Racism in Football2

George Churchill Historical Enquiry in Sport

George Churchill

Historical Enquiry in Sport SSP326

Marc Lawton

Racism in Football:

A History of Racial Stereotyping 1940-present

Due Date: 18th December 2008

Word Count: 3053

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Contents Page

1. Abstract and Introduction 3-5

2. Theories Behind Deviance in Sport 5-6Conflict and Critical theories

3. Causes of Deviance 6-8Education System, Overconformity & Gambling

4. Sport Ethic 8-10Underconformity, Positive Deviance, Varsity Blues & Mary Decker Slaney

5. Drug Use 10-11Banned Substances, Tom Simpson & Information Network

6. Conclusion 12

7. Appendices 13-16

8. Bibliography 18-18

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Racism in Football: A History of Racial Stereotyping 1940-present

Introduction

Racism in British football grounds is historically tied to the nature of the society

Britain lives in. The non-co-operative nature of Britain in regards to football can be

addressed back to a number of events, such as the formation of FIFA in 1904 or the

opposition of British teams competing in European competitions in the 1950s (Cohen, 1998).

This can be described as the ‘we invented football we make the rules’ attitude of British

society that oppose any foreigner to create rules over the game the English invented. Black

players started joining the league in numbers around the 1970’s and 80’s. Big names like

Viv Anderson, John Barnes and Paul Ince are the most notable, with all three following into

management at sometime in their careers. Black players’ involvement in British football can

be traced back to the late 19th century Arthur Wharton was the first black professional

around 1865 and Andrew Watson who played for Queens Park in Scotland and was capped

three times for the national Scottish team between 1881 and 1882.

Overt Racism

In 1988 Liverpool FC signed John Barnes from Watford FC. This caused controversy

as he was the clubs first major black signing and Liverpool were one of the most high profile

clubs in the world. Kenny Daglish, the man who signed Barnes tried to cool the hysteria

around the transfer: “He’s not a black player, he’s a player”. It prompted chants from away

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fans such as ‘Niggerpool’ and signs of overt fan racism was very evident. Dave Hill recalls a

reception for Liverpool's John Barnes at Highbury in the late 1980s:

‘We could see quite clearly, as the teams warmed up before the kick off that banana

after banana was being hurled from the away supporter’s enclosure. The bananas

were designed to announce, for the benefit of those unversed in codified terrace

abuse, that there was a monkey on the pitch’ (Quoted in Hill, 1989)

This sign of overt racism was a strategy used by racist football fans to barrack and

hound out blacks, where peanuts were also thrown to barrack black players in the 1980s

and early 1990s for both the opposition and players representing their own club. The racist

treatment received by black players at this time from both spectators and by players had

probably dissuaded many black parents from encouraging their sons to pursue a

professional career in football (Longmore, 1988).

Stereotyping (stacking)

John Barnes is one of the most talented and successful back players of post war

football. But the different opportunities given to John Barnes and Gareth Southgate who is

now in management of Middlesbrough (2006-present) show an inequality (see appendix A).

John Barnes (2008) describes the difficulty he has faced finding management roles since he

retired playing:

‘I’ve applied for numerous jobs and sometimes I haven’t even had the courtesy of a

reply to my application letter, I could maybe understand if it was an application for a

top side but many of these applications have been for lower league clubs’

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Barnes echoed that of his counterpart Luther Blissett, another talented black player

from the 1980s. Blissett has played at the highest level of football and represented England,

he has been applying for jobs for 15 years and got nowhere, whereas Gareth Southgate got

offered the job of a top Premier League club without even having the qualifications.

Race has been seen to be a social construction instead of a natural division. Society

now labels gender, social class and environment as ‘ethnicity’ rather than use physiological

features such as skin colour and hair type (Polley, 1998). Racial stereotyping can be

associated with the abilities of a footballer from different races (asian, religion and blacks)

and is known as stacking. Coakley (1998) defines this as ‘players from a certain racial or

ethnic group being either over or under-represented at certain positions in team sports’

(p.257). This has meant black players are less likely to be found in thinking positions on the

pitch such as the playmaker or given the captain’s armband and are often deployed as a

target man to hold the ball or in a defensive position. It can be said in the past and still in

the present black players have been described more significantly for their physical/athletic

capabilities and whites in terms of their mental/intelligent abilities (see appendix A).

