Quebec Liberal Party Values

8/12/2019 Quebec Liberal Party Values

1/98

A historical perspectiveon the role played by the Quebec Liberal Party

in the development of Quebec,

past and present

FOREWORD BYJEAN CHARESTPremier of Quebec

CLAUDE

RYAN

REVISED

EDITION


2/98

A historical perspective on the roleplayed by the Quebec Liberal Partyin the development of Quebec,past and present

(Revised edition)

CLAUDE RYAN


3/98


4/98

CLAUDE RYAN1925-2004


5/98


6/98

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Liberal Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Individual Freedoms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Identification with Quebec. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Economic Development. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Respect for Civil Society. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Democracy and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter Ties to Canada. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ConclusionEnduring Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

AppendixGenealogy of the Quebec Liberal Partyfrom to Today. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


7/98


8/98

Preface

DEEP-ROOTED VALUES THAT SHAPE OUR ACTION

When I suggested to Claude Ryan that he share withus his reflections on the values and accomplish-ments of the Quebec Liberal Party and what distin-guishes it from the other Quebec political parties, I knew Ihad turned to the right person. Throughout his entire pub-lic life, as national secretary of the Action catholique cana-dienne, as editor-in-chief of Le Devoir, as leader of theQuebec Liberal Party and as a minister in the cabinets ofRobert Bourassa and Daniel Johnson, Claude Ryan con-tinually demonstrated an abiding interest in the principlesand actions that guide human action in general and politi-cal action in particular. With this insightful, rigorous essay,he has given us a stirring homage to the core values that

have bound Quebec Liberals together as a family, from thelatter half of the 19th century until the present time.

The party of freedoms

If the Quebec Liberal Party is the only Quebec politicalparty that has managed to span the generations, the reasonis that it has always defended the values and goals that notonly met the needs and aspirations of Quebecers but thatalso reflected who they were. Quebecers are profoundly

7


9/98

liberal, in the humanistic meaning of the word. Never

have they been swept up in racism or sectarian national-ism; never have they glorified the state to an undue degree;never have they approved acts of violence or anarchy. Thisis the lesson shown by the crises we have undergone in the20th centuryWorld Wars I and II, the October crisis of1970, as well as the various constitutional crisesall ofwhich had the potential for seriously disturbing the foun-

dations of our democracy. Out of their love of freedom,Quebecers opted for the constructive alternative.

In the word Liberal, there is the word liberty. Asthe party of individual freedoms and, by extension, collec-tive freedoms, as Claude Ryan so ably explains, the QuebecLiberal Party has governed Quebec for more than twothirds of the 20th century. It is thus no exaggeration tospeak of a Liberal century only recently concluded. Greatleaders such as Godbout, Lesage and Bourassa clashedabove all with the conservatism of yore and its hostility toindividual freedoms and social progress; so doing, they lit-erally moulded Quebec around the core values of freedom:universal suffrage; the creation of non-confessional schoolsystems and the transfer of social and welfare missions

from the Church to the Quebec government; compulsoryeducation; free, universal social programs; as well as theCharter of Human Rights and Freedoms.

At all times, a hallmark of Liberal political action hasbeen its determination to allow citizens to fully exercisetheir individual freedoms, while also taking care to preventthis founding notion from veering off into unwholesomeindividualism. Claude Ryan explains that quite to the con-trary, the Quebec Liberal Party believes that individual

L I B E R A L V A L U E S I N C O N T E M P O R A R Y Q U E B E C

8


10/98

freedoms must carry within them the kernel of solidarity,

because only a citizen with free choice can choose others.

The party of Quebecers

Since the disbanding of the Union nationale and until onlyrecently, the Parti Qubcois was, and remains, the mainadversary of the Quebec Liberal Party, The outgrowth of a

dissident wing of the Liberal Party, the Parti Qubcois hasdeveloped around a single idea: the sovereignty of Quebec.This quest for a nation-state has given rise to a series ofsocialistic policies sharing the characteristic of giving thegovernment a prominent role in Quebecs economic andsocial development, all as part of a thinly veiled effort topromote the cause of sovereignty. As the result of devisingpolicies according to the dictates of this cause, some aspectsof Quebec have been strengthened but at the same time, itsgovernment has become overweight and undereffective, itscitizens the most heavily taxed in North America.

By comparison, the Quebec Liberal Party has never beenthe party of a single idea. Its cause, as it were, has alwaysbeen the economic and social progress of Quebec. Accord-

ing to this pragmatic perspective, Canadian federalism, withits pooling of risks and opportunities, stands out as the envi-ronment most conducive to our fullest development.

Thanks to its firm but constructive attitude, the QLPhas succeeded in causing the Canadian federal system toevolve in the direction of the interests of Quebec and hascontributed to its advancement as well as Canadas. Onthis point, I wholeheartedly agree with Claude Ryanwhen he asserts that the Quebec Liberal Party has

P R E F A C E

9


11/98

achieved more through negotiation than all the other

political parties have through fruitless confrontations.Even in difficult times, this ongoing appeal to Quebecersreason is a Liberal attitude of great dignity.

The party of progress

The QLP has always promoted the economic development

of Quebec and, to that end, it has resolutely equipped oursociety with powerful economic tools such as Hydro-Qubec, the Caisse de dpt et de placement or the Socitgnrale de financement. Matres chez-nous Masters inOur Own House proclaimed Jean Lesage when imple-menting the reforms designed to patriate major economiclevers, in particular for the benefit of Francophones.

We have Robert Bourassa to thank for launching thehuge James Bay projects, the crowning jewel of Quebecshydroelectric legacy, and his ministers for developingpolicies promoting the growth and expansion of the hightechnology industries that are today one of the mostdynamic poles of our economy.

With its strong attachment to the principle of socialjustice, the Quebec Liberal Party has also striven to assureall citizens equality of opportunity and easy access to edu-cation and healthcare. It also created Quebecs educationministry, invested massively in schools and institutions oflearning at all levels and in all regions, and helped makehigher education available to the greatest possible numberof citizens. It also set up a hospitalization insurance andhealth insurance fund. It created Quebecs cultural affairsministry and the Conseil des arts et des letters in order to


10


12/98

promote both the growth of culture in Quebec and access

to culture for all. Finally, it set up the Quebec Pension Planand adopted numerous income assistance measures. All inall, it is an outstanding track record that proudly testifies toour values.

The ambitions our party holds for Quebec are just asbold and impressive as those expressed in the slogans of

Masters in Our Own House by Jean Lesage in 1962,100 000 Jobs by Robert Bourassa in 1970 or Matriserlavenir [Mastering the Future] in 1985.

As Claude Ryan has so aptly pointed out, our workshould, first and foremost, draw on the values that havealways driven our partythe same values that have beenthe source of the most significant accomplishments ofmodern-day Quebec, in social, economic, institutional orcultural terms.

From Godbout, who met the threat of fascism headon and give women the right to vote, and who, moreover,changed the way justice was generally understood inQuebec, through Jean Lesage, who firmly captained the

building of a modern government, and on to RobertBourassa, who enabled Quebecers to rank among thegreat hydro engineers of the world, the Quebec LiberalParty has played an instrumental role in all of Quebecsgreat leaps forward.

Down through the eras, and through the great lead-ers who marked them, the Quebec Liberal Party hasshouldered a historic responsibility for change andrenewal. For the Quebec Liberal Party, it is no sacrilege

11

P R E F A C E


13/98

to challenge the status quo: it is a governments inherent

duty to do so. Indeed, it is a governments foremostresponsibility to cast aside outdated customs so Quebecstays in step with its time, seizes its opportunities andsuccessfully confronts change.

With the 21st century only just beginning, we are, asLiberals, being called to a new encounter with our history.

It is now up to us to remodel the government that we our-selves once built. This government, justifiably a source ofgreat pride, was designed prior to the advent of globaliza-tion, the deployment of new information technologies andthe phenomenon of an ageing population. This blueprintwas drafted in another time, for another populace. Today,we must recast our great collective apparatus so it meets theneeds of Quebecers today, with the means and technolo-gies of today. That is how we will be able to forcefully andconfidently claim our place among the best societies in thisnew century.

