Punggu Jinggau Final Report

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Punggu Jinggau

Investigating Iban livelihoods and land use choices in theera of joint venture development projectsA field work report in Interdisciplinary Land Use and Natural

Resource Management (LFKK10246)

Lisbet Christoffersen (qfk506), Anna-Sarah Eyrich (cfq886),Andreas Grm (srq124), Mir Humayun Kabir (spd866),Ida Maria Reiter (sht469), Simon Shamus Riley (cdh746) &

Maja Nastasia Juul Toft (kpl587)


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Field report in Interdisciplinary Land Use and Natural Resource Management (LFKK10246)

English title: Investigating Iban livelihoods and land use choices in the era of joint venture

development projects

Authors: Lisbet Christoffersen (qfk506), Anna-Sarah Eyrich (cfq886), Andreas Grm (srq124), Mir

Humayun Kabir (spd866), Ida Maria Reiter (sht469), Simon Shamus Riley (cdh746) & Maja

Nastasia Juul Toft (kpl587)

Year: April 2012

Supervisors: Thilde Bech Bruun, Kristine X, Andreas

Faculty of Life Science, University of Copenhagen

Front pictures: rubber (upper left), pepper (upper middle), cocoa (upper right), Punggu Jinggau

Longhouse (bottom); Source: (private pictures)


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Glossary of Terms and

Abbreviations:Adat: Systems of customary law traditionally governing the indigenous communities of Borneo

Bilik: A household, understood as the basic unit of traditional Iban society (Cramb 1993).

Community: Used in this report to refer collectively to all of the Punngu villages, which share a

common ancestry and some land management responsibilities.

JKKK: Village Security and Development Committee

JVP: Joint-Venture Project; details of this arrangement can be found in Cramb and Ferraro

2010

LCDA: Land Custody and Development Agency, a government-linked corporation established in

1994 with the institution of the Konsep Baru.

MLD: Ministry for Land Development

NCL: Native Customary Land

NCR: Native Customary Rights

NTFP: Non-timber forest products

Penghulu: Administrator for a collection of villages; above Tuai Rumah in local political hierarchy

SADIA: Sarawak Dayak Iban Association

TR: see Tuah Rumah


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Abstract

In response to the increasing global demand, Malaysia continues to expand areas under oil palm production. As

this process continues, one important region of further oil palm expansion is the state of Sarawak on Borneo,

where government policy is a main driver of this development. The latest model for promoting oil palm is the

Joint Venture (JV), targeting land under Native Customary Rights and encouraging native landowners to lease

their lands to the state for 60 year periods to be developed in cooperation with private companies.

The village of our study, Punggu Jinggau, which is located in Sri Aman district in the state of Sarawak, has twice

rejected proposed JV proposals in a trend contrary to surrounding villages. This apparently anomaly guided the

objective of this study into the exploration of possible factors surrounding the villagers decision to reject the

JVP in the context of internal and external institutions.

Inspired by Ellis livelihood framework we identify three important scales local, regional and state level

which are needed to understand the context in which livelihood decisions are made. Following an examination

of the communitys livelihood strategies, we analyze and discuss the villagers decision to reject JV proposals.

Using primarily methods from social science combined with some natural science methods, we found that the

main factors surrounding the villagers rejection was the value they place on land and the desire to pass it on to

their children. We note that these children may, due to improved educational opportunities and urban

migration, in turn pursue new livelihood strategies. However we find external influences, particularly from the

state, may increasingly limit the villagers control over the land use decision-making process.


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Acknowledgements

First of all we want to express our gratitude to the villagers of Punggu Jinggau and their headman Tuah Rumah

Entau ak Entai, for their hospitality and for providing us not only with important data but also an unforgettable

experience and an unique opportunity to be introduced to Iban culture.

Secondly we want to thank our lecturers Thilde Bech Bruun, Kristine Juul and Andreas Egelund Christensen for

support and guidance throughout the whole SLUSE course. Also we want to express our gratitude to our

Malaysian resource persons with special thanks to Dr. Wong, who assisted us during our whole stay in Malaysia,

even after the official field work.

We highly appreciate the assistance from our three interpreters, Raine Melissa Riman, Luisa Duya ak Setia and

Napoleon Muda ak Jubin, without whom we would not have been able to complete the project. A special

thanks to Raine Melissa Riman who was available whenever needed, both during and after the actual fieldwork

had been conducted, and willingly shared her comprehensive knowledge.

Finally we thank all of our Malaysian counterparts for a rewarding and enjoyable time together.

At last the authors will keep in mind the tears of Punggu Jinggau forever


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Lisbet Christoffersen (qfk506) Anna-Sarah Eyrich (cfq886) Andreas Grm (srq124)

Mir Humayun Kabir (spd866) Ida Maria Reiter (sht469) Simon Shamus Riley (cdh746)

Maja Nastasia Juul Toft (kpl587)


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Table of Content

1. Introduction (All)...............................................................................................................ix

1.2. Punggu Jinggau ........................... ....................... ........................... .................... .........ix

1.3. Ellis livelihood framework as conceptual framework ....................... ......................... ..x

1.3. Objectives and Research Questions............................................................................xi

1.3.1. Objective ........................... .......................... ........................... .................... .........xi

1.3.2. Research questions..............................................................................................xi

1.3.3. Approach to Objective........................................................................................xii

2.1. Preliminary Considerations........................................................................................xii2.1.1. Observer Effects and Positioning in the Field .......................... ......................... ...xii

2.1.2. Interpreter Effects ......................... ......................... .......................... .................. xii

2.1.3. Triangulation and Data Quality ...................... ............................ .................... .... xiii

2.2. Methods ........................ ...................... ........................... .................... ..................... xiii

2.2.1. Household Survey - March 9th to 10th.................................................................xiii

2.2.2. Participatory Rapid/Rural Appraisal Techniques (PRA) .......................... ............. xiii

2.2.3. Semi-Structured Interviews: ..................... ............................ .................... ......... xiv

2.2.4. Natural Science Methods....................................................................................xv

2.2.7. Participant observation and informal interviews........ ........................... ............ xvii

2.2.8. Secondary Data Collection................... ........................... ........................ .......... xvii

2.3. Critical Evaluation .......................... ...................... ............................ ...................... . xvii

3. Livelihoods......................... ................... ............................ ................... ......................... xviii

3.1. Land Geography, soils and water (Andreas, Simon, Kabir).............. ...................... xviii

3.1.1. Soil ......................... ....................... ............................ ................... ..................... xix


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3.5. Other sources of income (Ida) ......................... ............................ ................... ....... xxvii

3.6. The younger generation, education, and rural urban considerations (Anna, Ida) .... xxix

3.7. Livelihoods in the wider context (All)............... ............................ ................... ......... xxx

4.1. Community structure ........................ ......................... ............................ ................ xxxi

4.1.1 The biliks .......................... ...................... ............................ ................... ........... xxxi

4.1.2 The Village.......................................................................................................xxxiii

4.2. Selection and responsibilities of the Tuai Rumah...................................................xxxiv

4.3. The Punggu community............... ......................... ............................ .................... . xxxv

4.4. Loss of sovereignty................................................................................................xxxvi

5. Government institutions and policies (Maja, Lisbet, Simon) ....................... ..................xxxvi

5.1. Land Tenure system in Sarawak............................................................................xxxvii

5.1.1. Native Customary Land (NCL) and Native Customary Rights (NCR).................xxxvii

5.1.2. NCR New Initiative........................................................................................xxxviii

5.2. Development plans for Sarawak and Sri Aman area.............................................xxxviii

5.2.1. New Concept and Joint Venture Project (JVP)......................................................xl

5.2.2. Perception of development ...................... ............................ .................... ...........xl

5.3. Institutions involved in the agricultural development of Sri Aman, Sarawak .............. xli

Besides being Chief Minister, Taib is also Minister of Finance as well as Minister of Resource Planning and

Environment. As already described, Taibs entry has been decisive for the significant changes of land use and

natural resource management in Sarawak. .................... ............................ ................... ...xli

5.4. Situation of Punggu Jinggau and Punggu Area ....................... ............................ ...... xliii

6. Conclusion ........................... ....................... ........................... .................... .................... xliii