The most intelligent roles in football can be identified as management, boardroom

roles and refereeing. In the 1985-86 First Division season, of the 57 back players 27 were

forwards and only seven in midfield (Polley, 1998). The lack of trust put in blacks and Asians

in these roles show there is still an element of issue even now, as highlighted by John Barnes

(2008). Heather Rabbatts, a Jamaican born lawyer, was recently appointed executive

deputy chair of Millwall FC (2006) and this has paved the way for boardroom influence

against racism of recent times. Rabbatts has already helped one black manager gain his

UEFA coach badge, as she has done with Richard Shaw at Millwall.

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"If we don't support the players wanting to make a breakthrough by supporting them

through their licences, they will not make it. We have white managers who don't

have licences and we find a way around it." (Rabbatt, 2008).

Within British football culture in which 'whiteness' is normalised - even in the era of

foreign imports, blacks do not make suitable managers or coaches (Back et al 2001).

Islamophobia, Anti-Semitism & Xenophobia

In the last 10 years the participation of ethnic groups has risen. Football has become

more popular amongst Asians since the FIFA World Cup 2002 hosted by South Korea and

Japan. In 2006 South Korean Park Ji-Sung signed for Manchester Utd from PSV Eindhoven,

although his talent cannot be doubted the commercial aspect of this transfer is a huge boost

for anti-racism and its new directions for the future. Asian spectators are vastly

underrepresented at matches, especially in light of the fact that many grounds are located

amid large Asian communities. It is proven that clubs with a tradition of signing black

players have less reports of racism at matches, with Arsenal and Wimbledon (17% and 9%

respectively) having the lowest case of racist reports (FA Premier League National Fan

Survey, 2001), this study can show that with further increase of asian numbers at matches

racism may reduce.

The post-Hillsborough shift in terrace culture (Taylor report) and the associated

changes in the general behaviour of fans can also provide a potentially promising basis for

the future of black and Asian involvement in the British game. The black’s breakthrough

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during the 1970s and 80s has still not been matched by the asians, as we still await their

numbers to rise. There still exists a stereotype explanation towards asians in football such

as ‘they are not interested in football’ or ‘their builds are too slight to take the physical

abuse’ are the excuses offered in the 1990s. Some of this myth was expelled in the 2006

World Cup when South Korea made the semi finals. Ethnic population in 2001 was 4.6

million or 7.9% of the UK population. Indians are the largest minority group, followed by

Pakistanis, mixed race then blacks (ethnic group, 2001). The potential to raise participation

is there but recent history shows a distinct lack of understanding of ethnic minorities’

cultures.

In 2004 a junior football team was kicked out of a cup, docked nine points and fined

£75 for failing to play during the Muslim festival of Ramadan. There team manager June

Kelly wanted games rearranged to afternoons because half the team were fasting during

daylight hours making it incapable for them to have a drink after the game. In 2008

Barnsley winger Mounir El Haimour was dropped by his manager Simon Davey because of

his fasting during Ramadan: ‘Because he is not eating at the right times it means his energy

levels are not what they should be and he is not at 100 per cent’. This suggestion can come

across as very stereotyped because of British white player’s social behaviour.

The typical white player’s reputation as a drinking gambler in Britain rarely leads to

them being dropped from playing but in most instances given more support, in such cases as

Paul Gascoigne or Tony Adams. In the 1990s Tony Adams even admitted to playing whilst

drunk for Arsenal, a statement he is not proud of nonetheless but also a player that was not

in 100% physical condition. This suggests for aspiring British asian footballers a new set of

stereotypes have to be overcome.

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Twice as Hard

Social influences mean that limited chances are given to ethnic minorities. A white

athlete with the same ability as a black or asian footballer is more likely to succeed, hence

the term ‘twice as hard’. Tottenham Hotspur player Danny Thomas (1983-88) said of sport:

‘It’s the same as the rest of society. If there are two people of equal ability, the white

man will usually be given the opportunity. If you’re black you have to try twice as

hard and be twice of good’

It can be said only excellence can ensure success, as James Michener (1976)

proclaimed blacks get forced to almost be superstars because of the unequal opportunities

that can surround athletes. During the 1970s perceptions and the feeling of social

exclusions were the making of many footballers’ careers, Walsall player Kenny Mower chose

sport as a way of proving himself and creating some social acceptance:

‘I felt left out and nobody wanted to know me so I chose to play sport to prove I was

as good as they were. I thought that, if I could, they’d accept me. That’s still what it

is now’.

