annum)

but we were working for someone else. At work I was upset many times by

the derogatory comments (about Asians) made by Australians. Now even

though we earn less money and work for longer hours I am my own boss.

Chinese like their own business. Sometime our children come and help us.

While parents from these families struggled to make a living, their children's experiences at school were like nightmares. They faced language barrier and problems in adjusting with their Anglo-Australian counterparts. Excerpts below encapsulate their experiences:

Hongzia: When I started going to school in Perth at first I copied someone's

work all the time, because I did not know what to do. So they called me a

"copy cat", "bitch", "ching chong", "Hongkie" and "Kanton". They teased me

all the time.

Malik: When you faced these problems did you tell your teachers and parents?

Hongzia: I was afraid to tell my teachers. One day I wet my underwear because

I was afraid of some kids.... Usually, I told my parents at night about 12 o'clock,

because I did not want my sister to know about it. My parents told me that these

Australian kids did not know how to speak Chinese, so already you are better

than them.

Miran had similar experiences when she started schooling in Australia.

My early days in Australia were the hardest days in my whole life. I didn't

speak or understand English. I didn't know what to do at school. I was

teased for being an Asian. Words like "ching chong", "Hongkie" were said

in front of my face. Although I didn't know what it meant, I knew it wasn't

a nice thing to say. I couldn't make friends because I couldn't communicate

with others. I not only had problems with speaking English, but understanding

the Australian accent.

Lee Kok was bullied in primary as well as high school. He talked about his shattered dream:

I was eleven when my family emigrated to Australia. I was excited to live in a

new country. In Singapore I was sick of too much homework. There were

many exams and tests.... I was taught to study beyond my limits. My life had

been nothing but studying.... When I started school in Perth I found education

so relaxed. I could talk to the teacher without any fear. Home work is very little

as the responsibility is left entirely to the student in terms of home study.... But I

faced problems because I had no friends and I looked different.... I was bullied

a lot and many kids spread rumours about me. At school there was a boy Ken

Lawry who was a rough person. He sure gave me hard time. He used to taunt

me. ... When he had finished insulting me, he would hit me a few times and

then call some of his mates to hurt me physically as well as pass on unappreciated

comments like "gook go back to your little bamboo hut in Singapore and stink

there". They would gather around me and start pushing me to someone else. ...

For many weeks I did not tell my parents. One day my mum saw me crying in

my room. I told her about this boy. ...

When I started high school they came to the same school and harassed me even

more. One day this kid, Ken Lawry challenged me to fight. I did not want to

fight but he blocked my way and pushed me. I hit him. He started to fight. I hit

him on jaw. He started to bleed. After that many of his mates started to pick on me.

A year later Lee talked more about his experiences at school.

Well, as time passed I felt more adjusted to this place. I started to mix around

with other Asians who had been in Australia for quite sometime. I had an

awakening inside me. But before this I had to see a psychiatrist for a few months.

I was in hospital for three weeks.

Mrs. Kok was devastated by the unfortunate experience of her son at school. In an emotion-charged interview she told me about the psychological trauma the family had to go through:

In Year 8 Lee was referred for psychiatry treatment. He was in hospital for three

weeks. Some Australian children ganged against him. They were the same kids who

hassled him in primary school. For sometime Lee did not tell us. He would come

and hide in his room. ... He would cry and say, "why did you bring me here? I

want to go back to Singapore". [Her voice sinks and tears start streaming]. They

challenged him to fight. ... Sometime they put a nail to flatten the tyre of his

bike. His racing bike was stolen. He became so upset that he would not like to

go to school. We told him not to take any notice of the Aussie kids but they

would not live him alone. We complained to the deputy principal but he did

nothing to reprimand these kids. Then we told Lee to hit back. But then he got

in even more trouble [Pause and wipes her tears]. At this time he started to have

nightmares. He would look at the wall and run to me and say, "this wall is falling

on me". He would sit in front of the food and would not eat. He started to day

dream [Mrs. Kok cannot speak and she wipes her tears].

When Lee was behaving like this my husband was having problem with his

employer. He (husband) did not show much patience with Lee. ... My husband,

like his father, is very regimental. He expected Lee to do well at school but we

did not know Lee was put down so badly by bullying at school.

Commitment to Education

Parental emotional support, and the provision of cultural and social capital (Coleman, 1988) was also evident in these four Chinese-Australian families. These parents brought with them a cultural view that scholarship and effort were the route to social mobility. Although these families were new to the country and did not understand the educational system well, they had one common goal: keeping their children committed to school work. One strategy they followed was that they worked hard on low paid jobs and showed frugality in spending on their personal comforts but invested heavily on educational resources for their children. Fully aware of their children's social and academic problems, parents adopted the strategy to suffer themselves but help their children overcome language-related and social adjustment problems.