Reference ........................... ...................... ............................ ................... ........................... xlv

Community Map subsequent schematic map of Punggu region......................................lii

Wealth Ranking Criteria lii


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Resident Officer, Sri Aman ....................... ......................... ............................ ................... lxi

Land and Survey Department......................... ........................... ........................ ............. lxiii

Primary school SK Munggu Beringin....................... ............................ ................... .......... lxv

Keyinformant Mr. Trang ak Amir, bilik 6...... ......................... ........................... ................ lxv

Sarawak Dayak Iban Assiciation (SADIA) ......................... ............................ ................... . lxvi

Mail communication with SADIA, March 30, 2012.................. ............................ ........... lxvii

Soil sampling results .......................... .................... .............................. .................... .... lxviii

Background Bilek Data Bilek Number: _______ .......................... ............................ ....... lxxiv

INCOME SOURCES......................... ...................... ............................ ................... ........... lxxv

Land Management...........................................................................................................lxxvii

Joint Venture Contract/Project ..................... ............................ ....................... ............lxxvii

New NCR Initiative ........................... ......................... ........................... .................... ....lxxvii

1.1. Punggu Jinggau A brief introduction ..................... ............................ ................... .. 81

1.2. Conceptual framework.......................... ........................ ........................... ................ 82

1.3. Objectives and Research questions ......................... ............................ ................... .. 83

1.3.2. Research questions............................. ............................... ................... ............. 83

1.4. Background............................ ...................... ............................ ................... ............. 84

1.4.1. Research question 1 Livelihood strategies............................ ......................... .. 84

1.4.2. Research question 2 Institutional Policies .................... ............................ ....... 84

1.4.3. Research question 3 Community land distribution............................. ............. 85

2.1. Positioning in the field.................... ...................... ............................ .................... .... 85

2.2. Methods ........................ ...................... ........................... .................... ..................... 86

2.2.1. Livelihoods ........................... .................... .............................. .................... ....... 86

2.2.2. Institutional Policies ...................... ......................... .......................... ................. 87


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4.4.2. Headman Interview ........................... .......................... ......................... ........... 101

4.2.3. Governmental Institutions........................ ............................ ................... ........ 103

4.2.4. Interview with an NGO-representative ........................... ............................ ..... 105

4.2.5. Interview with urban migrants regarding land distribution and oil palms......... 106

4.3. Participatory Rural Appraisal ..................... ............................... ................... ........... 108

4.3.1. Seasonal calendar............... ...................... ............................ ................... ........ 108

4.3.2. Livelihood Focus Group Key Discussion Points...................... ......................... 110


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List of figures

Figure 1: Satellite image of Punggu Area from Google Earth (image date 2007).

Figure 2: Livelihood Platform, adopted from Ellis (2001)

Figure 3: Map of land-use and transportation networks within the Punggu region

Figure 4: Map of soil types in the Punggu region

Figure 5: Senggang plant in the rubber field

Figure 6: Total bilk income

Figure 7: Layout of the biliks in Pumgu Jinggau

Figure 8: Iban political hierarchy diagram

List of tables:

Table 1: The routes of the six transect walks in the Punggu area

Table 2: Water Sampling Site Selection

Table 3: Differences and diversities in livelihood strategies

List of text boxes:

Box 1: Cash crop: rubber

Box 2: Cash crop: pepper

Box 3: Cash crop: cocoa


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1. Introduction (All)

Since achieving independence in 1957, Malaysia has experienced rapid population and economic growthcoupled with an expansion of market infrastructure (Fox et al. 2009). Malaysia, which heavily depends on

income from its natural resources, has emerged over recent decades as a world leader in oil palm production. In

response to the increasing global demand Malaysia has continued to expand areas under oil palm (Yusof &

Bhattasali 2008; Basiron 2002).

The two states of Sabah and Sarawak, on Borneo, have been and still are designated areas for further oil palm

developments. In Sarawak alone the area under oil palm has expanded from 55,000 hectares in 1990 to900,000 hectares in 2010 and the Sarawaks goal is two million hectares by 2020. This is now being achieved

primarily by encouraging private sector involvement and directly targeting Native Customary land (NCR) land

under New Concept, Konsep Baru, implemented in 1994 (Cooke 2006; Chin 2011). However some plantations

are private or governmental establishments and do not include local people as shareholders (Cramb 2011).

The standard model for development under Konsep Baru is Joint Venture Projects (JVP), where native

landowners are encouraged to transfer their lands to the state for 60 years to be developed in cooperation withprivate companies (Sarawak Government 2010). For an initiative to be carried out, a contiguous area of at least

5,000 hectares is required (Cramb 2011). This means land must be aggregated from smallholder rural

communities for management under a single agent and deed and can thus complicate land tenure systems

where distribution of land is on a smaller scale (Ngidang 2002).

For the Iban, the largest indigenous group in Sarawak, these state-driven developments have resulted in

changes to traditional land use and cultivation practices and created conflicts among the stakeholders (Cramb2011). With the JV model, changes are also occurring with regards to property rights and land ownership; a

change that seems significant with regards to the future livelihoods of the Iban (Padoch et al. 2007; Fox et al.

2009).

1 2 Punggu Jinggau


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There are seven Punggu villages located in the area and they are all descendants of the original Punggu village.

The Punggu community has moved its longhouse location numerous times since 1900. The current location was

established in 1972 (see Appendix E). During World War II, the Punggu community cultivated land in

Kalimantan, Indonesia, but were chased away by Indonesian officers when Sarawak joined Malaysia in 1963.

Villages in regions around Punggu have adopted or applied for JVPs. A neighboring oil palm plantation is visible

on a Google Earth images from 2007 (Figure 1). Twice, in 2005 and 2008, the community of Punggu rejected oil

palm proposals from the Land Custody and Development Authority (LCDA).

Figure 0. Satellite image of Punggu Area from Google Earth (image date 2007). There is a major clearing approximately


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The dynamics leading Punggu Jinggau to reject the proposed JVP is being guided in this report through Ellis

livelihoods framework (Figure 2), which defines livelihoods as the assets (natural, physical, human, financial

and social capital),the activities, and the access to these (mediated by institutions and social relations) that

together determinethe living gained by the individual or household, p.10 (Ellis 2001). In that way Ellis

framework enables us to examine livelihood strategies of Punggu Jinggau from different perspectives and

scales.

Livelihood

platform Access by Context Resulting in Composed of Effects on

Social relationsTrends

NR-based

activities

Livelihood

security

Assets:

the 5 capitalsInstitutions

Shocks

Livelihood

strategies

OrganizationsNon-NR based

activities

Environmental

sustainability

Figure 2: Livelihood Platform, adopted from Ellis (2001)

Ellis livelihood framework differs from comparable frameworks due to its academic basis, which we use as an

operational tool. The framework reminds the researcher of the significance of assets. Moreover, it highlights the

importance of examining social relations, institutions and organizations as well as contextual categories such as

trends and shocks. From this perspective, we have found it necessary not only to examine the village level but

the regional and state levels as well.om

1.3. Objectives and Research Questions

Given that Punggu Jinggau has opted not to participate in a JVP - despite pressure from external stakeholders -

while several surrounding communities have joined, indicates that Punggu Jinggau is an interesting village in

which to examine the implications of the JVPs and livelihood alternatives to oil palm.


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2) What are the internal institutions that govern the management of property within Punggu Jinggau and

how have they conditioned the decision to reject the JVP?

3) How do the residents of Punggu Jinggau interact with government institutions and how do the

development policies in the region influence decisions on land use?

1.3.3. Approach to Objective

The current livelihood strategies will be examined along with the compositions of assets. Their choices of

livelihoods must be understood through the contextual categories defined by Ellis (2001).

Assets, and access to these, will be examined in Chapter 3, together with activities regarding subsistence and

income. Traditional Iban institutions and their role behind the rejection of oil palm will be analyzed in Chapter

4, while political institutions influence on the promotion of oil palm JVPs will be discussed in chapter 5.

2. Methodology (All)

This chapter presents the methods used in the study. It also presents the limitations and challenges with regards

to how they were conducted.