There are challenges facing us. We must take charge ofour public finances and adapt our social services to our age-ing population. We owe our mothers and fathers, the

builders of our unique society, a healthy old age; we oweour young people, the up and coming generation, a world-class education, because knowledge is the root of futuregrowth. We must promote autonomy in our regions, sup-porting regional initiatives rather than centralized solutions.

We must ensure Quebecs energy security and conceive ofour energy potential within a continental framework.

We are on the eve of a sweeping redeployment of themain creative and driving forces of Quebec. Once again,


12


14/98

Quebecers have turned to the Quebec Liberal Party to

ensure the success of this enterprise.

The values that inspired us in the past still inspire ustoday: protection of individual freedoms; primary identifi-cation with Quebec; economic development and social jus-tice; respect for social, economic and community partners;the advancement of democracy; as well as ties to the Cana-

dian federation and active participation in its workings.As noted by Claude Ryan, these values must be taken

together; we cannot just pick and choose the ones wehappen to view as being most convenient to us.

The following thought piece makes us aware that theQuebec Liberal Party has contributed like no other partyto the birth and development of a modern Quebec andthat this contribution has, throughout our recent history,grown out of a profound commitment to values both justand legitimate.

These values, so deeply rooted in our past, remain ourkey for a wide-open future whose challenges we meet

with enthusiasm and commitment, never forgetting, assome people apparently hope to, that politics is above alla desire to change society for the better.

Jean CharestLeader of the Quebec Liberal Party

P R E F A C E


15/98


16/98

Introduction

The origins of the Quebec Liberal Party can be

traced to the beginning of the government that theAct of Union set up in , shortly after the troub-les of -. This system of government unitedLower and Upper Canada under the authority of a sin-gle parliament. At the time, the population of LowerCanada was greater than that of Upper Canada. Despitethis fact, each province was given equal representationin the new parliament. Inspired by Lord DurhamsReport, which recommended the gradual assimilationof French-speaking Lower Canada into a country whosedominant language was to be English, theAct of Unionwas badly received in Quebec. Many hoped that Que-bec would refuse to participate in the new system. Thiswas not the opinion of the leader of French-CanadianReform Party, Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine. He felt that

instead of ignoring the new constitution, better resultswould be obtained by working within it. A remarkablealliance was set up between the reformers of LowerCanada, led by LaFontaine, and those of UpperCanada, led by Robert Baldwin. From this alliance grewtwo reforms that the Act of Union had made nearlyimpossible: the use of the French language during thefirst speech made by LaFontaine in parliament in ,and the coming of responsible government under theGovernor, Lord Elgin, in .

15


17/98

In addition to its adherence to constitutional pragma-

tism, the party that LaFontaine founded was marked byits attachment to liberty, its desire to reform politicalinstitutions and its openness to debates within its ranks.Starting in the decade which followed the Act of Union,the party fell prey to deep tensions between those whoheld moderate positions and those who proposed a moreradical nationalism in constitutional matters. In the years

which preceded Confederation, the party was dominatedby elements more sympathetic to Louis-Joseph Papineausviews than those of LaFontaine. In , under the leader-ship of Antoine-Aim Dorion, the party opposed confed-eration. Dorion held that the proposed structure wouldsubject Quebec to the will of the English-Canadianmajority. He favoured a regime which was close to whatwe would call today sovereignty-association. Subsequentto Confederation in , and under the influence of

Wilfrid Laurier, the Liberal Party immersed itself in theCanadian experience. At this time, provincial and federalpolitics were not as divided as they are today. They werelinked together, and one passed easily from provincial tofederal politics and vice-versa.

Since the end of the th century, two principal cur-

rents have dominated Quebec politics: the Rouge ten-dency, represented by the Liberal Party, and the Bleutendency, first represented by the Conservative Party,then by the Union Nationale and more recently by theParti Qubcois. While both sides affirmed their commit-ment to Quebec, the leaders of the two groups generallypresented different visions of the development strategybest suited for Quebec in a country and a continent dom-inated by English culture. The Bleus stressed the neces-sity to defend and reinforce the Quebec identity inside


16


18/98

Quebecs borders and to promote the greatest power to

manoeuver for Quebec, at times through greater auton-omy within the Canadian federation, at times throughpolitical separation. The Rouges stressed individualrights and freedoms, the importance of being open to andparticipating in the Canadian federation, and the con-fident acceptance of the growing diversity that was mark-ing Quebec.

Between and , the Liberal Party had as itsprincipal rival the Conservative Party. After a long seriesof defeats at the hands of the Liberals, the ConservativeParty was replaced in by the Union Nationale, acoalition formed of Conservatives and former Liberalsfrom the reform and nationalist wings of the party. TheUnion Nationale was in turn replaced, starting in ,by the Parti Qubcois, made up of militant sovereigntistswho were joined by elements of the Union Nationale andthe Liberal Party who were won over to the cause of sov-ereignty and attracted by the reform platform of the PQ.Up until the arrival of the Action Democratique formedby Liberals who were disappointed with their party afterthe rejection of the Allaire Report, and by people drawnto its right-wing reform platform, the battle for power

from to our present day was fought between twoparties occupying almost the entire political arena, theLiberal Party and the Parti Qubcois.

Winner of the election, the Liberal Party had thedifficult task of governing Quebec during the Second

World War from to . As the conflict grew, Canadawas called upon to strengthen its commitment to its allies.Recalling the solemn promises made by federal Liberalpoliticians, nationalist circles opposed any intensification ofthe war effort and especially the imposition of compulsory

I N T R O D U C T I O N

17


19/98

military service. Notwithstanding this opposition, the Lib-eral government of Adlard Godbout believed that the warthreatened the future of freedom and of civilization itself. Itunhesitatingly supported Canadas role in the war effort. It

also accepted fiscal arrangements which aimed to give theFederal government the additional resources needed tofinance the war effort. These decisions were mercilesslyattacked by its adversaries in the years that followed. Sixtyyears later, we must recognize that Godbout was right in hisassessment of what was at stake during the Second World

War. But due to the controversial decisions he had to take,he was the object of severe criticism in Quebec. MauriceDuplessis criticized Godbout for not being firm enoughin his defence of the interests of Quebec. As demagogical


18

ADLARD GODBOUTHe gave women the right to vote


20/98

as such accusations were, Godbout was unsuccesful in

restraining their impact. Towards the end of the war, in, the Liberal Party was sent into opposition by theUnion Nationale.

Re-elected by wide margins in , and , theUnion Nationale government become increasingly aregime in the image of Maurice Duplessis. Backed by apowerful electoral machine, Duplessis ruled with an iron

hand for years. The reign of the Union Nationaleappeared to be headed for more victories when suddenly,in , its leader died. The next year, the Liberals werereturned to office.

Since , the Union Nationale governed Quebecfor four years (-). The Parti Qubcois hasformed the government for over years (-,-). The Liberal Party has been in power for years. In addition, when not in power, the LiberalParty has always formed the Official Opposition.

I N T R O D U C T I O N


21/98


22/98

Chapter 1

Liberal Values

The values that underpin the Liberal Party stem for the

most part from the key word that has shaped the partyfor more than a century, the word liberal. The Lib-eral Party holds this word in great esteem. It has been in usefor more than a century, because it captures the spirit of theparty. To be a liberal, according to the dictionary, is to be aperson who is a friend of everything that is worthy of a freespirit; welcoming towards ideas in general, including ideasdifferent from ones own; open to new experiences and tobroadening ones horizons; open to dialogue, tolerant, gen-erous, sensitive to the needs of the less fortunate; commit-ted to the fundamental equality of all human beings whichprevails over any discrimination. To be a liberal in politicsis to put into practice the traits of the liberal spirit. It isespecially to be open to the values of freedom, justice anddemocracy; to be committed to public discussion of issues

and to transparency in the management of public affairs. Inpolitics as in any other area of activity, to be narrow, mean-spirited, sectarian, doctrinaire, jealous, cultish, attached tothe established order, enclosed by preconceived notions,mistrustful of liberty and opposed to progress, is to beopposed to the liberal spirit.