Parental commitment to the education of their children was well-reflected in their investment of time, educational resources and the provision of home tutors in English, maths and science even when the possibility of success was already high (eg. Chi Chen, Hongzia, Pearl and Victor) or very low as in the case of Tein Goh or Lee Kok. The Kwangs were the most persuasive and even coercive in their demands for high grades. Mr. Kwang's illness (he died of liver cancer in April, 1996), unemployment of husband and wife (Mrs. Kwang had resigned from her job in order to look after her ailing husband) and financial hardship did not stop Hongzia and Miran from employing a home tutor in maths. Both girls had improved in English and were no longer in English as a Second Language classes. The dying wish of Mr. Kwang to his older daughter was: "If something happens to me you don't give up your studies. We came to Australia for your sake. We would like you to be a doctor". Excerpts given below are self-evident of parental concern about the education of their children:

My parents always tell us to study hard and get good grades. Most of the time

I finish my homework before I watch TV. When I have an exam I always go to

my parents' room to study so they know I have an exam and they won't disturb

me.... When my sister and I get good marks my parents are very happy and

proud and they tell us to keep up¾ Victor Cheong.

Our parents tell us all the time to take school work seriously. Mum comes

home tired from work. She says, "If you have a test , you do your studies,

for your sake I will do the house chores.... If we have an assignment to do

they take us to the library to get some books. Before we were not allowed

to watch too much TV. They expected us to study all the time. Now they

know we are studying hard, they allow us to watch TV.... Now (grade 11)

I work so hard that my Dad says, "Don't give yourself too much pressure.

Our family doctor (Chinese) says that I should relax as well. But how can

I relax until I finish TEE and get a good score to get into medicine. A score

of 80% is not good enough¾ Hongzia Kwang

My parents bought a new set of world book encyclopedia. It encourages

me a lot to study and read more. They encourage me to go to the library

more often and they always remind me to revise over my day's work or

finish all my home work. They have bought a computer with word

processor of the best sort. My parents only usually talk to me about the

school work.... They have influenced me most to study hard¾ Chi Chen Goh

How much these parents were committed to the education of their children was reflected in their daily routine. After observing the Cheong family for two years I wrote in my field notes:

Most days Mrs. Cheong is home before 4 p.m. She works for three and a

half days. Children return from school before 3.15. Before Mrs. Cheong

comes, Victor and Pearl are busy doing their home work. The days when the

tutor comes (to teach maths and English) both children are ready for him by

4.30. Other days Mrs. Cheong sits with them (drinking Chinese tea and

reading Chinese novels) while they complete their home work. Mrs. Cheong

takes them to the local library if they need to go. This happens at least once

a week.... It is at the dining table Mr. Cheong instil Chinese values and

cautions his children about the ills of the Western culture. When he talks to

them they listen to him with their heads down and with no eye contact....

During the weekdays after 8 p.m. their children are not allowed to watch TV.

Pearl goes to her favourite hobby (book reading) and Victor goes to his

parents' bedroom (which has a bigger study desk and a computer ) to do

his school work. Around 10 p.m. children go to bed.

In these families parents were as much concerned to preserve certain Chinese values as they were anxious to see their children to do well in studies. Probing interviews with children revealed that their parents would not be satisfied with less than an 'A grade'. When Tein Goh decided to repeat TEE Mrs. Goh demanded, "If you want to repeat you will have to get a minimum of 80% marks. I will nag you. I don't care what you say".

In most cases [ when the students I was studying were making their selection of subjects for upper school] their parents played such a vital role that they virtually selected the subjects for them. In advising their children they were not driven as much by the interest of their children as by the career path which they wanted them to pursue. Whether for excellence or to give extra help home tutors were employed. And on their part [Lee Kok was the only exception] the children obliged their parents by working hard and aiming at achieving high grades. Hongzia reflected the commitment of the others: "To get into medicine 80% marks and A grade is not enough. I want to keep my score above 90%". To achieve this target these children had become self-demanding and developed good work habits. Mrs. Goh talked about the work habits of Chi Chen:

Chi Chen will do his home work first. When he studies he concentrates. He

will always try his best to produce good work. About his school work we do

not have to remind him any more. He tries to look for information from

different sources. He gets annoyed with himself if he cannot complete his

work. He asks for our help. Before giving the final copy of his work he

writes his first draft.

Near exam time all of them worked for long hours, some in the small hours of night and some late at night. The dying wish of Mr. Kwang to his older daughter was: "If something happens to me you don't give up your studies. We came to Australia for your sake. We would like you to be a doctor". Hongzia assured her Dad that she would do her best to fulfil his wish. She told me:

How can I slow down when I haven't done my TEE? I cannot sleep because

I want to improve my score. I got 'A grades' in all subjects but my average was

below 88%. Unless I get 88% aggregate I cannot get into medicine. My Dad

always wanted me to do medicine.

In these families parents put their children to a set routine and insisted they must finish home work before watching television. On Saturday all of them had to attend Chinese language classes.

Near exam time they put extra time into their studies and the 'Exam Hell' (Cherry, 1983) was so intense it took a toll on the health of Hongzia Kwang and Pearl Cheong. Hongzia suffered from perpetual headache, lost appetite and found it difficult to sleep. Hongzia, Miran and Tein also suffered from test anxiety and pressure for high grades. Victor and Pearl were under constant pressure by their desire to please their parents. Interviews with teachers revealed that they were unaware of the depression and frustration of Hongzia and Lee Kok. About Pearl Mr. Cheong said half jokingly, "If she had a choice between sleeping and reading she would choose reading." Her parents were compelled to cut down her time spent on studies. Chi Chen had stopped participating in Lion Dance, and Victor had stopped playing golf three months before the TEE. In most cases, an intra-personal demand to excel in studies was potentially stronger than direct parental pressure. Thus the children had internalised their parents' expectations of school work's priority over all other activities.

