Psychology and marxism

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    L.S. Vygotsky 1925

    New translation of Vygotskys

    Consciousness as a problem in the psychology of behavior

    First Published: 1925;

    Source: Undiscovered Vygotsky: Etudes on the pre-history of cultural-historical

    psychology (European Studies in the History of Science and Ideas. Vol. 8), pp. 251-

    281;

    Publisher: Peter Lang Publishing 1999;

    Translated: Nikolai Veresov;

    Transcription/Markup:Nate Schmolze;

    Online Version:Vygotsky Internet Archive (marxists.org) 2000

    The spider makes operations resembling the operations of the weaver, and the bee

    creating its waxen cells disgraces some architects. But from the very beginning, the

    worst architect differs from the best bee in that before building the cell of wax, he

    already has built it in his head. The result, which is received at the end of the process

    of work, already exists in the beginning of this process in an ideal form in a

    representation of a person. The person does not only change the form given by nature,

    but in what is given by nature he, at the same time, realises his conscious purpose,

    which as a law determines the way and character of his actions and to which he must

    subordinate his will. K. Marx

    Related Translators Comments:

    Consciousness as a problem in the psychology of behavior, Nikolai Veresov

    I

    The question of the psychological nature of consciousness is persistently and

    deliberately avoided in our scientific literature. Attempts are made even to take no

    notice of it, as if it does not exist for the new psychology. Owing to this, the systems

    of scientific psychology, which are developing under our eyes, have from the very

    beginning a number of organic defects. We shall mention a few, which in our opinion

    are the main and most fundamental ones.

    1. By ignoring the problem of consciousness psychology has deprived itself of access

    to the study of some rather complex problems of human behaviour. It is forced to

    restrict itself to explaining no more than the most elementary connections between a

    living being and the world. That this is actually the case can easily be seen at a glance

    at the table of contents of Academician Bekhterevs book General foundations of

    human reflexology (1923): The principle of conservation of energy. The principle

    of continuous change. The principle of rhythm. The principle of adaptation. The

    principle of a counterforce equal to a force. The principle of relativity. In a word,

    they are all-embracing principles, embracing not only animal and human behaviourbut the world in its wholeness. Among all this we find not even one psychological law

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    which formulates the relationship or interdependence of the phenomena, that would

    characterise the uniqueness of human behaviour in contrast to animal behaviour.

    The other pole of Bekhterevs book contains a classic experiment of establishing a

    conditional reflex one small experiment, which in principle is extremely important,

    but not filling the space from the conditional reflex of first degree to the principle ofrelativity. Disparity between the roof and the foundation, the absence of a building

    between them, patently demonstrate that it is still too early to formulate universal

    principles on reflexological material, and how easy it is take laws from other areas of

    knowledge and apply them to psychology. Indeed, the broader and more

    comprehensive a principle we will take is, the easier it is for us to pull it onto any fact

    we require. We must just not forget that the volume and content of a concept are

    always in an inversely proportional relationship. Since the volume of universal

    principles tends toward infinity, their psychological content tends toward zero.

    But this is not a defect particular to the Bekhterevs course. The same flaw appears in

    one form or another elsewhere and leaves its imprint on every attempt tosystematically produce a theory of human behaviour as mere reflexology.

    2. The denial of consciousness and the attempt to construct a psychological system

    without this concept, as a psychology without consciousness, to use the expression of

    P. P. Blonsky [1] leads to the situation in which method has been deprived of the most

    necessary means and instruments for studying latent responses, such as internal

    movements, internal speech, somatic responses, etc., that are not observable with the

    naked eye. The study of only those reactions that are visible to the naked eye is totally

    powerless and untenable in explaining even the simplest problems of human

    behaviour.

    But human behaviour is organised in such a way that, in fact, it is these internal

    movements, difficult to perceive, that actually direct and guide it. When we develop a

    conditional salivary reflex in a dog, we are organising by certain external devices the

    dogs behaviour beforehand; otherwise the experiment will not succeed. We place the

    dog in a stand, wrap straps around it, etc. In the same way, we organise the behaviour

    of a human subject beforehand, with certain internal movements, through instructions,

    explanations, etc. If these internal movements suddenly become altered during the

    course of the experiment, the entire picture of behaviour changes sharply. Thus, we

    always make use of inhibited reactions; we know that they are constantly operating in

    the body; and we know that they play a very influential and regulatory role inbehaviour because it is conscious. Nonetheless, we have no means of studying these

    internal reactions.