2.1. Preliminary Considerations2.1.1. Observer Effects and Positioning in the Field

Given our teams size while visiting a relatively small village, it was important for us to consider the roles we

took and/or were given by the villagers during our stay. Thus, we tried to divide into groups of two or three

when conducting each method,with the intention not to overwhelm our informants. We coordinated with our

Malaysian counterparts and conducted all methods jointly. We agreed to not initially ask explicitly about theirrejection of the oil palm JVP, but instead express our interest in the villagers livelihoods, since a hypothesis

could have influenced their responses to our questions.

2.1.2. Interpreter Effects


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other. As a result of this latter process, weaknesses in an interpreters translations were identified and

addressed.

2.1.3. Triangulation and Data Quality

One strength of our approach has been to interview not only villagers, but also politicians and NGOs to get the

view from different stakeholders. Furthermore, we got data about the socio-economic situation of the villagersfrom a variety of methods.

Despite our best efforts, there remains data which, due to our limited time in the field, we were unable to

cross-check with other sources as well as discrepancies between sources on topics for which there is no

available authority to appeal to for definitive clarification. The decision of when to include such data with the

appropriate caveats, and when to disregard it completely, is therefore, regrettably, subject to the teams own

personal judgment.

2.2. Methods

The descriptions of methods to follow are outlines only, with emphasis given to the reason for each methods

selection. For a more detailed account see (Mikkelsen 2005), who inspired many of our methods.

2.2.1. Household Survey - March 9th to 10th

Results can be found in Appendix F

The household survey was conducted to gain basic demographic information, characterize different livelihood

strategies represented in the community, determine the relative importance of the various crops, livestock and

forestry products to the village as whole, and determine bilik views on JVPs and the new NCR initiative. Of the

19 biliks, four were absent at the time of surveying and thus were not included in the results. The fact that

these biliks resided primarily outside the village and thus necessarily engaged in distinctly different livelihood

strategies as was explained by several other residents, including one of the absentee villagers during a brief

return means that there is a significant gap in the data collected from this survey. In future, an awareness of

this and similar possibilities would convince us to pay more careful attention to the timing of any methods

which required the participation of every bilik.


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information to help plan later transect walks, GPS mapping, etc. The intention was to have separate groups of

men and women but this arrangement quickly dissolved in practice. Each group was asked to draw a map of the

Punggu area and the results were then combined into one map. Over the following ten days, members of the

longhouse continuously modified and added information to produce the final version.

Wealth ranking - March 7th

The purpose of identifying what the villagers consider to be the basis for, and indications of, wealth was to beable to understand and discuss the merits of different livelihood strategies in terms of their own cosmology. The

exercise was conducted with two groups of volunteers divided by gender to capture the differences in their

opinions. The two groups separately identified criteria to define wealth and the results were then ranked by

importance.

Income and expenditures calendar - March 7th

A group of approximately 10 residents were asked to create a visual display on a template of relative annualincomes and expenditures throughout the year. This allowed us to understand the temporal elements of the

villagers livelihood strategy and, in that it provided concise aggregate livelihood information, served as a

compliment to the bilik-level data gathered in the household survey.

Diagram on stakeholder interactions- March 10th

The initial purpose was to get information about all institutions and organizations related to the community. In

practice, it was considered more urgent to spend our little remaining time understanding the Iban institutionsand their interactions with government agencies. We consulted TR Entau who suggested and invited members

of the JKKK to participate.

On the whiteboard, we sketched out our understanding and asked the group to correct our findings and explain

how the external institutions interact with the community and/or the customary Iban society. The group

produced two diagrams. Even though important, informal relations were not captured by this method.

We failed in getting the group isolated, so we ended up in the common area with the whiteboard facing a very

large group of people. However, the ones invited were the ones closest to the board and also those who

commented on the mapping.

2 2 3 S i St t d I t i


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Resident officer of Sri Aman - March 5th

Questions asked pertained primarily to the development goals and tactics of the division administration, the

decision making process leading to those development goals and tactics and the details of the New NCR

Initiative. The interview was conducted in a meeting room with the around 15 students from various research

groups and Dr. Wong. Because of this arrangement, the sequence of questions asked lacked a coherent

structure.

Agricultural Department, Sarawak - March 5th

The main purpose was to find out which crops are subsidized for small-holders and who decides what crops to

subsidize; the later question never answered. Some of the answers that were provided proved useful in the

triangulation of data on the subsidy application process.

Land and Survey Department - March 8th

A private interview was conducted with Mr. Razali, the superintendent of the Land and Survey Department inSri Aman. An assistant with longer tenure in the agency was present. The interview focused on the states

development goals and tactics, this included advocacy of JVCs, the New NCR Initiative the environmental

implications of these development policies. It also addressed the Sarawak Land Code, the rights associated with

NCR/NCL, State land, etc.

Primary school Sekolah - March 9th

The local elementary school, SK Munggu Beringin, was visited and the Senior Assistant Ului Anyi wasinterviewed on the subject of education and the youth in the area. We sought to explore the Sarawak education

system and to discuss patterns of migration and employment in the area.

Trang ak Amir, longhouse resident - March 12th

The reason we did this interview was to explore the views of someone from Punggu Jinggau on having oil palm

as a cash crop, and their view on potential gains and costs involved with this.

Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA) - March 19th

This interview was conducted with Secretary General Mr. Nicholas Mujah and three of his associates. The

purpose was to clarify some of the rights associated with NCR land, to hear an alternative perspective on the

development aims of the state- and division- administrations and to examine the implications of those policies


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recorded and information was obtained through conversations on guided walks. These walks provided details of

agricultural practices and forest-product uses, the communitys relationship to and dealings with

neighboring/external groups and the areas boundaries.

Table 1: The routes of the six transect walks in the Punggu area, which provided an overview of land-use and the data from

the GPS was used to determine an approximate area and some distances.

Date: Details of Walk:

March 4th A walk guided by Peron, Masan, Ismael and others north through cash crop fields and

fallows to the northern boundary with Biat Ulu and the oil palm plantation

March 4th A walk guided by Masan, Ismael and others to the rice paddy fields and the irrigated land

March 7th An unaccompanied drive to the regional boundaries west (top of the hill with Bukit

Begunan) north (the Penkar river intersection with the road) and east (Kampung Ran)

March 8th A walk guided by Ismael, Masan and Trang along the private oil palm plantation up

through the primary forest to the bat cave on the southern border (the Indonesian border)

March 8th A walk west along parts the Pantar River, which forms the northern border

March 9th A walk partially along the boundary with Biat Ulus plantation to determine the north

eastern border and see if there was any change in plantation area

Soil Sampling - March 9th

The results can be found in Appendix D

It was decided to take volume specific soil samples from four sites where rice, cocoa, pepper and rubber are

cultivated, to characterize the soil types in the Punggu area. We took 6 samples per site from 3 randomlychosen spots. At these three spots we took two samples from the depth of 0-10cm and from 20-30cm of the

soil profile. The samples we collected were analyzed to find color, bulk density, pH and the content of carbon

and nitrogen. The sites on the different fields for sampling were chosen by the villagers, so that any crops

wasnt damaged or any agricultural activities were interrupted. Soil analysis was conducted in laboratories in


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Table 0: Water Sampling Site SelectionSample

No.

Sample Site: Purpose:

1 Kunang River upstream from rice

paddies

To assess the impact of rice cultivation and

management practices on water quality

2 Kunang River downstream of ricepaddies

Same as above

3 Runau River household wastewater

discharge point

To assess the effect of wastewater treatment

system on water quality

4 Longhouse tap piped from source in

Kelingrang Mountain Range

To assess the quality of household drinking water

2.2.7. Participant observation and informal interviews

The results can be found in Appendix A

Over the course of our research, numerous unplanned and informal conversations were held with members of

the community and other key informants. These discussions provided a wealth of background information and

clarification. In addition to this information, many observations were made directly by members of the teamand then recorded in journals.

2.2.8. Secondary Data Collection

In our attempt to acquire a newer photographic map of the Punggu area we discovered that access to those

maps is highly restricted and difficult to gain. We expect that without the insistence of one of our Malaysian

counterparts, who happened to be a former intern at the Land and Survey Department headquarters inKuching, we never would even have been granted entry. Even with our counterparts assistance we are still

awaiting a soft copy of the desired map.