TABLE 2

NUMBER OF HOURS SPENT IN DOING VARIOUS ACTIVITIES PER WEEK 1995

Homework

Part -Time

Job

Tuition

Sports

TV/Stereo/

Computer

Socialising

With Friends

Socialising With Parents

Household Chores

Chi Chen

17 2 2 4 20 8 4 -

Lee 15 - 2 1.5 26 - 4.5 1.5

Lit Wey

20 - 1 1 24 - 5 -

Hongzia

24 - 2 - 18 - 6 2

Miran 22 - 1 - 29 4 7 4

Victor 23 - 2 6 8 2 6 2

Pearl 25 - 1 4 18 - 7 3

Racheal

12 10 - 6 8 8 8 8

Chris 8 15 - 9 15 24 2 -

Ben 11 14 - 15 15 10 6 4

Glenn 3 10 - 6 31 16 2 4

Clint 5 12 - 10 22 20 2 6

Financially hard pressed and suffering from liver cancer Mr. Kwang said, "Instead of doing a part-time job we would prefer Hongzia to spend more time doing her work in maths and English". Showing his disapproval of part-time job Mr. Cheong emphatically said, "At high school my children's main job is to concentrate on studies. Why should they go for a part-time job when I and my wife are both working? What are parents for? We can't understand how Australians can ask their children to leave home at the age of fifteen. The data in Table-2, especially column 1 bears out the actual difference in the time spent by their children in school-related and non-school activities. Also, after school Chinese-Australian children hardly spent any time socialising with their friends. Parental involvement in their children's career paths became quite evident at the end of Year 10 when their children were making subject selection for the upper school study program. Parents attended the information night organised by the school about subject selection. They talked to their children about the value of more difficult subjects and used their social network before they made decision for their children.

Parental Control

The most striking feature of these four families was their control over their children's after-school hours activities and the lack of it was equally obvious in Anglo-Australian families. By controlling where and when children go, parents controlled the activities of their children. There was a marked parental curtailment of children's spatial parameters outside the home. Even at home, activities were outlined and most time was spent in doing something which parents considered purposeful. Two factors appeared to be operative in parental control strategies: parents' belief that they owe responsibility to discipline their children, and their fear that if they allowed them to mix with the Anglo-Australians or some "Asians who had become too much Australians" they might lose interest in studies. Tight control and restrictiveness exerted by parents were not accompanied by hostility or coercion often as in Anglo-Australian families. Parents monitored the routine learning activities and provided corrective feedback and imposed sanctions to reinforce their children's behaviour. On their part, children responded in a positive manner to fulfil their parents' expectations by involving in achievement-related activities. A very reflective Chi Chen Goh told me:

My parents always guarded us against (the use of) foul language. They used to

tell us that in this area [their previous residence] there are many bad families. They

don't have control over their children. In these families there are a lot of fights. We

are Chinese. Chinese children must respect their parents and elderly people in the

family. They used to tell us the things like we are soon going to move to a better

area where there will be lots of good Chinese kids. My mother used to say, "be

careful of the street culture" even though I didn't know what it meant.

Of all the families, the after-school hours of the Cheong family were the most tightly controlled. Victor and Pearl told me that the rules were a bit strict and they had only partially accepted the rationale given by their parents. Enjoying a fair degree of autonomy Mrs. Cheong, like her husband, was exacting and demanding. Victor followed his father's tradition by avoiding what his father called "negative influences of the street kids". Strongly ingrained in Chinese culture Mr. Cheong explained:

How come the Australians allow their 15-year-olds to start their own lives?

Instead of asking my children to do part-time work I will work for longer hours

and provide them tutors in maths and English.... Instead of going to the pub I

will like to take my children to play golf.... Chinese parents not only encourage

their children to work hard in their school work but they are all the time behind

them.... (Do) you know why the Asians do well in studies? It is because of the

culture. Asian families are cohesive, they stick together. Children are taught to

respect their elders and teachers from the early age. In Australia many parents

don't care for their children after the age of 15. Children go their own way.

Parents don't bother because they don't want to be disturbed.

In the case of the Kwang family parents coerced and even physically punished their daughters. In an interview [a few months before his death due to liver cancer] Mr. Kwang gave this information:

I reckon people are born lazy. They are only pieces of white papers and

parents paint them colourfully. We start educating them when they are as young

as 4 or 5-years old. In Hong Kong children do not talk back even if parents are

wrong. [when I was a child] my parents scolded and beat me with stick if I had

a bad report from school. I worked harder because my parents would

punish me if I didn't get good school report.... Children should be raised under

the supervision of parents. When they make a mistake we should always correct

them If they make a big mistake we do not even beat them but tell them the

consequences of their actions. If you only hit them without telling them about

the mistake the result will be worse. So always discuss the mistakes with them

until they get a clear picture and (say) they will not do it again.