    To say this simply, a human being is always thinking to himself; this is never without

    some influence on his behaviour; a sudden shift in thought during an experiment will

    always sharply make some impact on the subjects overall behaviour (for example,

    sudden thought: I will not look at the apparatus). Yet we know nothing of how to

    assess this influence.

    3. Any principal distinction between animal behaviour and human behaviour is

    obliterated. Biology devours sociology and physiology devours psychology. Humanbehaviour is studied as the behaviour of a mammal. What is essentially new, what

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    consciousness and psyche brings in human behaviour, is ignored. As an example I

    shall mention two laws: the law of extinction (or internal inhibition) of conditional

    reflexes, discovered by Academician Pavlov [2], and the law of dominants, formulated

    by Professor Ukhtomsky[3].

    The law of extinction (or internal inhibition) of conditional reflexes expresses the factthat with continued excitation elicited by one conditional irritant, not reinforced by

    another unconditional irritant, a conditional reflex gradually diminishes in strength

    until it finally disappears. Now let us turn to human behaviour. Let us develop a

    conditional reaction on some irritant in a human subject. For example, we give the

    instructions When you hear the bell, press the button. Now let us repeat this

    experiment 40, 50, or even 100 times. Does extinction take place? On the contrary, the

    connection is reinforced with each instance, with each passing day. Fatigue sets in, but

    this is not what the law of extinction is referring to. It is obvious here that simple

    extrapolation of a law from animal psychology to human psychology is not possible.

    We need some principal stipulation. But we do not know just what this stipulation is,

    nor do we even know where and how to look for it.

    The law of dominants propounds the existence in the animal nervous system of focus

    of excitation that attract to themselves other subdominant excitations impinging on

    the nervous system at the same time. Sexual excitation in a cat, the acts of swallowing

    and defecation, the embracing reflex in a frog all these, as experiments have shown,

    are strengthened at the expense of any other extraneous irritation. From this a direct

    step is made to the act of attention in humans, and it is asserted that a dominant is the

    physiological foundation of this act. Yet it turns out that attention is actually devoid of

    the capacity to be strengthened at the expense of any other extraneous irritation which

    is the characteristic feature of a dominant. On the contrary, any extraneous irritant

    distracts and weakens attention. Again, a step from laws concerning dominants in the

    cat or the frog to the laws of human behaviour needs some essential corrective.

    4. But what is most important is that the exclusion of consciousness from the domain

    of scientific psychology to a considerable extent preserves all the dualism and

    spiritualism of former subjective psychology. Academician Bekhterev asserted that his

    system of reflexology did not contradict the hypothesis of the soul [4]. Subjective or

    conscious phenomena are depicted by him as second-order phenomena, as specific

    internal phenomena accompanying combinatory reflexes[5]. Dualism is reinforced by

    the fact that a special science, subjective reflexology[6], is admitted as not only

    possible in the future, but even as inevitable.

    The main premise of reflexology, namely, the purported possibility in principle of

    explaining all human behaviour without any recourse to subjective phenomena and of

    constructing a psychology without psyche, is the hand-me-down dualism of subjective

    psychology, its attempt to study pure, abstract psyche. This is the other half of the old

    dualism: then there is a psyche without behaviour, here behaviour without psyche;

    in both cases mind and behaviour are understood as two different phenomena.

    No psychologist, even if he is an extreme spiritualist and idealist, has, precisely by

    virtue of this dualism, ever denied the physiological materialism of reflexology. Yet,

    on the contrary, it is idealism through and through, and indeed necessarilypresupposed it.

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    5. Banishing the consciousness from psychology, we are trapped in biological

    absurdity for evermore. Even Academician Bekhterev warned against making the

    major mistake of regarding subjective processes as completely superfluous or

    secondary phenomena in nature (epiphenomena), inasmuch as we know that

    everything superfluous in nature atrophies and is obliterated, whereas our own

    experience tells us that subjective phenomena achieve their highest development inthe most complex processes of correlative activity [7].

    Thus we are left with two choices: either this is actually the case, and it is impossible

    to study human behaviour and the complex forms of human interrelated activity

    without reference to the human mind; or it is not the case, and mind is an

    epiphenomenon, a secondary phenomenon, and everything can be explained without

    mind, and we shall come to the biological absurd. No third possibility is given.

    6. When the question is posed in this way, we are forever barred access to the study of

    the most important problems: the structure of our behaviour and an analysis of its

    composition and forms. We are forever doomed to retain the false notion thatbehaviour is the sum of reflexes. At the same time, man is not at all a skin sack filled

    with reflexes and the brain is not a hotel for conditional reflexes that happen to pass

    by.