Other players in the 1970s devised different strategies to deal with the hostility from

home and away supporters. Wolves player George Berry would blow kisses at the fans who

abused him, playing up to the crowd.

Another problem in football is interior racism, shows of discrimination invisible to the public

but vivid to the sportsmen himself (Cashmore, 1982). This type of racism comes from those

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the footballer works alongside such as coaches, managers and players. This continued from

the 1970s on into the 80s, Carlos Francis recalls his time at Birmingham FC with the

treatment he suffered from his own players:

‘They used to call me nigger, spit at me and would even come in hard on me (in

training) very obviously’.

Post War Immigration (1946 through to the 1960s)

The late forties saw the beginnings of an influx of immigrants arriving from the

British colonies, most of who had been persuaded to leave their country of origin in order to

meet the growing labour shortage in Britain (Walvin, 1986). This was to have an impact

(albeit, limited at that time) upon professional football in this country. In the two decades

after the war, Britain’s settlers from the New Commonwealth countries increased from 0.2

million to 1.2 million. This migration is often labelled ‘Windrush’, occurring on 22nd June

1948 . Africans and Caribbean’s being recruited to serve in the armed forces and provide

labour work for a war ravaged Britain. This started taking effect on football from the

children of the first wave of immigrants in the 1950s and 1960s (Cashmore, 1982). One of

the first most popular African-Caribbean players was Lindbergh ‘Lindy’ Delapenha who

played for Middlesbrough FC in the 1950s. Lindy can be looked upon as a somewhat a

pioneer of blacks to enter the game of football managing 90 goals in 260 appearances for

the club.

The 1960s saw the next big name black player hit headlines, Albert Johanneson, a

South African signed by Leeds United in 1961. This was around the same time Conservative

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MP Peter Griffiths could openly campaign using the slogan ‘If you want a nigger as a

neighbour vote labour’ and still win (Solomos, 2003). In 1965, Johanneson became the first

black player to play in an F.A. Cup Final, another inspiring moment for the breakthrough of

black players. Racism was very harsh on Johanneson as he was a winger (stacking), and he

was closest to the crowd where he was often subject to very abusive spectators who would

throw bananas at him. Leeds dismissed this as nothing more than name calling.

Johanneson was to fall into a decline of alcoholism and was found dead in the 1980s living in

squalor.

Rising Numbers (1970s and 1980s)

The increasing post-war immigration of black people to Britain was to have a

profound effect on football particularly when during the 1970s and 1980s, the number of

young black males born and raised in Britain increased substantially. The 1970s saw

international representation by blacks, Viv Anderson becoming the first black player to play

for England in the 1978-79 season. Preston North End also gave its debut to probably the

first ethnic Indian in the early 1970s, Ricky Heppolette. One player in the 1970s who played

regular first team football was Clyde Best, who struggled to reach the same status as his

team mates Bobby Moore and Geoff Hurst. As Woolnough (1983) suggests:

‘He is perhaps the best example of why it has taken so long for managers, coaches

and the public to accept the coloured stars. Best would be brilliant one game, bad

the next, and the question marks against the black players' stamina, power and

determination hung over them for years’

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The 1980s saw a fertility of black players encouraged by the progress players such as

Cyrill Regis, Garth Crooks and Viv Anderson achieved in the 1970s, thus providing role

models previously missing in the previous eras. Justin Fashanu, Michael Thomas, Paul Ince

and John Barnes all arrived on the scene increasing the ethnic numbers in football. This is

seen as the decade ethnics were becoming more accepted in society, an uplift of morale for

all minorities wanting to progress naturally rather than face uphill struggles.

Anti-racism campaigns (1990s to the present)

The beginning of the 1990s saw football being used as a public forum to discuss

social issues of racism. The 1991 Football (Offences) Act made racist chanting at football

matches unlawful, although loopholes have enabled offenders to escape punishment for

racism, as a result an individual shouting racist abuse on his own can only be charged under

the 1986 Public Order Act for using ‘obscene and foul language at football grounds’. The

launch of ‘Lets Kick Racism out of Football’ (see appendix B) campaign came in 1993 with

the Players Football Association (PFA) and the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) teaming

up (Guilianotti, 2004). They were joined in 1994 by the post Heysel fans group Football

Supporters Association (FSA). At the same time in 1993, Paul Ince became the first black

England captain, but issues still remained prominent. The fact that the Football League did

not start these initiatives but the Players Football Association, suggests that the players

knew there was a problem but the governing bodies either denied it or thought talking

about it would make it worse.