When these parents were asked: What worries you most about your child when s/he goes out with the Anglo-Australian children? they invariably said, "They may catch some Australian habits like questioning parents' authority". In order to protect their children from "picking up the wrong habits" parents gave them frequent "lectures" to guard against "the negative influence of street kids". One afternoon Mr. Cheong , looking through the window of his lounge, told me:

In this park there are so many children who come to smoke. Most of them are

from Paramount High School. They bring bottles of beer. I tell my children

"Look at these kids. Where are their parents? Maybe in the pub". I tell my children

to be beware of such kids.

Typically, these parents adopted an approach to insulate their children from what they called the "influence of street culture". Instead of allowing their children to spend time with their friends, parents made sacrifice on their personal comfort and organised their homes around the activities of their children.

ANGLO-AUSTRALIAN FAMILIES

Interest in Sports and Leisure Activities

In their teenage parents in these four families were very keen on sports. In fact, before their marriage, in all families parents started courting each other while playing sports. Their interest in sports and outdoor activities did not diminish as they grew older. Some of them kept playing sports with keen interest until they got their own children. The Morgans were the most sports-oriented family. As a young man Paul Morgan was a fine athlete, an excellent player of squash, basketball and Aussie rules football. A colleague of mine who studied with Paul Morgan described him "as an average student, sports hero.... Girls used to compete with each other to have a date with him". His wife, Nancy Morgan, said, "I fell in love with Paul when I saw him playing basketball. He was a ladies' man".

Emphasis on sports and recreation was quite evident in their home leisure activities. In their backyard Smiths had a swimming pool, table tennis, and a dartboard. In the games room they had billiards and a bar. Marshalls had a swimming pool, piano, table tennis, caravan and a dartboard. The Morrisons had a basketball practice ring, dartboard, billiards and a caravan. All of these families had excellent barbecue facilities in their backyards. Parents' responses to a question: How do you spend your weekends? sum up their interest in leisure and sports activities.

Mr. Smith: Mostly in winter I go to watch footy or visit my parents. I used to

play squash and basketball with keen interest.

Mr. Marshall: We like to watch sports on television and go to the beach whenever

we can.

Mr. Morgan: My wife and I like to go for dinners at restaurants. I spend quite a

fair bit of time watching my sons play Aussie rules football and baseball. For

several years I have been a coach for footy.

Mr. Morrison: I go to work before sun rise and come after sun set. I work in a

noisy factory for five and half days. Quite often I don't see my sons during the

weekdays. At weekends I spend time pottering around the backyard and

taking the boys to the beach or watch them play soccer and basketball.

Mr. Morgan had been helping the local teams in baseball and Aussie rules football as an umpire. Parents' interest in sports and leisure activities was germane to their children's interest in similar activities. Mrs. Morgan explained:

All our children are naturally talented in sports, but Paul (husband) has got

a lot to do with it. As a young man he played a lot of sports and now he is

doing a lot of coaching. When our children started primary school Paul

encouraged them to play hockey, cricket and Aussie rules football. He used

to play with them in the backyard all the time. On Saturday and Sunday Paul

spends (even now) a lot of time in Ben's sports activities. When Shane (older

son) plays for his team (West Coast Eagles, a top Aussie rules football team of

Western Australia), quite often we all go to see him play. Ben loves to be like

his brother. But in studies he is not as good as Shane.

Interest in sports and leisure activities was the most obvious area where parents and their children were involved with each other. During their annual leave at Christmas time all parents took their children to different coastal towns enjoying fishing and water sports. Their children participated in organised sports and spent several hours a week training and playing. All parents were very keen to see them excel in sports. Most days of the week between 3 p.m. and 6 p.m. they were either doing part-time work or playing sports. Ben Morgan's routine was representative of Chris, Clint and Glenn.

At 3 I came home (from school). At 4 I went to footy training until 6. Dad came to

see me training.... On Saturday at 10.30 I went next door to play computer games

with my friend. After lunch I went with Dad to the beach for surfing and

swimming. Came back at 4.15. Talked with Dad about surfing for half an hour.

Mum and Dad went out. I invited my friend to watch video at my place. On

Sunday, I went to play footy. Mum and Dad came to see me play. I came home

and watched footy on the TV. with Dad.

Chris Marshall gave a graphic account of his weekend routine and the pleasure he derived

from it:

Straight after school I went to my girl friend's place and then went to my

friend's place until 11. On Saturday, I got up at 5 and went surfing. Returned

home at 10 and went to my part-time work for four hours. Came home and

listened to stereo for two and half hours. At 5.30 went to my girl friend's

place to watch a video about surfing. Did some study from 5. 30 to 6.30.

When I come home from surfing I am buggered mate. I am so tired that I

don't like doing any work. I go to my room and lock myself in and sleep for

10 hours. You feel so good man when you get up. Surfing is a great sport.

Clint was a basketball scholarship student and represented his school in interstate basketball competition. Ben was selected by the Australian Institute of Sports for baseball. Rachel, Krista, Glenn and Chris represented the school in various sports activities.