2.3. Critical Evaluation


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Our sampling selection strategy for the PRAs also relied heavily on convenience. Even where efforts were made

to stratify the samples on the basis of gender, age, etc., the pool of potential participants was effectively limited

to members of those families who frequently socialized in the ruai. Therefore, there is the distinct possibility

that the views of the elderly, youth, those with disabilities and introverted individuals may be significantly

underrepresented in our findings.

It was our impression that some of our Malaysian counterparts, who were able to speak directly with thevillagers and thus gain a lot of informal data which was unavailable to us, failed to document or convey much of

what they learned. It should be noted however that the informal data they did convey provided a wealth of

data.

3. Livelihoods

Beginning with a characterization of the land, water and soil, then presenting the basic infrastructure, cash cropproduction, subsistence activities, other income sources, and demographic trends, this chapter presents results

and discussions relating to present livelihood strategies of the different biliks and how this relates to the

decision to reject the JVP.

3.1. Land Geography, soils and water (Andreas, Simon, Kabir)

Contributing authors: Ida

Many rural livelihoods are traditionally agrarian based, but recent decades of economic and industrial growth

have resulted in diversified livelihood strategies with off-farm and non-farm activities becoming more important

(Preston & Ngah N.D.; Rigg 1998). However agriculture, and therefore the land base, still contributes to the

livelihoods in Punggu Jinggau. Both men and women identified land as being important in the Wealth Criteria

Ranking activity. The value villagers place on their land could be an attributing factor in their decision to reject

the JVPs. This is because the JVP would have required them to relinquish their land rights for sixty years. Theimplications associated with this and their relations to external institutions are explored in Chapter 5.

Data from the community mapping, GPS walks, analyzed with QGIS (Figure 3), show that the area Punggu

Jinggau shares with Dadak, Mawang, TinTing, Batu Anchau, Tengah and Tapang is approximately 1800ha

(18k 2) P ti d b th 19 bilik di d th h t th P i d th t i


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Figure 3.1. This map displays the Punggu Jinggau longhouse in relation to other Punggu longhouses and agricultural areas.

The cash crops (rubber, pepper and cocoa) areas were under cultivation in by villagers in 2012 and shown to us during the

first transect walk. This map shows the distance between the villagers fields and the roads, which was identified as a factor

inhibiting individual oil palm production. Also, the Punggu region is approximately 1800ha, and all of it is used by the

residents. Thus, unlike other areas Punggu residents do not believe they have spare land to establish a JVP

3.1.1. Soil

The red-yellow podzolic soils (Malaysian classification), are very common in Sarawak and, these soils are also

classified as ultisols according to United States soil taxonomy. Ultisol soils can be characterized by their red-

yellow color and high acidity with a pH between 4 and 5 and they are only suitable for acid tolerant crops as


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All our soil samples were acidic. This can imply that there can be a high level of phosphorus fixation. The humid

climate in Sarawak and the well-drained ultisol soil can also results in high nutrient leaching, which can create a

demand for fertilizers (Bruun 2012, personal communication).

Lack of nitrogen is said to be the greatest factor causing of poor yields after watereffects (Coulter 1998). The C:

N ratio is a way of measuring the amount of available nitrogen in a field. The average C:N ratios of our soil

samples from cocoa, rubber and pepper varies between 15 -20 in the 0-10cm layer and from 12.5-17 in the 20-30cm layer (see Appendix D). These ratios are under 30, a number which is referred to as a critical level (Coulter

1998), and thus relatively low, even though the scale should not be seen as fixed and resistant to further

implications. A relatively low C:N ratio implies that nitrogen is available in the soil and that the decomposition

of soil organic matter is relatively high (Pitty 1978). N-Fertilizers can increase the amount of nitrogen in soils,

but we do not have data about applied fertilizers or field history from the sample sites. However, we know that

fertilizers were already in some of the soil we sampled and can thus have lowered the C:N.


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3.1.2. Water

The complete results of our water quality tests are presented in Appendix D. The important result for this study

was the finding that the tap water and the water up and down stream from the paddy fields are ok for drinking

according to the Malaysian Standards and Water Quality Index (Department of Environment 2006). The

implications of acceptable drinking water, health and livelihoods are briefly discussed in the section on

sanitation.

The village of Punggu Jinggau is situation at the foot of the Kellingrang Mountain Range and the source of their

drinking water. It can be expected that conversion of this land to oil palm plantation would lead to increased

runoff and a decline in the quality of drinking water.

3.2. Infrastructure (Anna, Lisbet)

Contributing authors: Maja, Ida, Andreas

This section discusses transportation, communication, sanitation, utilities, and physical buildings, which Ellis

(2001) categorizes as physical capital. This section presents these assets in the context of Punggu Jinggau and

discusses the implications on livelihoods and the decision to reject the JVP.

3.2.1. Transportation

Villagers chose the present longhouse location in the 1970s to be closer to Highway 1. Cramb and Sujang

(2011) document instances of other Iban longhouses moving closer to roads during the 1970s to facilitate

access to markets and urban areas. The other paved road within Punggu was established in 1995 (Anui 2012,

personal communication) and connects the school and Bait Ulu. Because new roads can open lands to further

development (Cramb & Sujang 2011), the 1995 road might have been a factor facilitating the establishment of

Bait Ulus oil palm plantation. If this link can be drawn, it has potential future implications in the region since

the Sarawak government plans to greatly expand transportation networks.

Preston and Ngah (N.D.) describe how new transportation infrastructure has facilitated temporary migration

patterns, thereby influencing demographics and income from remittances explored in a later section and


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Another aspect of transportation infrastructure in relation to livelihood strategies comes from a villager who

said the lack of roads between the land plots and main roads (about 0.5 to 1km) means private oil palm

activities would be too costly and given this, rubber and pepper are currently preferable options. Since

adopting a plantation would likely result in further infrastructure development (Wwf 2011).

3.2.2. Sanitation, utilities and communication

The Iban traditionally reside in longhouses, consisting of a common room, the ruai, and family units, biliks. The

construction of the longhouse indicates there is a close relationship between biliks. An example of safety net

provided by the community was when a woman from one bilik got sick and her husband accompanied her to

the hospital during the rice-harvesting season, the other biliks harvested their rice paddy. These longhouse

social ties offer a form of insurance against starvation and losses in productivity from illness.

The concrete longhouse was built with government support in 2000. The residents of Punggu Jinggau think theconcrete longhouse has many advantages compared to the traditional raised wooden one, such as there are

fewer mosquitos. Historically Punggu Jinggau moved its longhouse when soil fertility decreased (Informal

discussion with Headman). Limited land availability (1800 ha for all 7 Punggu villages) constricts shifting

cultivation. The adoption of permanent cropping and associated agronomic practices leave Punggu Jinggau

dependent on the free fertilizers from various government schemes. Changes to these fertilizer policies would

affect the villagers current agricultural practice.

The sanitation system is well developed. Toilet waste is collected in septic tanks. Taps drain into an open sewer

along the back of the longhouse. Water is gravity fed through a PVC pipe from the forested hills close to the

Indonesian border. We were unable to visit the source. The water source is shared by Punggu TinTing, Dadak,

Mawang, and St Marks Chapel. Water shortages can occur briefly during periods of heavy use, particularly the

evening, (Observation) and during the drier months of July and August. After particularly heavy rains the water

turns brown (Entau 2012, personal communication). As mentioned previously, the tap water is drinkable

(Appendix D).

Good sanitation infrastructure is important to maintain health. Health is intrinsic to livelihood activities. Village

women explicitly indicated this by identifying health as the most important wealth criteria and stating its

important to livelihood activities and associated this with wealth. Furthermore the nearest clinic is in Sri Aman

d th i l di d l k f hi l b bl ti i i


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permanent residents. The internet could provide the residents with a powerful tool to gain information on

market prices, government policies and schemes, and independent alternative media.