The word liberal refers first to the individual. It hasbeen used for many years to glorify individual values to theexclusion of broader values. But the individualistic side ofthe liberal idea has been enriched by the addition, since the

21


23/98

time of Georges-Emile Lapalme, leader of the Liberal Party

from -, of a social component which is just asimportant. For the Liberal Party, the freedom and growth ofthe individual remain the principal objective of politicalactivity. But an individual can only flourish within a societywhich offers a great deal but also expects a great deal fromthe individual. To be a liberal, wrote Georges-EmileLapalme, is to be socially just. In other words, to be

liberal is to work for both the progress of the individual andthat of society.It is not enough to claim to be liberal in spirit. Anyone

who is involved in politics must seek to put this spirit atthe service of values capable of advancing individual free-doms and the common good of the society. Subject tonuances or the addition of other considerations, the valuesof the Liberal Party can be summed up under seven head-ings. These are the primacy of individual freedoms; theidentification with Quebec; the emphasis on economicdevelopment; the commitment to social justice; respect forcivil society; the attachment to democracy; and the sense ofbelonging to the Canadian federation. We are speaking ofvalues and not abstract principles or dry doctrines. Valuesare based on principles, obviously, but they refer to princi-

ples embodied in action and society, not to proposalsestranged from reality. Because we know, either throughintuition, or through experience, or through reflection,that these values are essential, we are prepared to defend atgreat cost the values which we cherish. But we do not needto affirm or show them at every instant. The valuesdescribed in this essay form a whole. It is together, and notseparately, that they give the Liberal Party its own distinc-tive shape. It is out of the question to only keep the valuesone approves and to discard the rest.



24/98

Chapter 2

Individual Freedoms

As its name suggests, the Liberal Party first accords

attention to the values which relate to freedom.Whether it is a draft bill or a regulation or a govern-ment program, the first concern of a liberal spirit is to ensurethat the proposal does not contain any unjustified restrictionof individual freedom. In the Liberal view, for any limitationof freedom to be acceptable, it must be justified by a greatergood, which must be established conclusively.

This attachment to individual freedoms goes back tothe days of LaFontaine. But it should not be confusedwith the rigid doctrines put forward by liberal parties ofthe European model. In this regard, the Liberal Party rep-resents values drawn from three different traditions, thecontinental European tradition, which stresses the doc-trine of the supremacy of the individual and the values ofreason and of progress; the British tradition, which

stresses political freedoms; and the American democratictradition, which attempts to reconcile individual rightsand social rights.

The prejudice of the Liberal Party in favour of free-dom was shown at the time of the numerous changeswhich occurred during the Quiet Revolution. Followingthe Liberal victory in , an atmosphere of liberationspread through educational institutions, the media, cul-tural bodies and trade unions. In most areas of socialactivity, the controls that had been in place for a long

23


25/98

time gave way to a nearly unlimited permissiveness. The

end of movie censorship, the lawful extension of the tradeunion movement into the health and education sectors,and the transfer of most of these institutions from the pri-vate to the public sectors, illustrate the winds of freedomwhich were blowing in Quebec.

The Liberal Party was the principal architect of thechanges which led to the recognition of the equality of

men and women in Quebec society. This started in ,when Adlard Godbout set aside objections from churchauthorities and gave women the right to vote. Later on,under Jean Lesage and Robert Bourassa, the equality ofthe rights and obligations of men and women in marriagewere set out in the Civil Code.

The equality of the rights of spouses in sharing theassets at the end of a marriage was also affirmed in a lawadopted by a Liberal government. More recently, the Lib-eral Party was the first party to put in its program therecognition, for civil purposes, of a union between indi-viduals of the same sex.

The Liberal Party commitment to individual freedomsfound its fullest, most enduring, and richest expression inthe adoption, in , of the Quebec Charter of Human

Rights and Freedoms by a Liberal government led byRobert Bourassa. Rights and fundamental freedoms; polit-ical rights; equality of rights; judicial rights; economic andsocial rights; all the rights that are usually found in thistype of document are protected in the Charter. The Char-ter enjoys an exceptional status. It takes precedence overall other laws. In addition, the Liberal Party always sup-ported the principle of inserting a Charter of Rights andFreedoms into the Canadian Constitution. In , it sup-ported this idea in the Livre Beige. If it has never given its


24


26/98

assent to the Constitution Act of , it is not because of

objections to the content of the Canadian Charter, butbecause of the unilateral manner, injurious towards Que-bec, that was employed to adopt the Constitution Act in. The position of the Liberal Party is different fromthat of the Parti Qubcois, which rejects the CanadianCharter because it rejects the country called Canada.

While recognizing the necessity of protecting the

French language through legislation, the Liberal Party hasalways been of the opinion that the Charter of the FrenchLanguage must, barring exceptional reasons, be appliedwhile respecting individual rights and freedoms. When amajor conflict arose between the two charters as regardscommercial signs and company names, the Liberal Partytook a position opposit that of the Parti Qubcois. TheCanadian courts and the UN Human Rights Committeehad concluded that certain provisions of the languagecharter were incompatible with the freedom of speechguaranteed by the Quebec Charter of Rights and Freedoms.The Liberal government of the day allowed itself fiveyears to review the situation, as allowed under the Que-bec and Canadian Charters of Rights. At the end of thisperiod, in , it amended the language Charter in a way

that respected the Quebec and Canadian charters ofrights and freedoms. But the Parti Qubcois votedagainst this legislation.

In addition to promoting individual freedoms, the Lib-eral Party has often been called upon to examine the collec-tive rights and freedoms of groups of citizens. Not contentto see their individual rights and freedoms recognized,many people want to see their rights recognized as mem-bers of an association or a group of persons. The tradeunion movement offers the best example of this kind of

I N D I V I D U A L F R E E D O M S

25


27/98

claim. Workers feel that their collective rights should be

legally recognized and protected so as to be on equal foot-ing when negotiating their working conditions withemployers. There are other forms of collective rights,including educational rights recognized for official lan-guage minorities in the Constitution Act of and thelegislative powers that were conferred upon the National

Assembly on behalf of the people of Quebec within the

Canadian federation. Generally the Liberal Party has sup-ported the recognition of certain collective rights. How-ever, collective rights are more acceptable when they existas an extension of recognized individual rights and whenthey are exercised in a way that does note suspend orreduce individual freedoms, except where these limits arereasonable and can be defended before the courts.

Liberal governments have not hesitated to curb abuseswhich can result from the unbridled use of collectiverights, especially in the area of labour relations. UnderRobert Bourassa, in particular, many labour stoppagesparalyzed the operations of essential public services incrucial areas including policing, fire protection, health-care, hospitals, education, and the civil service. On severaloccasions, the National Assembly was forced to intervene

to send striking workers back to work, under the threat ofserious penalties if the legislation was not obeyed. Theexercise of collective rights in these cases had gone beyondacceptable limits. The Parti Qubcois, when it sat inopposition, generally voted against these special laws. Inpower, however the PQ was obliged to force through spe-cial emergency legislation in order to put an end to labourconflicts which threaten the public interest.



28/98

Chapter 3

Identification with Quebec

The Liberal Party emerged from the Second World

War with its Quebec credibility weakened. Aftercolliding with major segments of public opinion, itbecame necessary to convince the public that the partysfirst commitment was towards Quebec. This challengefell to Georges-mile Lapalme (-) and JeanLesage (-). Lapalme and Lesage were active infederal politics before coming to Quebec. They had tostruggle to dissociate the Liberal Party from the imageof subjugation to a federal bigbrother that had been created bytheir adversaries. Their effortswere not in vain.

First, Lapalme and Lesageundertook to give the LiberalParty participatory and man-

agement structures that were

27

GEORGES-MILE LAPALMEFather of the Quiet Revolution


29/98

completely distinct from the federal Liberal Party. In, the Liberal Party became legally and politically dis-tinct and autonomous from the Quebec section of theLiberal Party of Canada. Membership in each party isopen, and as a result many people may belong to bothparties. However, each party has a life of its own, its ownautonomous and distinct structures, its own objectives,and its own ways of functioning, which often are very

different. The Quebec Liberal Party derives its legitimacyfrom the will of its own members, who hold regular meet-ings. It elects its leaders democratically. It sets its owngoals, without suffering outside interference.