Peer Group Orientation

Unlike the Chinese-Australian children, Anglo-Australian spent most of their time, especially at weekends, socialising with friends (see Table 2). Their parents held the view that children should be socialised into being economically independent, assertive and making their own decisions at an early stage. Thus, parents encouraged their children to look for part-time work, help in the household chores and freely interact with peers. This approach to child rearing had its origin in their own up-bringing. Parents themselves had started part-time work at an early age when they were studying in lower high school, started to save money to buy a car, and started going out with friends of the opposite sex. Thus, partly due to their own socialisation and partly because of their desire to have "free time for themselves" they wanted their children to be independent at an early age. Parents were of the firm belief that children learn a lot of things from their peer group and responsibility comes to them if they are exposed to the workforce at an early age.

The absence of parents at home when children returned from school (except for Mrs. Smith), the spending of most spare time, especially weekends, socialising with friends (except for Rachel Marshall) and playing organised sports were all in sharp contrast to the activities of Chinese-Australian children who spent most of their spare time in school-related activities. As a result, Anglo-Australian children were more peer group-oriented and free from parental control. Behind the backs of their parents these children were able to do things their parents would not approve of. And when parents did get to know of these activities, tensions built up and bitter arguments erupted, as the following excerpts show:

Mrs. Smith: One day Krista and her friends went to a McDonalds for dinner.

We thought she was in the company of good friends and allowed her to go.

That night Krista, her friends and two boys went to the park. They had a bottle

of whisky. When she came home at night she kept on vomiting. She told us

that she took only a small quantity and smoked two cigarettes. She must have

taken quite a bit to be that sick.

(on another occasion) You know the latest about Krista. She goes to her friend's

place (on Friday). I let her go, but discovered from her diary that both of them

went to the city. Without telling us she went to Northbridge with three other girls

and seven boys. She didn't return until 11.30. Now I have grounded her again.

She didn't like it and shouted at me: "You are making the whole thing going

with boys look bad.... This is not fair. As soon as I turned sixteen I will live

independently...." I said to her, "It will not be fun getting pregnant at the age of

15. In Northbridge there are drug pushers and drunks. How can you defend

yourself if you are attacked? At the age of sixteen I fell pregnant and became

an unmarried mother. I don't want it happening to you". She said, "Going with

boys doesn't mean I will get pregnant". I said to her, "I know what it means and

you are not allowed".

At school once, when I was on school yard supervision, Krista told me:

Mum's very unfair. She doesn't like any of my boy friends and finds fault with

everyone. She criticises me for whatever I do. She reads my diary when I'm

away at school or doing part-time work. She always wants things her ways....

Mum and Dad argue all the time. When they argue I close my door and say to

myself, "Why did they marry"?.... To earn some money I started doing part-

time work from 3.30 to 6.30 and half day on Saturday. During holidays I work

everyday. I don't have much fun. Mum doesn't allow me to socialise with my

friends. She grounds me often. But she can't stop me from meeting my friends.

I study better when I have fun but Mum doesn't understand it.

When her parents failed to understand her plea, Krista did something more dramatic as Mrs. Smith recalled:

Our little darling (Krista) decided to kill herself by taking an overdose of ten

asprins at night. I was sleeping alone on the sofa when I heard a sound in her

room. I woke up and told my husband Krista had taken an overdose of asprins.

In the morning we took her to the doctor. Tests conducted on her didn't show

any sign of overdose of drugs. The doctor and a psychologist thought it was a

stunt to seek attention.

The following year Krista dropped out of school and left home to live independently with her friends.

Except for Rachel Marshall, the other teenagers from these families were also striving for more freedom to spend more time with friends playing sports and enjoying leisure activities. Talking about her inability to control the behaviour of her sons Mrs. Morrison said:

They get cross with me sometimes. Last week Clint wanted to go to a party.

We said, "You have an important exam coming up in two days. Stay home and

study". He refused to stay. Don got angry with him.... There was a big argument.

Clint still went with his friends. I try to make them realise the importance of study

and homework now so that in future they will have a good education behind them.

I put TV on to watch news, current affairs and documentary films but they like

sports and pop music or movies.... The older they grow the more they get

influenced by their friends and don't listen to us. It is very hard to control them.

Quite often they fight and argue and throw verbal jabs at each other. I allow them

to relax and feel happy at home rather than wander around the district bored.

Sometimes Don (husband) lets them drink light (low alcohol) beer at home so

that they don't drink with their friends.

Although the Marshalls were happy because their children had started going out with friends and got part-time work, Chris, became out of control and parents could not do anything to change his mind. Mrs. Marshall told me:

Chris belongs to a gang of students, I mean a group of his mates he mostly

hangs around with. Some of them are older than him. They have left school.

None of them did TEE. During holidays and sometimes at weekends they go

to the non-alcoholic night club and Time Zone. ... He has tasted alcohol,

cigarettes, and possibly marijuana, but he doesn't like it. He hasn't been

involved in any gang fight. I have told him that if he wants a drink I can buy

for him but he doesn't come home drunk.

TABLE 3

OCCUPATIONAL / EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS

Student Subject Selection Career Aspirations

Parental Expectations

Chi Chen

Intro. Calculus, Geom/Trig., Physics, Chemistry, English, Economics

Engineer/Doctor We will be happy so long as he does a University degree. If he becomes a doctor it is great.

Tein Accounting, Geography, Economics, Business Studies, Biology

Accountant We will be happy if she does some course at TAFE or a degree at the University.