Infrastructure development projects are ways the government interact with villages. Providing permanent

longhouses and infrastructure and other social services can be seen as way for the government to gain votes

and political support (Cooke 2006). However, even if there are political motives, the state-driven development

has benefitted villages in terms of improved health care, higher incomes, and generally better infrastructure.

3.3. Cash crops (Anna, Andreas, Simon, Kabir)

Contributing authors: Ida, Maja, Lisbet

The cash crops produced by villagers in Punggu Jinggau are rubber, pepper and cocoa, information on these

crops can be found in the Boxes below. The preferred crop cultivated by villagers depends highly on the market

prices and thus farmers alternate between focusing on pepper and rubber. Current prices drive villagers to

focus on rubber.

Villagers told us that given the present context, such as existing infrastructure, rubber currently provides the

highest income per unit of land and labor. This is likely another contributing element in not choosing oil palm.

Due to drop establishment times, were rubber not already present in Punggu Jinggau and the prices not high,

villagers would have been more open and willing to accept alternative livelihood activities, such as oil palm, in

areas close to roads. But given other important factors, such as ownership of land, it is still unlikely the JVP

would have been accepted.


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Box 3 - Cocoa (Theobroma cocoa.)Origin and History: Indigenous to South America, cocoa has only recently been encouraged as a cash

crop for smallholder cultivation in Malaysia, which remains a minor global producer globally.Cropping system: Cocoa requires 1500-3000 mm rain yr-1 evenly distributed throughout the year and

cannot suffer temperatures below 20C. It is generally transplanted as seedlings germinated from seed

or taken as cuttings. Trees are typically spaced 2.5 3.5 m apart. Large scale cacao producers apply

around 100 kg N, 20 kg P and 70 kg K ha-1yr-1, although the residents of Punggu Jinggau are provided,

and thus apply, less than 1/5th of these values. The trees begin producing after 2-3 years, but do not

begin to yield heavily for several years afterwards.

Product and yield: Yields of dried cocoa beans vary between 0.4 and 1.5 tons ha-1yr-1 globally, and

Punggu Jinggau is expected to fall on the low end of that spectrum due both to the low fertilizer

application rate and high losses to squirrels, the crops main pest in the area. The villagers said thesquirrels take bites from large numbers of the pods and render them un-harvestable.

Processing, sales and distribution :Cocoa beans are harvested by hand every 2 weeks. In Punggu

Jinggau the beans are then dried and the pulp removed before being sold to travelling Chinese

merchants. The price fluctuates around an average of 5.5 RM/kg (March 2012).

Sources: (Jacobsen et al. 2011)

Box 1 - Rubber (Hevae brasiliensis):Origin and History: The rubber cultivated in Punggu Jingau is indigenous to the area, although these

plants are gradually being replaced with higher yielding, quicker maturing hybrid cultivars. Subsidies

in the form of seedlings were provided around 40 years ago and have since been an important cash

crop for the community, despite the fact that applications for fertilizer subsidies since that time have

been repeatedly declined because they fail to meet the programs minimum acreage requirements.

Cropping system: Rubber is a versatile crop, requiring little more than high rainfall (>2000mm yr-1

)

to grow.

The rubber tree takes between 7-10 years before it is mature enough to be tapped. InPunggu Jinggau, individual trees or plots are grown without weed control or fertilizer application. Its

minimum maintenance requirements and ease of harvest means it has very low labor requirements

(1/2 day work in the field the villagers said).

Product and yield: Rubber produces year round but production peaks between July and September.

The latex produced by the trees is gathered by removing diagonal portions of the outer bark and

then collected in small jars. The latex continues to flow for three days following tapping.

Processing, sales and distribution:The latex is mixed with acid and cured for 2 weeks. The yield of

100 trees is an 8-10 kg strip which sells for between 1-7 RM (March 2012). These strips are sold to

primarily to independent merchants. The Malaysian Rubber Board provides information on dailyprices.

(Jacobsen et al. 2011)


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Box 4 - Oil Palm (Elaeis guineensis & E. oleifera)Origin and History: The two varieties of oil palm listed above are native to West Africa and South

America, respectively. Oil palm was first introduced to Asia between the 14th

and 17th

centuries but

was not an internationally traded commodity until the early 19th century. By 1934 Malaysia had

become the worlds leading exporter of this crop.

Cultivation & Cropping System: Oil palm requires rainfall between 1500-3000 mm yr-1

., 5-6 hrs. of

sunshine day-1

, temperatures consistently between 24-28C and deep, well-drained soil. Due to slow,

irregular germination patterns seedlings are grown for 10-12 months under controlled conditions and

then transplanted into the field. Its seeding rate on plantations is 130-150 plants ha-1

. The high yielding

varieties most commonly cultivated in Malaysia require a minimum of 180 kg N-, 130 kg P- and 310 kg

K- ha-1

yr-1

, along with regular herbicide application during the 2-4 year establishment period. The fruit

is harvested by hand using long handled sickles, using a mechanical lift or by climbing the tree. After30 years the palms, while still productive, become excessively difficult to harvest and are thus

replaced.

Product & Yield: Under these conditions, each palm is capable of producing 10-40 kg of fruit,

corresponding to a maximum yield of 7 tons of palm oil and 0.8 tons of palm kernel oil ha-1

yr-1

. This

makes it the highest yielding oil crop known. In addition to palm oil, the fruit also produces smaller

quantities of palm kernel oil Both of these oils are used in culinary industrial and pharmaceutical

Box 2 - Pepper (Piper nigrum)Origin and History: Native to India, pepper production in Southeast Asia began 2000 years ago. Used

primarily as a spice.

Cropping system: Pepper is a woody vine established through vegetative propagation with four

cuttings per hole. These are covered with mulch for two weeks. The rubber plants are supported with

poles from the Jinggau tree, which the villagers said are very durable. Ideal soil is well drained, aerates

and acidic (pH 5.5-6.0). Pepper grows from 0m to 600m and rainfall from 600mm to 2,000mm with

temperatures between 22 to 30 degrees celcius.Product and yield: Harvesting begins three years after planting. The peppercorns ripen 180 to 240

days from flowering. Harvests occur in April when the peppercorns turn yellow. Peak production

occurs during the 7th years and harvests decline generally after 12 years.

Processing, sales and distribution: Unprocessed black pepper is sold for circa 16 RM kg while the

processed white pepper is sold for circa 25 RM kg (prices quoted in march 2012). The product is either

transported and sold to the Pepper Board or collected by independent merchants.

Source: (Nelson & Cannon-Eger N.D.; Fao 2007)


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3.4. Subsistence activities (Kabir, Simon, Anna)

Contributing: Andreas, Lisbet, Ida

This section discusses how villagers in Punggu Jinggau use their land to produce and collect food and other

resources. These activities are non-income generating but are important livelihood activities and provide food

security.

Paddy rice production is particularly important in ensuring food security for most biliks. The state government

provides seed of High Yielding Varieties (HYV) and the fertilizer. The villagers prefer to divide the fertilizer

rations between the rice paddies and cash crops. Given a limited fertilizer application, local varieties produce

higher yields than the HYV and thus villagers continue to cultivate local rice landraces from saved seed

(Informal Conversation). For the biliks engaged in agriculture, one annual planting produces enough rice to feed

that bilik all year.

Some traditional social practices still occur in some subsistence farming activities. For instance the tradition of

co-working called berduruk is practiced in the Punggu paddy field. This means one day everyone works one

field and the following day they work in someone elses.

Villagers cultivate and collect various fruits and vegetables throughout the year for their own use (Appendix F,

Household survey). Villagers also use the local forests to hunt and collect timber. An example of a forestproduct is the Senggang plant (Figure 5), which is woven into mats and baskets that are used by the villagers.

According to the villagers the plant is becoming increasingly difficult to find and they havent succeeded in

cultivating it. This indicates that livelihood activities are influenced by environmental degradation around

Punggu, and occurring on Borneo generally (Ananta et al. 2011) but is beyond the scope of this paper.

Figure 5; Senggang plant growing wild in the

rubber fields. Woven into baskets and mats but the

villagers say the plant is increasingly difficult toobtain and attempts at cultivation have been

unsuccessful.