At the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, Extreme Right Wing Groups (ERWG) such as

the National Front and BNP has been involved in racism as a way of recruiting. Racist

literature has been found at both major incidents of crowd trouble at both Heysel (1985)

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and Landsdowne Road (1995). To combat events like Heysel and Landsdowne Road,

Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) was set up. This was a network set up in 1999 by

football supporters, players unions and football associations to tackle racism and

xenophobia, working with other racism campaigns such as Nikes ‘Stand Up Speak Up’ to

raise awareness and publicity and show a togetherness between the players, with the target

being the impressionable young audience (Wagg, 2004).

In fact 57% of fanzine editors believed that the increase of black players showed a

decrease in racism, duly helped by the anti-racism campaigns (Polley, 1998). In the 1996-97

Premiership season Leeds Utd became the first British team to field more black players then

white players, this has since been emulated by the likes of Chelsea and Arsenal.

Conclusion

There is no hiding the fact that sport will always continue to produce talent from all

origins and ethnicity. These individuals will offer skill, commitment and inspiration for the

next crop of talent. Aside from the plus points, there are inequalities that have in the past,

and may still continue to, hamper football. Stacking and interior racism do not just have a

detrimental effect on the athletes themselves, but to those around them, who in turn may

prevent their own children from becoming involved in a sport they see unfit and unfair. For

others it can be seen as a way out, a journey of adventure that ends with acceptance. A

feeling that the more ethnic minorities there are present in professional areas of work such

as lawyers, dentists, doctors and high profile sportsmen, the more accepting society may

become of each other’s culture.

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Chairmen of football clubs in Britain are now selling up to foreign investors paving

the way for more acceptance in the management of clubs. Previous views on ethnic

minorities might have been a sticking point in ageing chairman who just couldn’t put any

trust in blacks or asians coaching or managing, as they came from an era where they were

stereotyped. As black Macclesfield Town manager Keith Alexander stated in 2007:

‘It might take a black owner with plenty of money or someone going through the

divisions for a black manager to get a chance at the highest level’

The few players from ethnic minorities signed by these same chairmen were mainly

signed on the basis of entertainment and marketing, a notion of conforming to whites

images of these few ethnic minorities. One important note in racism is the lack of mention

of asians, because to put quite simply they have not established themselves or broken

through into the professional ranks in Britain as of yet. The next step for ethnic minorities is

to break through into director roles, refereeing, committees and management where they

are largely absent. A breakthrough of this kind may improve the attendance of ethnics on

match days and improve the racist views that still exist amongst spectators and

professionals.

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Appendix A

The 2001-02 season did not include any black British managers in the Premiership. The

number represented included Jean Tigana and Ruud Gullit who were French and Dutch

respectively.

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Positional Breakdown of Black Players, 1985/86, 1989/90 and 1995/96

1985/1986 1989/1990 1995/1996

Goalkeeper 0.9% 0% 1.8%

Fullback 19.8% 15.8%

Centreback 12.6% 15.2% 28.7%

Midfield 15.3% 12.5% 21.5%

Forward 51.3% 56.5% 47.9%


Stereotyping in football still showed signs of continuation throughout mid 1980s to mid

1990s. The stacking of black players in athletic positions, such as the target man up front or

defensive areas on the pitch is clearly shown in the table.

Source: www.bbc.co.uk (2007)

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http://www.bbc.co.uk/


Appendix B

Kick It Out Campaign (Ten Point Plan for Action by clubs)

To issue a statement saying the club will not tolerate racism, spelling out the action it

will take against those engaged in racist chanting and individual racist abuse. The

statement should be printed in all match programmes and displayed permanently

and prominently around the ground.

Make public address announcements condemning racist chanting and individual

racist abuse at matches.

Make it a condition for season ticket holders that they do not take part in racist

abuse.

Take action to prevent the sale of racist literature inside and outside the ground.

Take disciplinary action against players who engage in racial abuse.

Contact other clubs to make sure they understand the club's policy on racism.