Lee Kuan

TAFE subjects Apprenticeship We will be satisfied if he studies at TAFE and gets some job.

Hongzia Intro. Calculus, Geom/Trig., Physics, Chemistry, English, Japanese

Doctor The only reason we migrated to Australia and bought a house here.

Miran Doctor Paramount is to give good education to our daughters.

Victor Accounting, Economics, Computing, Japanese, English, Intro. Calculus

Accountant I would have liked him to be a doctor but if he wants to be an accountant it is OK

Pearl Doctor She should make a good doctor and we're preparing her.

Rachel English Literature, Intro. Calculus, Geom/Trig, History, Chemistry, Japanese

Lawyer

Japanese Interpreter

We are sure she will join the University. If she didn't TAFE is OK.

Chris Geography, History, English, Biology, Work Studies

Chef

Didn't appear for TEE

dropped out of TAFE

We are surprised he decided to complete Year 12. HE is more interested in girls than in studies.

Glenn Furniture woodwork, Metal construction, Senior science, Senior English, Maths in practice, Photography

Not sure

TAFE subjects

We don't think he will join TAFE

Clint TAFE subjects Physiotherapist aide

We are glad he has decided to study at TAFE

Ben Geography, English, Intro. Calculus, Chemistry, Human Biology, Furniture Woodwork.

Marine Biologist We want him to do a degree. It does not matter what course he takes.

Krista Physical Science, Economics, English

Psychologist/ Accountant

Social Worker

dropped out in yr 11 1995

We will not be disappointed if she did not join the University

TABLE 4

ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE AND OCCUPATIONAL ASPIRATIONS (1997)

Name TEE/TAFE Score Career Path/Aspirations

Chi Chen Goh 450/510 Science/Engineering (UWA)

Hongzia Kwang 399/510 Dentistry (UWA)

Victor Cheong 367/510 Commerce (Curtin)

Tein Goh 335/510 Business (Curtin)

Pearl Cheong Yr. 10 Lawyer

Miran Kwang Yr. 11 Science

Lee Kuan Kok Completed Yr. 12 at TAFE No further studies

Rachael Marshall 403/510 Japanese (Murdoch)

Krista Smith 364/510 Commerce (Curtin)

Clint Morrison Completed TAFE course No further studies

Chris Marshall 164/510 (Failed TEE) No further studies

Ben Morgan 231/510 (Failed TEE) No further studies

Glenn Morrison Completed Yr.12 TAFE No further studies

Discussion

When children from the four Chinese-Australian families enrolled at Paramount Senior High their parents (except for the Goh family) were in the process of adjustment to Australia and their children started high school with a clear handicap of weakness in English and in some cases faced race-related problems. Anglo-Australian families were well-settled in Southside with both parents (except for Smith family) working. In terms of parental education and educational resources provided for their children there was more intra-group difference rather than inter-group difference. Measured on the quality of the house and material possessions there was no obvious difference other than Anglo-Australian homes were more equipped with items of sports and leisure.

At the start of high school children from Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian families did not differ a great deal on their Inter-D score (measure of ability) and performance. Except for Chi Chen Goh, initially Chinese-Australian children were put in English as a Second Language classes. In Year 8 Glenn was identified as a 'student at risk' meaning he needed extra help in literacy and numeracy. According to the record of school psychologist, Krista Smith, Rachel Marshall, and Chi Chen Goh were the most able students measured on ability tests prepared by the Australian Council of Educational Research (ACER). Lee Kuan Kok had been bullied by Anglo-Australian children at primary school and at high school.

When most of these students were in Year 9 (1993) Rachel Marshall was performing better than the rest; Krista Smith, Chi Chen Goh, and Hongzia Kwang were performing at above average level ; Lee Kuan Kok, Glenn Morrison were at below average level. In the same year Tein Goh, Clint Morrison, and Chris Marshall were in Year 11., all studying TEE subjects. Miran Kwang and Pearl Cheong were in grade 7 and were performing at an average level. Thus, there was no clear-cut pattern of performance based on their ethnicity or parental occupation. However, different pattern, based on ethnicity, started to unfold by the time they reached Year 12 or completed Year 12. Except for Lee Kuan Kok, all the Chinese-Australian children were either enrolled at the university or preparing for it. Information given in Table 3 compares the career aspirations of the children from all the eight families as well as it gives some indications of parental aspirations for their children. By comparison, as shown in Table 4, except Rachel Marshall and Krista Smith, none of the

Anglo-Australian children enrolled at any tertiary institution. Lee Kuan Kok had enrolled at a TAFE college to do a short course in horticulture. Glenn Morrison was working at a fast food outlet and his older brother was working as a nursing aid. Chris had moved to a country coastal town to work as a fruit-picker and at weekends was enjoying his main passion in life: surfing. Ben had been working part-time at McDonalds.

Measured on their achievement in sports it was totally an Anglo-Australian show. Ben Morgan was selected by the Australian Institute of Sports for his excellent performance in baseball. Clint Morrison had excelled in basketball. All the Anglo-Australians had got certificates of excellence in various sports. None of the Chinese-Australian children got any award in any type of sport at school, although Victor and Pearl Cheong had participated in the swimming team at Paramount.