Second, it was necessary to establish independentfinancing to place the Liberal Party on solid footing. Dur-ing the time of Jean Lesage, there were still overlappingfundraising activities for the federal and provincial par-ties. There were even individuals who on occasion feltmandated to solicit funds for both parties. But this prac-tice disappeared a long time ago. In , the No cam-paign in the referendum was entirely financed by theQuebec Liberal Party with funds it collected from thepublic. The Liberal Party of Canada did not contributeany money to the campaign. Acting in conformity with

Quebec legislation on the funding of political parties, theLiberal Party, with the support of its members and sym-pathizers, is responsible for its funding year after year.The party belongs to its members, and to no one else.

But the most important change brought about byGeorges-mile Lapalme, Jean Lesage, Robert Bourassaand the other leaders of the Liberal Party over the pasthalf-century has been at the level of ideas and aims for theparty. While remaining federalist, the party has identifieditself more closely with the needs and expectations of the


28


30/98

people of Quebec. It has dedicated itself to developing a

greater understanding of their needs and hopes. Above all,it has sought to translate these needs into constructive pro-posals which focus on the interests of Quebec and its citi-zens. From this work have emerged new expressions suchas the state of Quebec, Quebec, a distinct society,special status, opting out, and renewed federalism,which are now part of our current political vocabulary.

Quebec is a society with a vast territory. It encom-passes many regions, each having its own history, culture,model of economic and social development, particulari-ties, and most importantly, its own problems and aspira-tions. A major challenge for the Liberal Party has been toidentify with each region. This has not been easy, sincethe party has traditionally drawn its strength from thesolid support it receives in the metropolitan region ofMontreal. However, the four victories of Robert Bourassain , , , and , as well as the recent victoryof Jean Charest in April, , were won with the supportof large majorities in most regions outside Montreal.

When armed with enlightened leadership which is willingto listen, a program adapted to their needs, and candi-dates with solid roots in their communities, the Liberal

Party is able to win the confidence of the regions.The identification with Quebec starts with an identi-fication with its French-speaking majority. This presumesthat the party reflects the aspirations of this majority, aswell as its history, its language and its culture, its institu-tions, its way of life and its particularities. The LiberalParty has recognized the distinctive character which itsFrench-speaking majority has given to Quebec society,and has pledged to viligantly and constantly affirm anddefend the French character of Quebec, and to be a party

29

I D E N T I F I C A T I O N W I T H Q U E B E C


31/98

that is preponderantly French-speaking, without causing

prejudice to the equality of rights of all its members. Itrecognized this important majority by making the Frenchlanguage the official language of Quebec, in Bill in, by stressing the quality of French language instruc-tion in our school system and by favouring the rise of theFrench language in all sectors, especially in the economicsector, where dynamic and able French-speaking leaders

are increasingly to be found.Quebec also includes an English-speaking community,which has its own solid historic roots. This communitymaintains an important network of institutions of excel-lent reputation in the economic, health, social service,education, cultural and communications fields. Its mem-bers are present in virtually all sectors of activity. Given itslong record of working with the English-speaking com-munity, the Liberal Party recognizes and respects itsrights, and ensures that its institutions receive equitabletreatment. The Party includes several anglophone mem-bers in its caucus in Quebec City. The members of theanglophone community are full citizens in the eyes of theparty. They stand before the law with the same rights andresponsibilities as all other citizens.

Quebec also is part of a country where two languages,English and French, are recognized as having equal statusat the federal level. Canada has a million francophoneswho are a minority in the provinces and territories thathave English-speaking majorities. In this Canadian con-text, the Liberal Party cannot condone an attitude of dis-trust, even hostility towards the English language oradopt an attitude which treats English as a foreign lan-guage, comparable to Spanish, German or Russian. Que-bec is situated on the North American continent, where


30


32/98

English dominates. Some see this situation as a danger

leading to assimilation, against which Quebec must beprotected by restrictions of all sorts. The Liberal Partysees this situation more as a challenge which requires apositive response. This response must be based on theclear acceptance of a double-rule of excellence, wherebyQuebecers must excel in their first language, French, andin a second language in which they must be able to com-

municate effectively. From this necessity stems the impor-tance of working, as Liberals, with the support of parentsand against the intransigent opposition of our adversaries,to ensure the improvement of English second languageinstruction, and the fair recognition of the place of theEnglish language in Quebec collective life.

We cannot ignore the presence of eleven First Nationsin Quebec (Abenaki, Algonquin, Atikamekw, Cree,Huron, Innu, Malecite, Micmac, Mohawk, Naskapi andInuit). There are , people of aboriginal identityin Quebec. To this number must be added at least, native persons living off the reserve. The FirstNations each have their traditions, their culture, and theirhistory solidly rooted in Quebec soil. They insist on therecognition of their identity and the acceptance of the

rights and freedoms they feel are due them. The LiberalParty has on many occasions recognized the legitimacyof the aspirations of the First Nations to a substantialmeasure of self-government. In office, it favoured nego-tiated agreements to this end. TheJames Bay and North-ern Quebec Agreementwas a first major step in this direc-tion. It was followed by many other initiatives, taken upby subsequent governments both Liberal and PartiQubcois. The Liberal Party has supported these recentinitiatives.

31



33/98

Finally, Quebec has been a receptive society to thou-

sands of immigrants. Far from being fearful of thesenewcomers, Liberal governments have traditionally wel-comed high levels of immigration, in a spirit of open-ness. The Liberal Party hopes that immigrants integrateinto the life of society. But it accepts that they will do soat their pace, and not that which is set by bureaucrats orpoliticians. It accepts as well that this integration will be

achieved with the active co-operation of the culturalcommunities. It is proud to count in its ranks, at all lev-els, many members of the cultural communities. Thelatter have several of their members in the Liberal caucusin Quebec City.

The Liberal Party, through its acceptance of diversityand its long experience with the English-speaking com-munity and the cultural communities, is better preparedthan any other party to facilitate the harmonious emer-gence, in todays context, of a Quebec that must remainvigilant so that French remains the dominant language,but where an emerging characteristic will be a growingmultiplicity of origins, of cultures and of opinions. As aresult, cultural policies will increasingly have to be devel-oped and applied with understanding and moderation. A

clear difference exists in this regard between the PartiQuebecois and the Liberal Party in the use each make ofthe word nation. The Liberal Party readily accepts thatQuebecers form a nation in the cultural and sociologicalsense of the word. But aware that even designating thisreality inside Quebec, the word nation has created morethan one misunderstanding, the Liberal Party avoidsusing this term in a way that could be understood to setapart the French-speaking majority from the other com-munities which make up Quebec society. It avoids oppos-


32


34/98

ing the Quebec nation and the Canadian nation as if

the word nation had the same meaning in both cases. Inthe view of the Liberal Party, the Canadian nation refersto a political entity which contains more than one nationin the cultural and sociological sense of the term. Quebecis one of these nations, with all the inherent rights thatthis implies, including the right to self-determination.But Quebec is not and cannot be a political nation within

the Canadian federal framework. Unless there is a changein our constitutional arrangement, nothing can preventQuebecers from taking part, as individuals and as a soci-ety, as full partners in the Canadian political nation, whileat the same time being part of the social-cultural nationwhich is Quebec. Furthermore, Quebecers can claim allthe freedom they need within the Canadian federation.Hence the reluctance and caution of the Liberal Partywhen it comes to using the word nation. To theimportant question: Is Quebec a nation? One must replyyes (translation), said Jean Charest at the launching of abook on the Quebec nation published by Le Devoir in. But the Quebec nation is a pluralist nation, headded. To respect this pluralism, the idea of nation mustgo far beyond partisan considerations and the sovereignty

debate. It cannot be taken hostage by one side or theother. As much for sovereigntists as for federalists, it is anidea that must be set apart from political conflicts. Itshould not be set up as a rampart at any time (Speech atthe launching of the book Penser la nation qubcoise,

April , ).The Parti Qubcois continues to use the word

nation for many purposes. It does not think that Que-bec is a nation only in the cultural and social sense. Forthe Parti Qubcois, Quebec is already a nation in the


33


35/98

political sense. On this ambiguous basis, the Parti Qub-

cois promotes a vision for Quebec which it defines asbroad, but which excludes from the start the Englishcommunity, the cultural communities, and the FirstNations, since their members in large numbers haveanother idea of nation and country. Even applied withinQuebec, the Parti Qubcois version of nation raisesmany difficulties. Even if its spokesman wrap up the idea

with language taken from civic nationalism, they are inreality promoting assimilationist goals which derive froma Jacobin concept of nation and country.