    A reflex is an abstract concept. Methodologically, it is extremely valuable, but it

    cannot become the fundamental concept of psychology as a concrete science of

    human behaviour. In reality we are [not] a leather bag filled with reflexes and the

    brain is not a hotel for complex groups; combinations and system built according to

    the most diverse types.

    The study of dominant reactions in animals and of reflex integration has shown,

    persuasively, that the work of each organ, its reflex, is not something static, but only a

    function deriving from the overall state of the organism[8]. The nervous system

    works as an integrated whole this formula of Ch. Sherrington [9] should serve as the

    foundation for a theory of the structure of behaviour.

    Indeed, the sense in which we use the term reflex resembles very closely the story

    of Kannitfershtan, whose name a poor foreigner heard in Holland as a response to any

    question no matter what he asked: Whom are they burying? Whose house is this?

    Who just passed by? etc. He naively thought that everything in this country was done

    by Kannitfershtan, whereas actually, the word simply meant that the Dutchman he metdid not understand his questions. A reflex of purpose or a freedom reflex can be

    presented as patent evidence of such a misunderstanding of investigated phenomena.

    It is clear to everyone that these are not reflexes in the usual sense, i.e., in the sense

    that a salivary reflex is a reflex, but rather are some sort of structurally distinct

    mechanism of behaviour. Only if we reduce everything to one common denominator

    can we explain everything in the same way: then a reflex is like this Kannitfershtan.

    But the very term reflex loses its meaning.

    What is perception? It is a reflex. What is speech? What are gestures, facial

    expressions? They are also reflexes. And instincts, slips, emotions? They, too, are

    reflexes. All the phenomena the Wurzburg school have discovered in higherintellectual processes, or Freuds analysis of dreams[10]are also reflexes. All this, of

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    course, is really so, but the scientific infecundity of such empty statements is quite

    obvious. With such a method of discovery science neither sheds light nor brings any

    clarity to the problems it studies. Instead of dissecting and delimiting the objects,

    forms, and phenomena under its scrutiny, it, on the contrary, places everything in a

    dim penumbra, where everything is blurred and blended together, and there are no

    distinct borders between objects. This is a reflex and that is also a reflex, but whatdistinguishes this one from that one?

    We ought to study not reflexes, but behaviour, its mechanism, its component parts,

    and its structure. Each time we conduct an experiment with animals or humans we

    have an illusion that we are studying a reaction or a reflex. Actually, what we are

    studying in every case is behaviour, since we invariably organise beforehand, in some

    way or other, the behaviour of the subject in order to ensure that this or that reaction

    or reflex will dominate; otherwise, we would achieve nothing.

    Does the dog in Academician Pavlovs experiments really react with a salivary reflex,

    but not with a multitude of the most varied internal and external motor reactions? Is ittrue that these reactions had no influence on the observed reflex? And is it true that a

    conditional irritant introduced into these experiments did not also itself elicit the same

    sort of reactions (orienting reactions of the ear, the eyes, etc.)? Why was a temporary

    connection formed between the salivary reflex and the bell, not vice versa, i.e., why

    didnt the meat begin to elicit an orienting movement of the ears? And is it true that a

    subject who presses a button of a key at a signal is expressing his whole reaction? The

    general relaxation of the body, falling back in the chair, the tilting of the head, the

    sigh, etc., arent all these essential components of the reaction?

    All this shows how complex every reaction is, how this complexity depends on the

    structure of the behavioural mechanism the reaction is a part of, and that it is

    impossible to study a reaction in abstract form. Besides, we must not forget before we

    draw any major and crucial conclusions from classic experiments with conditional

    reflex, that this research has only just begun, and so far has covered only a very

    narrow circle, that only one or two types of reflexes, a salivary and a defensive motor

    reflex, have been studied, and then only the conditional reflexes of a first or second

    order and always of a type that is biologically disadvantageous for the animal. Why

    should an animal salivate in response to very remote signals, to conditional irritants of

    a high order? Therefore, we should beware of any direct transportation of

    reflexological laws into psychology. Professor Wagner[11]is right in saying that a

    reflex is a foundation, but the foundation tells us nothing about what is going to beconstructed on it.

    Owing to all these considerations, I think that we have to alter the view on human

    behaviour as a mechanism, which can be opened completely with the key of

    conditional reflex. Without having a preliminary working hypothesis concerning the

    psychological nature of consciousness, it is impossible to undertake a critical revision

    of the accumulated scientific knowledge in this area, to select and screen it, to

    translate it into a new language, to develop new concepts, and to create new problems.