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3.5. Other sources of income (Ida)

Contributing authors: Anna

In addition to agricultural activities, Rigg (1998) identifies the importance of non-farm and off-farm activities in

rural livelihoods. Indeed our results show the importance of jobs outside Punggu Jinggau as income sources.

More than half of the biliks asked in our survey (8 out of 15; 53 %) receive remittances from adult children

working outside of Punggu Jinggau, (Figure 6). Most youth work in urban areas but some have off-farm work.

For example a son of bilik 3 works on an oil palm plantation. However, joining a JVP would not guarantee jobs in

the Punggu area for this person because plantations close to the border hire Indonesian workers who can be

paid lower wages of approximately 14 RM daily (Villagers and Informal conversation Indonesian workers on Bait

Ulu plantation). However there are other jobs created by oil palm plantations that are typically filled by

Malaysian nationals.


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four left for work (Household Survey, Appendix F). Thus, over time there is the potential for biliks with sons to

receive larger total remittances.

The number of youth working outside of Punggu indicates a lack of desirable jobs in the area for the youth, who

we found to have higher education levels. Bilik 7 earns the second highest income but the tuai bilik (Peron)

works in offshore oil in the Gulf of Mexico and returns a few times a year. Only bilik 16, with the highest total

income, managed to reside full-time in Punggu Jinggau running a private business grilling chicken in Lachau.However, bilik 16 is not engaged in agricultural activities and thus, unlike other biliks with lower incomes that

engage in subsistence farming, bilik 16 must purchase food. As such bilik 16s income and spending profile

differs from other biliks in Punggu Jinggau and relies on one income course.

Overall the majority of biliks receive income from multiple. This reflects the diversity in livelihood strategies.

Given the relatively small area of the Punggu region it is conceivable that, unlike other larger neighboring

communities engaged in JVPs with spare land (Informal conversation with researchers in Gua Sukat), Punggu

has little spare land and villagers would therefore loose land and the associated income from agricultural

activities on the land. However, JVPs present other income opportunities.

Bilik nr. Bilik 5 Bilik 10 Bilik 9 Bilik 16

Income order Poorest 6. richest 3. richest Richest

Family members

living in the bilik

and their age

Woman (70+)

Man (42)

Man (60)

Woman (61)

Man (55)

Woman (53)

Woman (23)

Man (49)

Woman (42)

Boy (9)

Boy (4)

Family

structure

Family membersworking abroad

and their age

None Man (42)Woman (40)

Woman (37)

Man (34)

Man (25)

Woman (27) Man (22)Man (20)

Remittances No Yes Yes No

Jobs within the

village

A business selling

grilled chicken in

Lachau

Income from

agricultural

activities

Pepper, rubber Pepper, rubber,

cocoa

Pepper, rubber None

Income

Governmental

support

No Headman salary Yes, for health Yes, for a son with

a heart disease

Food No paddy Fruits Paddy and Paddy and No paddy FruitsSubsistence


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Table 3: differences between the livelihood strategies of four biliks that have different income sources and different total

income. While livestock express the difference in economic wealth directly, other assets such as members of family,

remittances, agricultural activities and governmental supports do not reflect economic wealth directly. Instead they reflect

different combinations of activities and income sources and thus variation in livelihood strategies among biliks.

Another important source of income to consider is from various government support schemes As Figure 3

shows, some residents receive assistance for health issues, old age and poverty. Assistance can be a tool used

by the government to sway votes and gain support (Soda 2000; 2001; Soda 2003). We witnessed a number ofmothers from Punggu at the elementary school waiting for a one-time government payment of 500RM. When

we asked what this payment was four Mr Anyi, the villagers and our counterparts all said it was because and

election was approaching.

An area we did not investigate in the field was access to credit. Our Malaysian counterparts mother said itwould be possible for villagers to get loans and own bank accounts (personal communication). However an

examination of the Financing page on AgroBanks website reveals that in practice the majority of individuals in

Punggu Jinggau do not meet the eligibility criteria for any available financing (Agrobank 2012).

3.6. The younger generation, education, and rural urban considerations (Anna, Ida)

Contributing authors: Lisbet

Our household survey and informal conversations revealed that the older villagers have received primary

education whereas the younger generation completed secondary education and are mostly employed in urban

areas. Preston and Ngah (N.D.) describe this general trend in Malaysia and discuss how increased education

levels have increased employment opportunities. As mentioned in the previous section, these youth provide

important sources of income through remittances. It was our impression that the youth often return home for

visits. Soda (2000; 2001; 2003) confirms that many indigenous youth living in urban areas feel a strong

connection with their rural homes.

No one from Punggu Jinggau has yet attended university (informal conversation). Partial explanatory factors for

the lack of university graduates could be that the closest university is in Kuching, that people must apply, and

h h h f i ld h diffi l b i li ibl f d l ( b k 20 2)


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youth members split from SNAP, the political party supported by many Indigenous people. The youth formed

the PBDS and promised rural areas development projects in return for votes (Soda 2003). This example also

illustrates youth challenging the status quo within SNAP and creating a new party. The same tendency to

challenge authority might be present in Punggu Jinggaus youth due to differences in knowledge and access to

communication technologies and alternative information source.

We cannot say if the youth presently in urban areas will return to Punggu Jinggau eventually and the olderpermanent villagers themselves think the decision to return depends entirely on the individuals. But the

impression from our stay in Punggu Jinggau is that the older generation deeply cares about their land and

wants to pass it on to their children. This is an important factor in the decision to reject the Joint Venture

Project. TR Entau told us, after lengthy questioning: look at us, we can build our house and send our kids to

school we dont need oil palms (Entau 2012, personal communication).

3.7. Livelihoods in the wider context (All)

This chapter presented findings related to the assets and livelihood activities in Punggu Jinggau. The residents

place a high value on their land because it is the basic asset that enables the many activities, such paddy and

cash crop cultivation and forest cultivation, which provide people with food and cash. The villagers multi-

faceted livelihood approach insulates them against external shocks, the most important being market price

fluctuations but which could also include pest and disease infestations, weather patterns, etc. The switch to a

mono-cropping system, whether JVP or not, would remove the insurance provided by this multi-faceted

livelihood strategy and increase the communities vulnerability. We notice some activities, such as the

production of lankau, which are undertaken in a legal grey zone and we are unclear about the implications of

these in terms of the decision to reject the oil palm venture or the degree to which these activities imply a

degree of independence from and ambivalence to formal government institutions.

However the government contributes to the livelihood strategies in Punggu Jinggau in a number of

ways, from direct financing support to indirect support from subsidies and infrastructure development.

These contributed to increased living standard in Punggu Jinggau and the villagers are content.

However there could be alternative negative impacts associated with such government strategies

f d l l i d l (C k 2006) Th i di i i h 6


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4. Traditional inst. & Intra-dynamics (All)

Punggu Jinggaus decision to reject the proposed JVP should be understood as the product of complex, multi-

scaler decision making processes, the internal dynamics and procedural functioning of which must necessarily

result in an elevation of the voices of some groups, interests and values above others. As such, an understanding

of the workings of those institutions and organizations within the community, particularly those which affect

land use decisions and property rights, is crucial to gain an appreciation of the factors leading to the rejection ofthe JVP. This chapter will therefore attempt to examine both formal and informal organizations within the

community and their internal dynamics at each of three distinct levels. Following that it will analyze the role of

the Tuai Rumah - a uniquely important institution within the village and a discussion of how these various

institutions relate to and interact with external stakeholders.

4.1. Community structure

The system which defines the policies and institutions that structure the daily lives of the residents of Punggu

Jinggau, in common with all the indigenous communities of Borneo, are the customary laws known as adat.

While these systems have increasingly come under the influence of state and national policies, they remain the

central authority on matters of property use, distribution, transfer and inheritance at the community level.

Furthermore the internal systems define the local political institutions, avenues for conflict resolution and the

community penal code. Cramb (2011) provides a more complete description of the historical practices of adat.

The following abbreviated account of the situation observed in Punggu Jinggau reflects both the moderninfluence of external institutions as well as this researchs preoccupation with matters of land use and livelihood

strategy.