36/98

Chapter 4

Economic Development

The Liberal Party has been consistently committed to

simultaneously promoting the economic and socialdevelopment of Quebec. Because it creates thewealth that a society needs to pay for its social develop-ment, economic development has been a major concernfor all Liberal governments of the modern era.

In , Jean Lesage put forward three key ideaswhich have inspired the Liberal Party since that time.First, the government must put an end to improvisationin economic matters, and set up a planning process basedon the best abilities available. Second, as proclaimed inthe slogan Matres chez-nous, in , it was necessaryto patriate to Quebec the control of the economy as far asthis was possible. Third, it was important to give Quebeca modern state.

Once elected to office, the Lesage government set out

to nationalize private electric companies and to incorpo-rate them into the Hydro-Qubec network, to create aQuebec Economic Advisory Council (judged necessary atthe time to ensure better planning of economic develop-ment), to create the Caisse de dpt et placement, to mod-ernize transport infrastructures, and to reorganize govern-ment ministries having an economic mission. ManyCrown corporations were created to serve as tools for eco-nomic development in strategic areas (mines, agriculture,fisheries). For the first time in decades, the Ministry

35


37/98

of Finance was placed under the responsibility of a

francophone; the Premier himself served as Minister ofFinance. The traditional relations between the govern-ment and the financial world were altered to ensure amore equitable treatment of francophone institutions andprofessionals.

After becoming leader of the Liberal Party in ,Robert Bourassa pledged in his first campaign to create

,jobs during his first term in office. The commit-ment was judged to be reckless by some, but by the firstBourassa governments third year in office, more than, jobs had been created. With this commitment,Robert Bourassa wanted to stress the primary importancehe accorded to economic development. This interest inthe economy was the dominant characteristic of his fourterms of office.

The most remarkable eco-nomic decision taken byRobert Bourassa on economicmatters was his choice offavouring hydroelectric powerover nuclear energy. Themajor ecological risks posed


36

ROBERT BOURASSAFather of the James Bay project


38/98

by this option had been seriously underestimated by its

advocates, among whom was Jacques Parizeau. RobertBourassa chose to develop our hydroelectric resources andto start up the James Bay project. Thanks to this decision,Quebec now has an abundant supply of clean energy,some of which is exported, thus generating substantialrevenues for Quebec.

Apart from the early s, which coincided with a

North American recession, the Liberal Partys terms ofoffice have contributed to the reduction of the gaps whichhave traditionally separated Quebec from the otherprovinces in the areas of personal income, investment andemployment. Liberal Party strategies have alwaysfavoured the rational use of our natural resources (forests,water, minerals, agricultural) and their transformation inQuebec. Added to these concerns, during its terms ofoffice following the and elections, the LiberalParty prioritized the development of new technologies.Today, Quebec has many companies which are on thecutting edge of technology in aerospace, in the pharma-ceutical industry, in research in bio-technology, in com-munications, in the computer sector, etc. The wealth ofdevelopments in these areas was achieved in large measure

thanks to the policies put forward by Daniel Johnson andGrald Tremblay in the last two terms of office of RobertBourassa s government.

The Liberal Party has historically refused to be tied todoctrinaire approaches in economic matters. From thisstems the caution it has expressed on many occasions regard-ing rigid neo-liberalism (or laissez-faire liberalism), whichargues that economic laws should prevail in all sectors ofactivity. According to this ideology, the laws of the marketshould be left untouched and the State should be confined

E C O N O M I C D E V E L O P M E N T

37


39/98

to providing police services and maintaining highways.

Decisions regarding economic development should be left toprivate sector leaders outside government control.

The Liberal Party is convinced that, subject to the neces-sary legislative and regulatory framework, private enterpriseis and must be the primary motor of economic activity. Eco-nomic freedoms are, in its view, the indispensable corollaryof freedom itself. Why be free if we are not free to do busi-

ness? The Liberal Party has favoured small and mediumbusinesses. In addition to allowing the creative talents ofcompany leaders to come to the fore, these businesses createthree-quarters of all jobs in Quebec. As a result, they deservethe attention and support of the government. Through vari-ous programs, this support has been offered abundantly bythe Liberal Party. In Quebec as elsewhere, however, the con-clusion was reached, during the last government of RobertBourassa and the current government of Jean Charest, thatdirect and unconditional financial assistance programsended up creating dependence and irresponsibility. The Lib-eral Party policy now calls for assisting private enterprisethrough indirect means such as access to credit, participa-tion in risk capital, manpower training and support forinnovation, rather than through direct grants. While main-

taining a special concern for small and medium-sized busi-nesses, the Liberal Party is not indifferent to the contribu-tion of corporations to Quebecs economy. They createthousands of jobs and are often an important source ofinnovation. In the regions where they are established, theiractivity is a source of major spin-off for the local economy.The companies which develop our natural resources, how-ever, have special responsibilities towards the resource itselfand their workers. The Liberal Party has often remindedthem of these through laws and regulations when necessary.


38


40/98

In the private sector, companies which pursue social

objectives in addition to trying to make a profit are of spe-cial interest to the Liberal Party. This is especially true of co-operatives, especially the Caisses populaires Desjardins andthe agricultural co-operatives which, while generally operat-ing under the same administrative rules as capitalist con-cerns, are based on a structure of ownership where eachmember has one vote, no matter how many shares he or she

owns or the volume of business he or she does in the co-operative. The companies which make up the social sectorof the economy are of recent creation. It is up to them toprove that they are viable. The Liberal Party, however,believes that at this stage of their development, they shouldbe able to count on the enlightened support of government.

The role of the State, in the view of the Liberal Party,should not be to establish or run businesses, but to createthe conditions favourable to the orderly development offree enterprise. The party prefers, however, to keep openthe possibility of targeted involvement of the governmentin the ownership and management of a limited numberof companies which have a direct link to the public inter-est. Hydro-Quebec, the Caisse de dpt et de placement,the Socit des alcools, the Socit gnrale de finance-

ment, Loto-Qubec, and Tl-Qubec are all examples ofthe direct involvement of government in diverse sectors ofthe economy. These interventions were justified at thetime they were conceived, and could still be necessarytoday in certain cases if the public interest is better servedthrough public ownership.

But the reasons which were deemed valid in the pastto justify direct government involvement in some areasare not necessarily valid today. The economic context isno longer the same. Scarce energy resources, changes in

39



41/98

communications, and globalization in its diverse forms,

have all shaken the rules of trade. To remain competitive ina world where interdependence is the rule, each govern-ment must revise its ways of doing business, reduce itscosts, eliminate bloated and costly programs inheritedfrom the past, and place more and more confidence in thefreedom and the spirit of initiative of its citizens. In thisnew context, there can be no sacred cows. A periodic

review of all government involvement must be on theagenda of any conscientious government. For example, thegovernment of Robert Bourassa concluded, following areview, that several Crown corporations should be returnedto the private sector. Between and , it undertookprivatizations in several domains. Jean Charest caused a stirwhen he had the courage to say that the Quebec model ofeconomic development was not cast in stone. But today,there are few people left who do not share this view.