How do we account for this widening gap in the academic performance of children from these families? What differences have school and homes made? How have students' own values affected their attitudes toward schoolwork? Although there is a polarisation of students on the basis of their ethnicity, it is hard to pin point a single factor which has made this difference. It appears that in the host country Chinese-Australian families have perceived education as the only means of social mobility. Led by this belief they invested heavily in their children's education. If this is so a question arises What leads the Chinese-Australians to believe in education as the key factor in social mobility? I speculate that their cultural values, and experiences and perceptions in the host society are the driving force for them to encourage their children to take schoolwork so seriously.

Cultural explanations propose that achievement is a result of Asian cultural values that extol the virtues of education, or of cultural practices that maximise skills in gaining education. The most popular cultural view is that Chinese family values and socialisation experiences emphasise the need to succeed educationally. Central to Chinese-Australian parents' approach to child rearing practices were their own cultural values and their experiences in the host society. Reasons for immigration and choosing to live in Southside in the catchment area of Paramount Senior High School tended to account for parents' emphasis on their children's education. Strong parental commitment to education, high expectations from their children, and tight control over their children's after-school time were the key features of Chinese-Australian families. By their own admission, these families emigrated primarily for the education of their children. The values, attitudes, educational attainment, and economic status of parents prior to their immigration, plus their experiences and perceptions of the opportunities in the host country, appeared to be critical in parents' strong commitment for the education of their children. Study of the Goh and Cheong families lends support to Takanishi's hypothesis (1990, p. 359): children of parents who once were middle class professionals but in the host country own small businesses are likely to have the attitudes and values that place great emphasis on educational and economic success. However, the cases of Kwang and Kok family stand out. Mr. Kwang and Mr. Kok were not in professional jobs in their own countries and could not find suitable jobs in Australia but their expectations from their children were not less than the other Chinese-Australian families. Their "migrant drive" (Smolicz and Wiseman, 1971) maybe attributed to their cultural values which treasure education.

One common strategy adopted by Chinese-Australian families was that since they could not find a suitable job commensurate to their experience or qualifications, they decided to be self-employed in the "middle man migrant economy" (Light, 1972). They accepted low status occupations in order to provide economic security for the family and cultural and social capital (Coleman, 1988) for the education of their children. Parents' perception of a "thin grey line of subtle discrimination" (Chun, 1995, p.99) against them only strengthened their resolve and commitment to achieve status by investing in the education of their children.

It is hard to say whether the "folk theory" (Ogbu, 1987) to success in education of Chinese-Australian families has its origin in their experiences in Australia or whether they brought these values with them. Nonetheless, values such as impulse control (eg. not to question parents' authority ), deferment of short term gratification (eg. no part-time work, no intimate friends of the opposite sex), effort (eg. we are new to the country we must work hard to establish ourselves) and scholastic achievement (eg. with Australian education you can get good job) can be attributed to the Chinese cultural values as much as parents' perceptions of opportunities for their children in Australia. Coming from large cities, and from cultures which have traditionally valued education, Chinese-Australians placed secondary importance on their own interests and had expectations of social mobility for their children which involved encouraging them to work hard at school to get good grades in order to facilitate their entry in tertiary institutions so as to pursue professional degrees. To achieve this goal these families adopted behaviour which Gibson (1988) called "acculturation without assimilation" or "alternation model" (Ogbu, 1987). According to this model immigrants while retaining their cultural values strive to play the classroom game by the rules and try to overcome all kinds of difficulties in school because they believe so strongly that there will be a pay off later. It is, perhaps this belief system which explains parents' strong involvement with their children and their protection strategies from peer group influence. Parents in these families acted strongly to overcome their children's initial problems, to adjust socially, and to motivate them to take school work seriously. In each family children were guided and encouraged to develop good academic habits and perseverance. They recognised that schooling was the primary avenue to higher paying and physically less strenuous jobs for their children. To get professional jobs parents demanded good grades from their children and the latter responded to their parents' expectations. Gow et al.(1989, p.57) reached a similar conclusion in their study of the Chinese teenagers in Hong Kong. They found that students' motives for higher education were to get good jobs. To achieve this goal they wanted to do well at school and were strategic in their studies. They were examination-oriented and studied only the materials on which they would be examined. Ho (1994) argues that Chinese parents and their children are driven by utilitarian pragmatism and consider scholastic success as a passport to high status.

Anglo-Australian families represent the mainstream group. Their parents enjoy sports and value leisure activities. Most parents from these families had dropped out of school after Year 10 not because of economic hardships but by their own choices. Parents from these families, on the other hand, followed a more diversified approach to the schooling of their children. They were more tempted by short term gratification and recreational activities. It is this belief system which guided their child rearing practices. From primary school age they encouraged their children to participate in organised sports and they remained involved in sports and leisure activities of their children right through the high school years. A marked discontinuity between home and school of Anglo-Australian was noticeable. Although parents valued education and wanted their children to undertake tertiary studies, sports activities were central to their life styles. From an early age they wanted their children to enjoy sports at school and after school.