4.1.1 The biliks

The village of Punggu Jinggau exists as an independent political unit composed of one longhouse and four

detached residences (Figure 7). Each bilek is entitled to several properties, at least one rice paddy and one

upland plot and usually a kitchen garden, for which it reserves exclusive authority regarding all management

decisions, including which crops/livestock to cultivate, which external inputs to employ and how to dispose of

the produce (TR Entau, Informal conversation). Responsibility for cultivating private land resides solely with the

bilik which manages it. Not surprisingly, the labor requirements of a crop, its expected performance on that

l d il bl h bilik h il bili f b idi d i k i ll d i f


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Figure 7: Layout of the biliks in Punggu Jinggau. There are 19

biliks and we were told there were 114 residents.

Privately owned properties are delineated by

landmarks such as streams, trees and foot paths that

are known and recognized by all members of the

community but which are otherwise undocumented

(Transect walk). These landmarks would be removed

were the land to be incorporated into a JVP and the

land cleared for the establishment of an oil palm

plantation. Informal conversation with researchers in

Gua Sukat revealed this created some conflict because

biliks had not received titles prior to the land-clearing and no longer know where the boundaries lie. This

suggests that the process of redistributing different plots among the biliks following the expiration of the

contract would require initial surveying to prevent conflict and address the villagers of permanently losing

their land by joining a JVP.

Cramb (2007) describes how land is not bought or sold within Iban communities, but that it can be lent, usually

on annual terms, or leased, with payment as a fixed share of the harvest (Cramb 2007). The former was

observed only once in Punggu Jinggau (single wet rice paddy) and the latter was not observed at all (Household

Survey).

Villagers explained during conversations that when an individual from within the community marries and the

new couple decides to have children, they construct a new home at the far end of the longhouse and they then

constitute a new bilik. Until marriage, an individual is considered to still be a part of their parents bilik, even if

they live mostly in the city working or attending school, as was often the case among the Punggu youth.

Furthermore, some biliks formed within the community and then took up residence outside the village so they

are still considered to be part of the community. Thus it is only those who marry andmove away without

forming a new bilik who forfeit their residency within the community, and all the associated voting rights,

claims to land, etc. Upon forming a new bilik, the parents of the new couple will provide them with land to

farm, although few, if any, of the youth from Punggu Jinggau appeared to be engaged in the work of farming,

forestry, hunting or any of the other traditional livelihood activities. It is unclear whether, or to what extent, the


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mechanical rice husker. All non-rivalrous1 uses of these commons are open and unregulated for every resident

of Punggu Jinggau, including hunting, fishing, the harvesting of (most) timber products and the collection of

NTFP. It is only in this sense that these commons are unmanaged; any rivalrous uses by residents or any uses by

non-residents are managed and are done so at the village level.

4.1.2 The Village

Village level decisions regarding property use are made by finding consensus among all the tuai biliks during

general meetings facilitated by the tuai rumah. Examples of village level property use decisions include

choosing a subsidy programs to apply for, whether or not to participate in a joint venture scheme, the granting

of logging concessions and the lease or sale of community land to non-residents (Informal Conversation). This

last example, which recently occurred when a parcel of land was sold for oil palm cultivation, is not within the

realm of NCR and thus was done without legal recognition or protection (Community Mapping PRA). The same

applies to logging concessions of junggau and teak trees that were granted to non-residents in the recent past

(transect walk).

These facts carry two significant implications. Firstly, they demonstrate that the community is not completely

unwilling to part with their property under the right circumstances. From an examination of box X presenting

the stated reasons why Punggu Jinggau rejected the JVC, we can infer that in the instances described above, the

area of land was considered small relative to their overall holdings, that the sale would not influence the

villagers managerial control over the land or their present, diverse, cropping system and that the price offered

for the property was reliable and fair. Secondly, we can imagine that the legal grey zone in which some of the

communitys livelihood activities operate reflect a degree of vulnerability and possibly an uneasy relationship

with the authorities.

The status as tuai bilik, and thus suffrage within the general meetings, belongs to the husband/father of the

bilik with only two exceptions where, due to widowing or divorce, none is present (Household Survey). This

would seem to suggest that on matters in which the interests of men and women diverge, as a reflection of

their differing cultural roles and values, the decision making process would be weighted in favor of the men. For

example, from the wealth ranking exercise we have seen that the two genders have differing conceptions of

what defines wealth. As a result, we can expect that in a decision which forced the community to prioritize

between health and land holding, the latter would take precedence. The extent to which such examples of


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BOX 5: The Role of the Headman.

Translation of TR Entaus certificateTranslated by Melissa Riman 08.03.2012

1) To assist the Penghulu (government appointed tuai rumah/official withmany longhouses as area of responsibility (Cramb & Sujang 2011)

several longhouse in the Punggu region) in administering their

governing jurisdiction

2) To assist the government in protecting the welfare of the people withinthis jurisdiction

3) To encourage the peoples participation in any governmental activities4) To assist the governmental officer in conducting related official matter5) To resolve all family disputes according to the related customary law6) To reduce the gap between the government and the people7) To collect birth and death information within his jurisdiction to be

submitted to the district officer every end of each month (Birth and

Death Sarawak Cap. 10 1965 section 23)

8) To execute any related matters assigned by the government from time totime

and Security Committees), a legally recognized body since at least 1998 (Nyumay 1998) serves as a kind

executive committee on matters pertaining to safety, health, welfare and development and, along with the Tuai

Rumah, acts as a link to the state and district governments. In fact, the JKKK appeared in conversation to play a

rather negligible role in the functioning of the village. Its members were nominated by the Tuai Rumah and

confirmed by the villagers at large.

Also observed was a division of the sexes during social gatherings and among each of the two emergent groups,individuals who for reasons

of age, education, wealth, travel,

personality or some

combination thereof,

commanded the respect and

esteem of the other

residents. This group, itself notrecognized as such explicitly

by the villagers

themselves, appears to have an

outsized influence on village-

level decision making

processes (Participatory

observation) and thus the attitudesand opinions of individual

personalities could play a subtle

but profound role in some major

land use decisions,

including that of whether to join the JVP.

4.2. Selection and responsibilities of the Tuai Rumah

According to TR Entau, the position as Tuai Rumah is in many cases passed on from father to son, or from

grandfather to grandson, which is the case in Punggu Jinggau. However, if the villagers do not approve the

appointed candidate they can appoint another village member and it can therefore be said that the Tuai Rumah


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Box 6. Reasons to reject oil palm JV (Household

survey)

1. Do not want monocroping, too risky

2. have heard bad things from villages that have

converted (dividend issues)

3. afraid to loose (rights to) the land

4. do not think they have enough land

5. do not believe they can profit from it (income

from dividend, not land)

6 it doesnt create work Indonesians are hired

but the villagers cannot interfere before the end of the period stated by the government. Reelection is possible

within an age limit of 75 (Entau 2012, personal communication).

As the Tuai Rumahs is the authority of the longhouse, he is responsible for the tasks listed above (Box 5.). Many

of these tasks make him the intermediary between the longhouse, the state, government and local

organizations and groupings, such as the JKKK and the Penghulu. He is responsible for informing the villagers of

new governmental actions, proposals and regulations, and on the other hand he is the responsible for gettingwishes from villages to local and governmental institutions, where he represents the interests of the villagers of

Punggu Jinggau. The Tuai Rumah, historically, has been downwardly accountable, but after the government

started registering, paying and certifying the responsibilities of the Tuai Rumah is now also upwardly

accountable (Entau 2012, personal communication). The shift from leader to middleman puts the TR in a more

difficult situation than before (Diagram on Stakeholder Interactions; Entau, informal conversation). While we

have not witnessed negative effects of any kind resulting from this process in Punggu Jinggau, the moral

dilemma created by these divided loyalties may be playing a role in the broader context of village level land usechoices in Sarawak.

If the villagers have any problems regarding public complaints, the Tuai Rumah will bring complaints to the local

government or to Iban institutions. If there are internal problems in the longhouse, e. g. Land conflicts, the Tuai

Rumah is responsible to solve this. If he is not capable of doing this he can bring the problems to the SAOs

office (Van Den Berg et al. 2004).