To make sure that its support for economic develop-ment is offered in the best conditions, the Liberal Partyexpects of enterprises, whether in the private or publicsector that:

a) they treat their personnel with respect, because theyare an enterprises most precious resource. Through legis-

lation that was enacted by Liberal governments, everyemployer is required to afford his employees certain mini-mal working conditions, including a minimum wagefixed by government regulation. Employers must alsoaccept, or face sanctions, that their employees may freelynegotiate their working conditions by means of a tradeunion without any constraint or threat. The Liberal Partyalso looks favourably on the participation of employees assharcholders in their companies, but does not claim tomake this option mandatory;


40


42/98

b) while taking into account the conditions inherent to

the North American context, companies recognize the rightof francophone employees to work in French;

c) when they develop a natural resource, companiesdo so in a way that ensures the renewal of the resource ifpossible, or that the resource be developed over thelongest possible period to ensure the greatest profit if theresource is not renewable;

d) they respect, in their planning, their productionactivities and their development programs all applicable,environmental norms and regulations and that, in a gen-eral way, they avoid methods of production and activitieslikely to produce negative ecological impacts. In , aLiberal government gave Quebec its first legislation in thearea of environmental protection., covering all of theproblems linked to the protection of the environmentair, water, soil, automobile pollution, contaminated sites,abandoned buildings, etc.

In a Liberal perspective, regional development mustalso be an essential dimension of economic development.The Quebec that we will build together, asserted JeanCharest, is a Quebec of the regions, it is a Quebec of allof the regions. No region of Quebec deserves to miss the

train of prosperity The Quebec I wish to build withyou is a Quebec which will decentralize decision-makingpowers and which will offer to our regions the tools theyneed to ensure their economic and social development(speech to the General Council meeting, May , ).



43/98


44/98

Chapter 5

Social Justice

Asociety which exclusively exalts individual values

quickly becomes an egotistical society. Sooner orlater, it is given over to domination by its strongestmembers, to the detriment of its most vulnerable mem-bers. Without necessarily being poor, many low-incomeindividuals and families are denied access to services suchas education and healthcare, which they cannot obtainthrough their own efforts. A pooling of resources is there-fore necessary to ensure a reasonable equality of opportu-nity for all, and a minimum of justice in our society.

In order to ensure that everyone has a reasonablechance to make his or her way in life according to their tal-ents and ambitions, it is important to guarantee to everyperson access to a minimal list of essential services. Thecontent of that minimal list varies from society to societyaccording to its degree of development and its level of

social awareness. In Quebec, thanks in large measure to therole played by the Liberal Party, this minimum list of ser-vices has been expanded in recent decades. It includes theright of every person, without discrimination, to freehealth services; free elementary, secondary and collegeeducation; help from the government when an individualis in dire need; government financial assistance to pursuepost-secondary studies; various assistance measures forhousing; a guaranteed pension for seniors; as well as to theprotection available through federal programs such as

43


45/98

employment insurance, fiscal benefits for children, old age

pensions and the income supplement for seniors.In the area of education, before the Quiet Revolution,

the majority of citizens did not even have the chance tocomplete high school. The Liberal Party committed itselfto vigourously shaking up the school system so as todemocratize education. It kept its word. In , educationbecame a top priority. A royal commission was created to

study the situation and to make recommendations. In thewake of the Parent Report, the Ministry of Education wascreated in and reforms were instituted at every level ofinstruction. For the first time, the government of Quebectook charge of its responsibilities in education.

The fruits of these efforts can be seen everywhere.Quebecs education levels have become one of the highestin North America. The number of students who attendcollege and university has risen dramatically. After havingbeen left out of higher education for far too long, womennow account for the majority of college and universityeducation matriculations. Everyone who has the abilityand the desire can now receive free high school and col-lege education as a regular student. Given that free uni-versity tuition would be very expensive, tuition fees are

still charged to students. However, access to a financialassistance program is available for college and universitystudents, as well as for those receiving professional train-ing at the secondary level.

Under the pretext of widening access to education,the Action dmocratique du Qubec has proposed tosend vouchers to families which they could then use toregister their children in the school of their choice. Whileattractive at first glance, this proposal displays a seriousmisunderstanding of the real situation. It ignores the fact


44


46/98

that under the current legislation, parents are entitled to

send their children to the public school of their choice. Itignores as well the existence of a private school sectorwhich is generously funded by the government.

As a result, Quebec parents benefit from a freedom ofchoice much greater than anywhere else in North Amer-ica. This proposal also reveals a dangerously superficialknowledge about vouchers in the United States. In the

republic to our south, vouchers are only granted, in thestates where these measures exist, to parents of childrenwho attend public schools whose performance is consid-erably below average. They only benefit about % of stu-dents. The general application of a similar measure inQuebec would create major upheavals in the organizationof the public school network. Its promoters do not appearto have evaluated this risk.

Support for arts and let-ters and culture in general isfound in the platform of anyserious political party. Early inthe 20th century, the LiberalParty began to show its inter-est in this sector of activity. In

45

S O C I A L J U S T I C E

Lquipe du tonnerres electoral platform (QLP, 1960)


47/98

addition to having created several institutions, such as

the the system of music conservatories, which havetrained generations of musicians, Liberal governmentshave offered tangible support for cultural life. We owe toGeorges-Emile Lapalme the creation of the Ministry ofCultural Affairs, which became the Ministry of Cultureunder the second government of Robert Bourassa. Thisgovernment also adopted Bills and , which offer

protection for artists in respect of their working condi-tions. The government also increased budgets to supportcultural activities, exempted books from the sales tax,and created a Conseil des arts et des lettres du Qubec,which placed financial assistance for artists at armslength, free from any political interference in its distribu-tion of grants.

In the area of healthcare, it was only a short time agothat people depended on the generous dedication of reli-gious orders and healthcare professionals, especially doc-tors, so that people of modest income would have accessto medical and hospital treatment. People of modestmeans were particularly vulnerable under this system. Sit-uations of crushing debts existed in thousands of homes.Hospital insurance, created by Jean Lesage in , and

health insurance, created by Robert Bourassa in , withfinancial support from the Federal government in bothinstances, put an end to a system where the costs hadbecome too great for low- and middle-income families.Healthcare became a public service in Quebec. On severaloccasions, the current leader of the Liberal Party, JeanCharest, has rejected the idea of a two-tiered healthcaresystem consisting of one level of medical services for therich and another level of service for the poor. The Actiondmocratique du Qubec has proposed instituting one


46


48/98

healthcare system for the average citizen and another sys-

tem, no doubt more advanced and having restrictedaccess, for those who are willing to pay. This proposal, if itis carried out, would create serious inequalities in theavailability of care. In the long term, the average citizenwill have to pay the price for these proposals by in theform of less accessible services.

In the area of income security, two basic measures

came into being under Liberal governments:a) the Quebec Pension Plan, under which each workerwho contributes to the plan during his working life isassured of receiving a minimum income during his or herretirement. Under the Jean Lesage government, Quebecwisely thought that it should control the management ofthe large pools of capital generated by the savingsdeducted from each pay cheque for the pension plan. Tothis end, it created the Caisse de dpt et placement. TheCaisse is now one of the most powerful financial institu-tions in Canada;

b) the income security program for underprivilegedindividuals and families, which ensures financial supportfrom the government for these families and individualswho have no employment income and who do not have

access to Federal employment insurance. Set up in itsmodern form by Jean Lesage, the income support pro-gram has undergone major changes. Among the mostimportant were those made by the Liberal government in. The reforms allowed for an increase in alloca-tions paid to truly needy households. They also helped tocut offmany beneficiaries who were ineligible for finan-cial assistance from the government. These reforms alsoinstituted equal treatment for young people between theages of and , and raised payments for people who

47



49/98

had preschool-aged children in their care. The most

durable effect was to stress incentives to work, coupledwith support measures and training for welfare recipientsin order to facilitate their reintegration into the workforce.