Information gathered from Chinese-Australian families indicated that hard work, respect for education and motivation to become educated was quite strong. Perceiving education as the only available channel of social mobility, substantial investment in their children's education at a disproportionate sacrifice (eg Kwangs) to family finance and social well-being is an indication of parental concern and expectations. This study, supported by Endo (1984), Wong (1980), claims that Chinese-Australian parents have a significant influence and place considerable pressure on their children to achieve academically. Although such influence and pressure encouraged most Chinese-Australians to reach their full potential by working hard it was not without some adverse consequences. Hongzia was very close to nervous breakdown in her pursuit for academic excellence. Even though she performed brilliantly (80% TEE aggregate in top-notch subjects) and got in dentistry she had a sense of guilt because she could not fulfil the dying wish of her father who wanted her to be a doctor. In fact, her feeling of guilt was even more intense because she knew how much financial hardship and sacrifice her parents had undergone. Mental depression of Lee Kuan could be attributed as much to his authoritarian father's demand as to bullying at school.

Conclusions

Family life of these Chinese-Australian families was more structured; parents organised their life style around the education of their children and guided them to certain career paths. Parents from these four Chinese-Australian families were less satisfied with their children's performance even if they got an 'A-grade'; were more involved in their children's homework; were more regular, rigid and task-oriented in weekend activities; and provided more stable home environment. In fact, a remarkable difference between Chinese-Australian and Anglo-Australian parents is that the former monitor their children's division of time between academic and social activities whereas the latter do not or are unable to exercise control over their children's time. Study of these families suggests that Chinese-Australian parents make greater sacrifices on their time, interests and resources compared with Anglo-Australian families. The pathways Chinese-Australian families choose to motivate their children is partly based on their cultural values which emphasise scholastic excellence, and partly on their own experiences in their native as well as in the host country. Customarily, activities taking place in Chinese-Australian homes were related to the education of their children. Parents held high expectations and set high goals for their children and remained physically and emotionally involved with them. Regular family discussions on educational matters and career paths had a modelling effect. The key feature of these families was that parental involvement in their children's school-related activities remained high throughout the high school time of their children.

Chinese-Australian children, on their part, obliged their parents by working hard and getting good grades. These children internalised their parents' values and took their schoolwork seriously. High emotional and physical parental involvement led to a "complex interpersonal process transformed into an intra-personal one" (Cole et al, 1978, cited in Peng, 1995, p.172). That is, by the time these children were in Year12 their "inner anxiety" had heightened so much that they had become self-demanding and autonomous.

The school system tended to reward Chinese-Australian for their positive attitude toward schooling and "docile predispositions" (Ho, 1994) who impressed their teachers by showing respect and following the school rules. Thus, the culture of the Chinese-Australian homes tend to match, as this study has shown, the culture of school which is not quite the case in Anglo-Australian homes. Chinese-Australian children have a dual advantage: academically supportive homes and teachers who reward students who follow the rules of the classroom and try hard.

By contrast, Anglo-Australian parents revolve their life style around sports and leisure activities. Education of their children is not a key factor in their day to day routines. Their conception of life is that while education is very important for getting on in the workforce, children should be socialised to enjoy life, and that for an all round personality extra curricular activities are essential. Like the Chinese-Australian parents, Anglo-Australian parents also provide cultural capital in their homes but there is a dearth of social capital, an essential ingredient for cognitive socialisation of children. Parents leave it for their children to make their own decision as to what to study and how much they should study. Encouragement in part-time work, organised sports and household chores coupled with parents' own experiences with school send clear signals to their children that early economic independence and participation in sports are important. Perhaps it is this belief which explains why Anglo-Australian parents are satisfied with the mediocre performance of their children. Education does not play as central a role in the Anglo-Australian conception as it does for the Chinese-Australians. Life style of Anglo-Australian parents is such that their children are strongly influenced by their peers. In the process parents have less control over the activities of their children.

To sum up, this study indicates that in their drive for academic excellence Chinese-Australian parents push their children far beyond their limits. They make their homes more suitable for studying and ensure continuity between home and school. The mental illness of Lee Kuan and occasional depressions of Hongzia Kwang were stress-related problems caused by such demanding homes. On the positive side, Chinese-Australian parents succeeded in converting average children into high achievers. And it was mainly because of the amount of time their children spent on school work, and the social capital their parents provided them. At school Chinese-Australian children fitted the stereotype models of their teachers who consequently interacted with them in a more positive warm way. Near the exam, Chinese-Australian children studied for long hours at night and at weekends. This 'exam fever' never hit the Anglo-Australian children, except for Rachel Marshall. While the Morrisons and Morgans had produced fine athletes in Clint and Ben, the general lack of parental involvement and encouragement in academic activities, together with parental life style, appeared to account for their children's lower academic performance. Because only with modest education or else by pursuing part-time tertiary studies Anglo-Australian families had achieved 'a good life style' they saw no reason why their children could not do the same. Thus, they did not discourage their teenage children from developing side interests and an independent stand in life. Chinese-Australian parents on the other hand, appeared to guide their children 'by holding the hand' (Stigler and Stevenson, 1990), an approach which appears to have its origin partly in parents' cultural values, and partly in their own and their children's experiences in the host society. In a word, this study suggests parents from the two groups of families took different approaches to the career paths of their children.

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