4.3. The Punggu community

The internal relations in the Punggu community

are structured around the different Punggu

villages (see community map). If decisions concerning

common Punggu community land or common

interests, all Tuai Rumah from the community

meet at the Rumah - the gathering of all Tuai Rumah

of the Punggu community - to represent and discuss

the individual village's interests. (Diagram of

Stakeholder Interactions) During our stay in the Punggu


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support and knowledge or they have problems concerning a lack of tools, agricultural infrastructure etc, (Raseli

2012, personal communication) but if the application is made as a community, they have a bigger voice. The

decisions to reject JVPs has been made on both village and community level. It is known from informal talks

that the rejection was nearly unanimous among the villagers of the Punggu community (Major reasons given

are presented in box 6).

4.4. Loss of sovereignty

From this assessment of the communitys organization, its dynamics and those patterns which emerge from it,

one factor stands out clearly, if only for its repeated expression during the field research: Punggu Jinggaus

explicit concern for the loss of rights to their land. The granting of managerial control over the communitys

agricultural and forest land to a third party is perceived by the villagers as a loss of sovereignty. This loss of

sovereignty would be a serious cost not only because of the cultural value that the Iban attach to it but also

because it would erode the overall community structure and thus the social capital and support network which

that structure provides.

5. Government institutions and policies (Maja, Lisbet, Simon)

Contributing authors: Anna, Kabir, Andreas, Ida

Institutions create the frame in which the local people operate and therefore has an essential influence on those

decisions taken by the individuals and community as a whole. Rules and regulations may be said to have a direct

influence, while respect for authority and titles influence decision making indirectly. To get an understanding of

h f i fl i P Ji d i i j h JVP i i i i k l d f h


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Box 7. Creation of NCR after 1958

(a) the felling of virgin jungle and the

occupation of the land thereby

created;

(b) the planting of land with fruit trees;

(c) the occupation or cultivation of

land;

(d) the use of land for a burial ground or

shrine;

(e) the use of land of any class for rights

of way;(f) (any other lawful method removed

in 2000)

5.1. Land Tenure system in Sarawak

Before discussing development policies, it is central to present the land tenure system and the different land

category definitions which have given rise to conflicts over land and property rights. These conflicts arise due to

differing concepts of, and hence the possibility of making claim to, Native Customary Rights (NCR).

The land tenure in Sarawak is based on a classification system dividing the land into five different classifications.

For the purpose of this report, Native Customary Land is the category of interest, as it is this land which the

government considers subject for NCR and because the inhabitants of Punggu Jinggau consider all land within

the boundaries of the Punggu area as NCR land.

5.1.1. Native Customary Land (NCL) and Native Customary Rights (NCR)

The Land Code of 1958 does not define Native Customary

Rights but recognizes the term through the definition of

Native Customary Land (NCL) (Land is Life ch.2; Land and

Survey Dept. 2012, Land Classification in Sarawak):

Land in which native customary rights, whether communal or

otherwise, have lawfully been created prior to the 1st day of

January 1958 and still subsist as such

Allocation of NCR to land after 1958 is possible (Box 7) but

requires a permit (Razali 2012, personal communication). To

determine whether land is subject to NCR, the Land and

Survey Department makes use of aerial photographic

maps from 1947-1951, the condition being that the forest

was cleared at that time. This approach would seem to invite the potential for disputes between natives and

the government regarding the perceptions of claim to NCR. Importantly, the natives must prove the creation of

NCR prior to January 1st 1958 (Cooke 2006). Immediately, one could ask how, given this approach, an NCR claim

to land cleared between 1951 and 1958 could possibly be verified. A characteristic of the Iban peoples way of

living has for many years been shifting cultivation (Fox et al. 2009) meaning that some areas used and

considered as NCR land by the natives must have laid fallow at the time, and would have therefore appeared

l d l h h ll l d l d d d b h b dl

Box 0.1: Methods for creation of NCR post 1958


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power and sanitation. That many villages, including Punggu Jinggau, have also moved to other areas long after

the cut-off date in 1958 (Appendix E) only makes the approach more questionable.

Another issue attached to the land tenure system is that NCR land usually lacks titles; such titles can only be

acquired by requesting a survey of the land. In order to address such request the Sarawak State and Federal

Governments have in 2010 agreed to the NCR New Initiative (Razali 2012, personal communication).

5.1.2. NCR New Initiative

Generally the purpose of the New Initiative is to survey and register all land in order to differentiate NCR from

state land, with the aim of improving the rural economy (Razali 2012, personal communication). The survey will

be conducted in two phases

Prior 2015: survey and register communal NCR land in order to establish boundaries

Post 2015: giving titles to individual plots within the NCR land

It is up to the communities themselves to agree upon the boundaries between them and to resolve any

disputes before requesting a survey of the land (Jonathan 2012, personal communication; Razali 2012, personal

communication). The individual titles given are permanent and the owner has free disposal over his land, i.e. he

is allowed to make agreements with various companies or to sell it. Also, the title can be used to apply for

subsidies. However, the title cannot prevent the land from being claimed for governmental projects such as

health care and roads (Razali 2012, personal communication).

In Punggu Jinggau not all inhabitants are aware of the initiative and those who are have heard about it via radio

and television. Despite limited knowledge of the details of the initiative, most of the villagers who were aware

of the initiative expressed a positive attitude toward the planned surveys, but at the same time uncertainty

regarding the consequences of it. Nonetheless Punggu has not yet applied for the survey at Sri Aman Land and

Survey Department (informal consersation). Because of continuous amendments to Land Code 1958 it has

become increasingly difficult to prove claims to NCR. According to Mujah (2012, personal communication)

proving NCR claims is a technical process to be tried in court, which can be costly to the natives and hence a

possible explanation for why Punggu has not applied for the survey. Given the actual execution of the process

and the Land Code amendment 2000, stating that all untitled land is considered as state land (Mujah 2012,

personal communication) one can only guess about the consequences for those areas not surveyed before the


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additional explanation for the push for rapid expansion. According to Cooke (2006), the development of oil

palm differs from earlier programs by targeting NCR land systematically.

Since 1981, the year where Abdul Taib Mahmud was appointed Chief Minister of Sarawak (Sarawak

Government 2010), the focus changed from smallholder development to large-scale plantation agriculture

(Cramb 2011). A change generated by the increased global demand for oil palm products and the prospects of

improved profitability of oil palms as an industrial plantation crop (Cramb 2011).

The governments vision is for Sarawak to become a state with vibrant and sustainable land development which

will be achieved by:

Expediting the development of Native Customary Rights (NCR) land and other idle land into economically

productive assets for optimal and sustained benefits to the land owners and the State through plantation

development and commercial oriented programs (Ministry of Land Development 2012b).

Another change seen when Taib was appointed was a policy shift with regards to NCR, with the state adopting

the presumption of proprietorship over all land (Cramb & Sujang 2011). The same year, the Land Consolidation

and Development Authority (LCDA) was set up. LCDA can acquire both NCL and state land for private estate

development, and act as the mediator between landholders and companies in order to invite private investors

to participate in land development (Bulan 2006). Amendments to the Land Code allowed companies, including

foreign ones, to purchase land (Cooke, 2006).

In the Sri Aman area a major upcoming development project, already approved by an Environmental Impact

Assessment (EIA), is the Batang-lupar, Agropolitan project, which aims to establish several large scale oil palm

plantations of 14,000 hectares, reaching a total area of 132,000 hectares (Raseli 2012, personal communication;

Razali 2012, personal communication). The land portioned for this project is state land and is primarily

consisting of forests. According to Razali (2012, personal communication) the long-term goal is to convert all

state land into plantation, a project that requires expansion of the infrastructure, some of which has already

been carried out (see Chapter 3).

At this point it is worth clarifying the notion of development we encountered in Sarawak. Development refers to

economic development. Once understood, the explanations and opinions we got from both government

ffi i l d ill l d h d f t t l it ll d t f t l t b


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5.2.1. New Concept and Joint Venture Project (JVP)

One of the strategies for including the NCR lands in the plantation development is through the Konsep Baru

(1994) (Ministry of Land Development 2012a).

Documents

Punggu Jinggau Final Report