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Encourage a common strategy between stewards and police for dealing with racist

abuse.

Remove all graffiti from the ground as a matter of urgency.

Adopt an equal opportunities policy in relation to employment and service provision.

Work with all other groups and agencies, such as the Professional Footballers

association, supporters, schools, voluntary organisations, youth clubs, sponsors, local

authorities, local businesses and police, to develop pro-active programmes and make

progress to raise awareness of campaigning to eliminate racial abuse and

discrimination.

Source: www.kickitout.org (2008)

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http://www.kickitout.org/


Appendix C

An Audit of Professional clubs and Policies on Racism 2001

88 (96%) football clubs in the FA Premier League and the Football League responded

to a postal questionnaire survey on racism at football and relationships with minority

ethnic communities.

Of these 88 clubs, 45 (51%) are situated in areas which have a minority ethnic

population of 5% or more. 23 clubs (26%) are situated in areas where between 5%

and 1.5% of residents are of minority ethnic background.

All London clubs and three-quarters (75%) of all Midlands clubs are situated in areas

which have substantial minority ethnic communities. Most FA Premier League clubs

and most larger, urban-based, Football League clubs are sited in areas with

significant local minority ethnic populations. More, smaller, Football League clubs

are sited in largely 'white' areas.

Nearly, two-thirds (65%) of respondent clubs claimed that they already appeal to all

members of the community and one-third (33%) of clubs feel they are already

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'successful' in attracting black and Asian fans to matches. However, according to

supporter surveys, the actual level of 'active' minority ethnic support for most

football clubs in England is probably between 0-2% of the total crowd. Most clubs

which are sited in areas with substantial minority ethnic populations have very low

proportions of these populations represented in their 'active' support.

60% of clubs in areas with large local ethnic minority populations admit they have

not been successful at attracting minority communities to matches. Claims for

'successful' recruitment of minority ethnic fans on the part of some clubs seem to us

to reflect more a relative lack of ambition among clubs on this score rather than real

successes in this respect.

At some North West and Midlands clubs, which are sited in 'high' minority ethnic

areas, responses to dealing with racism and to the issue of appealing more directly

and more appropriately to minority ethnic communities seem very limited.

Three-quarters (76%) of all club respondents felt it unnecessary to do more work

specifically with black and Asian fans. Over half (52%) of all clubs also felt they were

already open to all fans. Clubs which claimed to be already open to all fans were also

among those which seemed most often to be the least 'racially aware', and to be the

least active in terms of being generally geared up to deal with racism if it occurred.

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More than half (57%) of respondent clubs were unaware of any recent incidents of

racism amongst spectators at their home matches. The implication here, that racism

is simply not a problem at most football grounds, is rather challenged by fan

experiences at clubs, as reported for example, in supporter surveys. Fewer clubs

(41%) had taken any recent direct action against racist incidents at home matches.

Only eight clubs (9%) have telephone hotlines for fans specifically to report incidents

of racism at the clubs matches, even though this approach was recommended by the

government's own recent Football Task Force. Despite this relative lack of formal

procedures for reporting racism at many clubs, 41 clubs (52%) had received recent

reports of racism at home matches from fans.

Minority ethnic workers are considerable under-represented in the administrative

departments of professional football clubs. Only two minority ethnic employees,

nationally, hold what one might describe as a senior administrative post at any of

these 88 professional clubs.

The administrative recruitment procedures at a large number of football clubs seem

effectively 'closed' to outside applicants, including members of minority ethnic

communities. Many clubs (35%) still admit to using methods of 'word of mouth' or

personal contacts in order to recruit senior administrative staff.

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Fewer than one-third (31%) of all clubs, according to our returns, have written equal

opportunities policies, despite this being a specific recommendation of the Football

Task Force. Furthermore, two out of three of those clubs which claim to have equal

opportunities policies do not seem to adhere to these policies.

A small number of professional football clubs have worked hard at dealing with

issues of racism at the local level. There has been real progress here. However, the

responses of most professional football clubs to the implementation of anti-racism

measures identified in the Football Task Force recommendations have been much

more limited.

Source: Bradbury, 2001

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Appendix D

BBC4 Interview Phil Vasili

BBC Four: Where did your interest in this history and Arthur Wharton come from?