The quality of the healthcare and education serviceswas severely compromised by the cutbacks often maderecklessly by the Bouchard and Landry governments.Cuts in the assistance given to welfare recipients who are

unable to join the workforce, the savage deinstitutional-ization of patients in psychiatric hospitals, the deteriora-tion of services offered to students with learning difficul-tiesthese are some of the measures whose negativeimpact will be felt well into the future. Given that bothparties have been in office, however, there is a tacit agree-ment between the Parti Qubcois and the Liberal Partyon preserving the essential achievements of the QuietRevolution in the areas of healthcare, education, andincome security. In social matters, said Jean Charest,the fundamental principle put forward by Liberals isunequivocal. Economic growth must not come at theexpense of the least privileged (Speech to the QubecCity Chamber of Commerce, September , ).

The ADQ has proposed to replace existing programs

with a guaranteed minimum income for everyone with-out having studied the administrative, constitutional, orfinancial impact of its proposal. The ADQ ignores orminimizes the issues raised by this idea, which has beenshown to be difficult to put into practice. If the LiberalParty has not put forward a guaranteed minimum wageproposal, it is not through indifference. It is because theproof has not yet been made that a guaranteed minimumwage could be achieved in conditions which will improveand not degrade the circumstances of the needy.


48


50/98

Since , successive Liberal governments have given

special attention to supporting families. Convinced thatthe family is at the heart of all solid and sustainable socialdevelopment, the Bourassa government, during the and terms of office:

a) substantially reduced the tax burden on families.The minimum taxable income for a family with two chil-dren rose from $, in to $, in . In

, at the end of the last Liberal government, the aver-age Quebec family was treated more advantageouslywhen compared with an average family living in Ontario;

b) created a non-refundable tax credit for dependentchildren;

c) created a birth allowance which had a positiveimpact upon the birth rate over five years;

d) promoted the development of daycare services forchildren, which went from , places in to, places in , while maintaining the freedom ofchoice for parents in this area through various fiscalmeasures.

Access to housing is one of the services that is nowseen as indispensable for the healthy development of indi-viduals. For the Liberal Party, the principal providers of

housing facilities should be the private sector. In order tocorrect certain inequalities in this regard that are createdby market forces, the Bourassa government in the lates implemented a measure aimed at providing anincome supplement for households living in regionswhere the rents were higher than the market average. Thismeasure, the housing allowance, was added to a similarprogram, Logirente, which provided financial aid toseniors who found housing in the private sector. Each ofthese measures aids , households annually.

49



51/98

Experience has shown, on the other hand, that hous-

ing built and managed by public authorities costs moreand creates serious inequalities in the assistance given tolow-income households. Those who live in public hous-ing facilities enjoy far greater advantages than thosehoused in the private sector. The Liberal Party believesthat financial assistance for housing should be offered bythe government to low-income households. It believes,

however, that the construction of public housing unitsshould, in principle, be used only to respond to specificneeds such as those of handicapped individuals, the men-tally ill, people in rehabilitation, etc. The party favoursequal treatment for low-income households in housingassistance programs, whether the individuals live in pri-vate or public housing.

Social development in Quebec includes a demo-graphic dimension that political leaders cannot ignore.

While the Quiet Revolution was the source of many posi-tive changes, it was also marked by a dramatic drop in thebirth rate. With a fertility index of . in , Quebecwas well below the . level of fertility required for a soci-ety to reproduce itself. In this context, immigration takeson a crucial role. It is no exaggeration to state that in this

area, Liberal governments have outperformed the PQ.From to , the Parti Qubcois and the LiberalParty have each been in office years. The Liberal recordin demographic matters is superior in three ways to theParti qubcois

a) regarding international immigration, the years to and to saw a net surplus of , peo-ple, as compared to a surplus of , during the years to , and to , or an additional net gainof , people during the Liberal years. In its last

50



52/98

term of office, the Bourassa government gave Quebec an

immigration policy whose excellence was recognized byits opponents. It also concluded, with the Federal govern-ment, the McDougall-Gagnon-Tremblay Agreement,thus granting for Quebec an important role in the selec-tion of immigrants;

b) regarding interprovincial immigration, Quebec hasrecorded losses each year since . The annual average

deficit under Parti Qubcois governments has been, individuals, compared to deficits of , individ-uals under Liberal governments, or a an additional netloss of , individuals during the years of PQ govern-ment;

c) regarding fertility, the average number of births was, during Liberal years, compared to an average of, during the PQ years. This represents a differenceof over , births over the entire period. According toofficial statistics and detailed studies, the family supportmeasures instituted by the Bourassa government signigi-cantly contributed to the increase in the birth rate from to .



53/98


54/98

Chapter 6

Respect for Civil Society

In modern societies, few governments still have the

power to define the values to be held in common bytheir population. Each individual, each group has itsown view of life and its own values. Instead of wanting toimpose its own views, the government should find waysto make institutional arrangements which, with duerespect for public order and morality, take into accountthe ongoing evolution of opinions and behaviours.

While the government must be careful and reservedregarding values, it should not be concluded, however,that decisions or values should or could be removed fromlife in society. These choices of values are necessary, eveninevitable. In a liberal society, they are taken in a vast spacewith indistinct boundaries that we call civil society. Bycivil society is meant in general those human activities thattake place outside the marketplace and the political arena.

The market society is made up of utilitarian transactionsbased on the value of goods and services exchanged. Incivil society, exchanges generally obey other considera-tions, such as family ties, friendship, art, faith, culture, etc.Political society is, by definition, regulated by laws whichare in principle the same for all. In contrast, values ofspontaneity, improvisation, freedom and diversity occupyan important place in civil society.

Civil society rests first on the personality of eachindividual. But it is also made up of social relations and

53


55/98

institutions. Included in civil society are those associa-

tions and institutions which operate in a society, withoutbeing part of the market society or being dependent onthe government. Under the heading of civil society arefound families, local and regional institutions such asmunicipalities, school boards, regional social and culturalbodies, churches, the media, professional associations andthe many groups dedicated to myriad causes, whose pro-

liferation in th-century North America won the admi-ration of the visiting French observer, Alexis de Toc-queville. To understand the fundamental preferences andthe general spirit of the population, the tendenciesobserved in civil society are generally a more reliablebarometer than the speeches of politicians. Because theyare fertile ground for the exercise of freedoms, civil soci-ety is a precious rampart against authoritarianism. That is


54

CLAUDE RYAN AND HIS WIFE MADELEINEArchitect of the decentralization of the 1990s


56/98

why totalitarian regimes try to silence civil society, or to

replace it with government bodies.One of Quebecs strengths is that it has a healthy and

vigourous civil society. On occasion, political parties aretempted to use the institutions of civil society as vehiclesfor the circulation of their ideas. These efforts may givethe impression of succeeding in the short run. When suchefforts have occurred, however, they efforts have run up

against a discreet but impregnable resistance from thepopulace, which instinctively has always preferred policiesmarked by prudence and realism, over ideological strait-

jackets.Municipalities and school boards offer good examples

of how the Liberal Party views relations between govern-ment and civil society. From a strictly legal standpoint,municipalities and school boards are in effect the crea-tures of the Quebec government. In principle, accordingto this point of view, the government can do what itpleases with them. This narrowly legal definition ofmunicipalities and school boards ignores, however,another aspect just as important to their stature. If thesebodies owe their existence and their legal roles to QuebecCity, their leaders obtain their mandate from the voting

public. They are consequently political institutions, notmerely branches or administrative offices of the Quebecgovernment.

The way that the Bouchard and Landry governmentshave managed the issue of municipal mergers provides asingular contrast with the approach used by a Liberal gov-ernment in order to promote the reorganization of schoolboards, which were felt to be too numerous, and to man-age municipal mergers. True to the philosophy of the Lib-eral Party, the Bourassa government succeeded in merging

55

R E S P E C T F O R C I V I L S O C I E T Y


57/98

school boards in a climate of co-operation. All govern-

ments on occasion are required to make decisions thatwill be unpopular with municipalities and school boards.Liberal governments could not avoid this eventuality.However, they generally saw to it that the interested par-ties were informed beforehand about the orientations thatthe government was going to adopt, and were given timeto let their views be known. In two specific cases, the

Bourassa government transferred to the municipalitiesand the school boards responsibilities that had previouslybeen shouldered by the government. In each case, how-ever, the transfer of responsibilities was accompanied bythe transfer of additional sources of revenue. Given thatQuebec has so many municipalities, too many even, Lib-eral governments have generally favoured municipal reor-ganization. Only on rare occasions, however, has a Liberalgovernment felt that it must impose a merger. When itdid so, it was for reasons that were imperative. The oppo-sition of the Liberal Party to recently forced municipalmergers was based much more on the cavalier manner inwhich these mergers were forced than on the goals theysought to achieve.