    Scientific psychology cannot ignore the facts of consciousness; it must materialise

    them, translate what objectively exists into an objective language, and once and for all

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    unmask and bury the fictions, phantasmagoria, etc. Otherwise, no work is possible,

    neither teaching nor criticism nor research.

    It is easy to see that consciousness cannot be regarded as a phenomenon of a second

    line, neither biologically, physiologically, nor psychologically. A place must be found

    for it, and it must be interpreted in the same line with all other reactions of theorganism. This is the first requirement of our working hypothesis. Consciousness is a

    problem of the structure of behaviour.

    Other requirements are: a hypothesis must, without stretch, explain the major

    questions pertaining to consciousness the problems of conservation of energy, self-

    awareness; the psychological possibility of knowing other minds, the conscious

    character of the three major fields of empirical psychology (i.e., thinking, feeling, and

    will), the concept of the unconscious, the evolution of consciousness, and its identity

    and unity.

    Here, in this brief and cursory essay we have only outlined the most preliminary, mostgeneral, and most basic thoughts that, when blended together, should, we think,

    provide the future working hypothesis of consciousness in the psychology of

    behaviour.

    II

    Now let us take a look at the question from outside, i.e., not from the field of

    psychology. In its most essential forms all animal behaviour consists of two groups of

    reactions: innate or unconditional reflexes and acquired or conditional reactions.

    Innate reflexes, in a certain sense, constitute a biological extract of the inheritedcollective experience of the entire species, whereas acquired reflexes are formed on

    the basis of this inherited experience through the formation of new connections

    provided by the personal experience of the individual. Thus, all animal behaviour may

    provisionally be designated as inherited experience plus inherited experience

    multiplied by personal experience. The origins of inherited experience were

    discovered by Darwin; the mechanism by which this experience is multiplied by

    personal experience is the conditional reflex Academician Pavlov discovered.

    Generally speaking, this formula covers all animal behaviour.

    The situation is different with human beings. If we are to cover human behaviour atall completely, new members must be introduced into the formula. First, it must be

    pointed out that the inherited experience of human beings is incomparably broader

    than that of animals. Man makes use not just of physically inherited experience. All

    our life, our labour and behaviour draw broadly on the experience of former

    generations, which is not transmitted at birth from father to son. We may provisionally

    designate this as a historical experience.

    Ranked alongside this historical experience is social experience, the experience of

    other people, which constitutes a very important component in human behaviour. I do

    not possess only those connections that have been formed in my personal experience

    between unconditional reflexes and particular elements of the environment, but I alsohave a multitude of connections that were established in the experience of other

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    people. If I know the Sahara and Mars although I have never travelled outside my

    country and have never looked into a telescope, obviously the origin of this

    experience is due to the experience of other people who have travelled to the Sahara

    and have looked into a telescope. It is just as obvious that animals have no such

    experience. Let us call this the social component of our behaviour.

    Finally, what is fundamentally new in human behaviour is that mans adaptation and

    the behaviour connected with it assume new forms compared with those of animals.

    Whereas animals passively adapt to the environment, man actively adapts the

    environment to himself. To be sure, in animals we encounter the rudimentary forms of

    active adaptation in their instinctive activity (making a nest, building a house, etc.);

    but in the animal kingdom these forms, first, do not have a dominant, fundamental

    importance and, second, are still passive in terms of their essential characteristics and

    the mechanisms by which they are carried out.

    The spider that weaves his web and the bee that builds his cell out of wax do this out

    of instinct, mechanically, always in the same way, and in doing so they never displayany more activity than in any other adaptive reactions. But the situation is different

    with a weaver or an architect. As Marx said, they first built their works in their heads;

    the result of their labours existed before this labour in ideal form [12].

    Marxs explanation, which is beyond dispute, means nothing more than a doubling of

    experience that is compulsory for human labour. Labouris repeated, in the

    movements of the hands and the changes produced in the material being worked on,

    what had already been done beforehand in the workers imagination, with models, as

    it were, of these movements and material. It is this doubled experience that enables

    man to develop forms of active adaptation that do not exist in animals. Let us call this

    new kind of behaviour doubled experience.

    Now, the new part of our formula of human behaviour is: historical experience, social

    experience, and doubled experience.

    The question remains: With what are the signs to connect these new parts in our

    formula with one another and with its original part?

    The sign of multiplication between the inherited experience and the personal

    experience is clear for us; it refers to the mechanism of the conditional reflex.

    We shall try to find the other connecting signs in the following sections of this article.

    III

    In the preceding section we outlined the biological and social aspects of the problem.

    Now let us take a brief look at its physiological side.