Phil Vasili: I used to collect football albums and got a 1951 Boys Book of Soccer from a

jumble sale. In it was a Nigerian team in bare feet from the 1940s playing against top English

amateur teams. You're led to believe that black players only arrived after World War II and

only took off in the 1970s so I thought I'd try to find out more. My personal motivation was

that I was a semi-professional footballer and my younger brother is black - we have different

fathers - and I could see the racism that he faced every day. As an academic I thought why

not look into football history and black footballers? The more I looked, the more I found -

and there was Arthur. I guy called Ray Jenkins, a historian of West Africa, had actually

written about Arthur as part of the West African Diaspora. Tragically Ray died and I've

picked up the baton.

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BBC Four: It's a big question, but who do you see as the key players in the black footballers

story?

PV: Andrew Watson was the very first black footballer and played for Scotland. He wasn't a

professional which is why Arthur Wharton gets all the credit. In 1909 Walter Tull, who

played for Spurs, was the first black outfielder in the old first division. He was awesome and

ended up being the first black combat officer in World War I. During the inter-wars years

Eddie Parris, who was the first black international for Wales, and Jack Leslie who got picked

for England but whose selection was rescinded once they realised he was black. Henry Y

"Frank" Soo was the first man of colour to play for England - his father was Chinese. Then

people like Albert Johanneson, Clyde Best and Cyrile Regis. On the world stage people like

Pele and Eusebio who changed the image of black footballers throughout the world. They all

helped break down barriers and stereotypes about black players.

BBC Four: Why has this very long and rich history been overlooked for so long?

PV: To be very simplistic about it history is written by the winners. What you find with the

history of black football is symptomatic of what we find of working class history in general -

because of the power relations in society their story tends to get forgotten. Britain has been

a multicultural society for hundreds of years and football is a good platform to show the

history of that multiculturalism.

BBC Four: And now is a good time to tell it?

PV: Youth culture is so informed by black street culture in Britain right now that selling the

idea of the history of black football is not too difficult - it was 10 years ago.

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BBC Four: Do you think the emergence of more black footballers in Britain has had a

significant influence on people's attitudes regarding race?

PV: I'm not sure about the country as a whole but certainly among football fans and those

interested in the game. But football doesn't lead political opinion or change cultural

attitudes. You can have a really successful campaign against racism among grassroots fans

but all it takes is a defamatory speech by a politician about people of colour or asylum

seekers and it can turn the tide back again.

BBC Four: Is it fair to say that a lot of black players today really transcend race in that they

are such celebrities that race doesn't even come into people's attitudes to them?

PV: If we're talking about the Premiership then I totally agree with you but you've got to

remember that the majority of black players don't play in the Premiership. Racism is no

longer the problem it was in the 1970s and 80s so in that sense the experience of black

players has changed. But the elite that play in the Premiership are worlds away from the

players in divisions two and three.

BBC Four: Finally, who would you vote for in our list of the top 10 greatest black players?

PV: You'd have to go for Ruud Gullit because he's the only one of them to win World Player

of the Year. If it was a personal thing for me I'd have to say Laurie Cunningham because of

the position he played in. I played in that position myself and as a left-winger he was

absolutely brilliant. Also, to go to Real Madrid in 1979 was a fantastic achievement for him.

Source: BBC4, 2008

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References and Further Reading

Back, L. et al (2001), The Changing Face of Football, Berg

Brown, A. (1998), Fanatics! Power, Identity and Fandom in Football, Routledge

Cashmore, E. (1982), Black Sportsmen, Routledge

Guilianotti, R. (1999), Football: A Sociology of the Global Game, Polity

Harvey, A. (2005), Football: The First Hundred Years, Routledge

Horne, J. (2005), Sport in Consumer Culture, Palgrave

Houlihan, B. (2003), Sport and Society, Sage

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Jarvie, G. (2006), Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction, Routledge.

Polley, M. (1998), Moving the Goalposts: a history of sport and society since 1945,

Routledge

Solomos, J. (2003), Race and Racism in Britain, Palgrave

Sir Norman Chester Centre for Football Research (2002), Racism and Football

Vasili, P. (1998), The First Black Footballer, Routledge

Wagg, S. (2004), British Football and Social Exclusion, Routledge

Walvin, J. (1986), Football and the Decline of Britain, Palgrave

Woolnough, B. (1983), Black Magic: England's Black Footballers, London

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Documents

Racism in Football2