The organization of the liberal professions offers

another example of the attitude adopted by the LiberalParty towards civil society. In Quebec, it has traditionallyfallen to the members of the professions themselves,rather than the government, to define and enforce highstandards of competence and ethics for their members.Due to the proliferation of the professions, caused by therapid evolution of knowledge and the ever-increasingnumbers of people drawn to these occupations, it hadbecome necessary to revise the organization of the liberalprofessions. A centralizing government would have taken


56


58/98

advantage of this situation to subject the professions to

heavy-handed bureaucratic controls. Liberal governmentschose instead to reinforce the principle of self-regulationfor each profession by its members, but to also set up abody to coordinate the systemthe Office des profes-sions du Qubecwhich oversees all the professionswhile also respecting each ones autonomy.

Due in large measure to Liberal governments, Quebec

labour legislation recognizes the right of workers to asso-ciate and their right to the unfettered negotiation of theirworking conditions through the intermediary of anaccredited trade union. The laws recognize the rightsextended to trade unions not only for the negotiation ofcollective agreements but also for their application. Thefreedom of trade unions is a fundamental element inQuebec labour legislation. It must be recognized that thecurrent regime governing labour relations was built onlaws adopted at times by PQ governments, at times byLiberal governments. However, it was thanks to LiberalGovernment that the unionization of public and para-public sector workers became a reality. It was also underLiberal governments led by Robert Bourassa that sometrade unions had to be reminded that the law must be

obeyed by everyone in a democratic society. Liberal gov-ernments have attempted to be fair in their dealings withthe trade union movement. At the same time, they haveavoided being too familiar with its leaders.

The management bodies created to administer thehundreds of educational and health institutions trans-ferred from the private sector to the public sector dur-ing the Quiet Revolution offer another example of theattitude of the Liberal Party towards civil society. First,the transfers of ownership were accomplished through

57



59/98

negotiation, fair compensation being made. Second, it

was decided that for the administration of the institu-tions that were transferred, new boards of directorswould include representatives of the community servedand the employees of the institutions. Recent changesmade by the Landry government to the status ofregional health and social service boards opened a seri-ous breach in the system, subjecting the boards to a

more direct control by the government. The LiberalParty fought against these changes, which it felt wereincompatible with its concept of relations based onmutual respect that must exist between the governmentand civil society.

The policy of the Liberal Party towards private schoolsis another example of its respect for the institutions of civilsociety. These institutions are the expression of initiativestaken by individuals and groups, not by the government.During its first term in office, the Parti Qubcois gave theimpression that it wanted to condemn these schools togradual extinction by imposing a moratorium on the recog-nition of any new institution for the purpose of awardinggrants. As soon as it was returned to power in , the gov-ernment of Robert Bourassa put an end to this morato-

rium. It let it be known that while the priority for the gov-ernment was clearly public schools, a significant role,accompanied by financial support from the government,would be reserved for private schools. The PQ governmentsin office between to maintained the assistancegiven private education, but the idea of a new moratoriumand the eventual abolition of financial assistance to privateschools remains an element of the PQ program.

Freedom of the press is an essential attribute of ademocratic society. Without becoming involved in the


58


60/98

management of media enterprises, the Liberal Party has

always been opposed to excessive concentration of owner-ship and power in this vital sector. On different occasions,governments led by Robert Bourassa intervened to stoptransactions that would have had dangerous conse-quences in this regard. One cannot say the same aboutthe governments of Lucien Bouchard and BernardLandry. Under the cover of a parliamentary committee

doomed to failure because of the permissive attitudeadopted by the government, the greatest concentration ofpower in the ownership of daily newspapers in the historyof Quebec has been achieved under the Landry govern-ment, for the benefit of a small but powerful group.

Thousands of voluntary associations, at times sponta-neous, at times organized, in which people like to partici-pate for a wide variety of reasons, are an essential compo-nent of Quebec civil society. Political parties cannotignore their existence because they encounter them on adaily basis. They must find ways to accommodate them,as all people elected to office soon discover. The LiberalParty recognizes the irreplaceable utility of these groups.

While avoiding all interference with their internal opera-tions, the Liberal Party ensures that it maintains co-

operative relations with them. Voluntary associationshave often been invited by Liberal governments to givetheir opinion on government proposals, to participate inthe choice of members of boards of directors of local orregional institutions, even to play an active role, accom-panied by fair compensation, in the implementation ofgovernment measures. The role played by hundreds ofcommunity organizations dedicated to working in under-privileged areas is an important characteristic of Quebecdemocracy. In a report on Ltat qubcois et la pauvret

59



61/98

(), a task force of the Liberal Party called for greater

recognition of the work done by these groups, and thecreation of financial assistance that would offer themgreater stability.

In Quebec, as in all liberal societies, religious commu-nities enjoy great freedoms. They are recognized as non-profit organizations and hence qualify for generous taxexemptions. They manage their affairs, free from any gov-

ernment interference. Many of them receive financial assis-tance from the government in return for the public servicesthey offer in areas such as education, assistance to variouscategories of individuals, recreation, and culture. Amongthe religions, the Catholic Church has roots which are theoldest in Quebec history and enjoys the greatest influence.

While maintaining with it relations generally marked byco-operation, the Liberal Party has, since the th century,adopted an attitude of healthy independence from theCatholic Church and other faith groups. Since the era of

Wilfrid Laurier, the party has favored freedom for all reli-gions, a position which did not always coincide with theviews of the Church leaders of the time. On the basis ofthese principles, the Liberal Party enacted over the pastdecades major changes in the role that the Catholic Church

had traditionally played in education, healthcare and socialservices. Accomplished for the most part under Liberalgovernments, these changes were made in a spirit ofmutual healthy independence and respect between civiland religious authorities. There was no despoiling of prop-erty, no wars of religion, just negotiations that were oftenintense. While continuing, for practical purposes, thenumerical preponderance of the Catholic and Protestantreligions as regards the need for services in certain areas(schools, hospitals, prisons, social services), the changes


60


62/98

over the last few decades allowed the government to

assume added responsibilities that it alone can shoulder inorder to protect the right of all individuals to freedom ofreligion and equal access to public services.

A government concerned about efficiency and findinglong-term solutions must make every effort to maintainstrong links with representatives of the civil society. It is tobe expected that it seek to establish co-operative relations

with organizations from civil society, and to associate themwith government initiatives either through permanent tiesor more informal meetings. Liberal governments createdseveral organizations to this end. For example, the Conseilsuprieur de lducation, the Conseil des arts et lettres duQubec, the Conseil du statut de la femme, the Conseil descommunauts culturelles. These bodies play a useful role.From these experiences, however, certain guidelines must bedrawn up whenever the government decides to haverecourse to this kind of structure. First, they must be as rep-resentative as possible of all interested parties. To this end,appointments should only be made after serious consulta-tion. Second, their role should be one of consultation andnot decision-making. In principle, decision-making shouldremain the prerogative of the executive branch of govern-

ment. Third, they must have true freedom. Finally, the gov-ernment must make sure that these forums are not trans-formed into parallel power structures to the detriment ofelected officials, or into activities where ministers promotetheir popularity by distributing favours to a locality orregion.



63/98


64/98

Chapter 7

Democracy and Politics

Amajor contribution made by the liberal spirit to the

political development of Quebec was promoting amore positive vision of politics and the role of polit-ical institutions. The day after the election, for a fourthterm, of the Union nationale in , two priests whospecialized in social ethics blasted the political moralitydisplayed during the election campaign. We were told,wrote Grard Dion and Louis ONeill

Documents

Quebec Liberal Party Values