    Even the most elementary experiments with isolated reflexes encounter the problem

    of co-ordination of reflexes or their transmission into behaviour. Above we mentioned

    in passing the fact that all of Academician Pavlovs experiments had already

    presumed that the dogs behaviour was organised beforehand in such a way that asingle necessary connection was formed in collision of two reflexes. And

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    Academician Pavlov was forced to deal with some other, more complicated reflexes

    in the dog as well.

    Academician Pavlov more than once referred to the collision of two different reflexes

    occurring in the course of his experiments. The results of such a collision are not

    always the same: ( see articles XXI and XXV in one case he discusses theintensification of a food reflex by a simultaneous guarding reflex, and in the other

    case he talks about the victory of a food reflex over an guarding reflex). [13]. Two

    reflexes may be seen literally as two pans on a balance beam, observed Academician

    Pavlov on this point. He does not close his eyes before the unusual complexity of the

    accomplishment of a reflex. He says that if we take into account that any reflex to an

    external irritation is limited and governed not only by another external simultaneous

    reflex act but also by a multitude of internal reflexes and by the effects of every

    conceivable sort of internal irritants chemical, thermal, etc impinging not only on

    different segments of the central nervous system but also directly on active tissue

    elements themselves, then, and only then, will we begin to have any full and realistic

    picture of the vast complexity of the phenomena of reflexes.[14]

    The basic principle of reflex co-ordination, as Sherrington [15] elucidated in his

    research, entails the struggle of different groups of receptors for the common motor

    field. The point is that there are many more afferent neurons in the nervous system

    than efferent ones; hence, each motor neuron has a reflex connection not only with

    one receptor but with many, and probably with all. A struggle is always going on in

    the body between different receptors for a common motor field, for the possession of

    one working organ. The outcome of this struggle depends on many extremely

    complicated and varied causes. Thus, any realised reaction, any victorious reflex,

    emerges after a struggle, only after a conflict at a point of collision [16].

    Behaviour is a system of victorious reactions.

    Under normal conditions, says Sherrington, leaving questions of consciousness

    aside, all animal behaviour is made up of successive transitions of the final field, now

    to one group of reflexes, now to another. [17]. In other words, all behaviour is a

    struggle, which does not subside even for a minute. There are enough grounds to

    presume that one of the most important functions of the brain is to establish co-

    ordination between reflexes coming from outlying points, owing to which the nervous

    system is integrated into a whole individual.

    The co-ordinating mechanism of the common motor field serves, according to

    Sherrington (1904, p. 466), as the basis for the mental process of attention. The

    singleness of action from moment to moment thus assured is a keystone in the

    construction of the individual whose unity it is the specific office of the nervous

    system to perfect (Ibid., p. 466).

    A reflex is an integral reaction of the organism. Each muscle, each working organ,

    should be regarded as a check payable to the bearer, which may be any group of

    receptors. The general notion of the nervous system becomes clear from the

    following comparison.

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    The system of receptors is to the system of efferent path ways as the wide top of a

    funnel is to its narrow bottom opening. But each receptor is connected not with one,

    but with many and perhaps with all efferent fibres; of course, these connections vary

    in strength. Hence, extending our comparison with the funnel, we must say that the

    whole nervous system is a funnel, one opening of which is five times wider than the

    other; within this funnel are receptors that are also funnels, whose wide openings areturned toward the outlet of the larger funnel and completely cover it[18].

    Academician Pavlov compared the hemispheres of the brain with a telephone

    switchboard where new temporary connections are established between elements of

    the environment and different reactions. [19] But much more than a telephone

    switchboard our nervous system resembles the narrow doors in some large building

    through which a crowd of many thousands is rushing in panic. Only a few people can

    get through the door. Those who entered successfully are only few from many

    thousand who died or were pushed back. This more closely conveys the catastrophic

    nature of the struggle, the dynamic and dialectic process between the environment and

    the person and within the person, that we call behaviour.

    From all this follow two statements that are necessary for properly posing the problem

    of consciousness as a mechanism of behaviour.

    1. The outside world flows into the wide opening of the funnel by thousands of

    irritants, attractions, and summons; a constant struggle and collision take place within

    the funnel; all excitations flow out of the narrow opening as responses of the organism

    in a greatly reduced quantity. What takes place in behaviour is only a negligible

    fraction of what is possible. At every moment the individual is full of unrealised

    possibilities. These unrealised possibilities of our behaviour, this difference between

    the wide and the narrow openings of the funnel, is a perfect reality; the same reality as

    the reality of victorious reactions, since all three aspects of a reaction are present in it.

    This unrealised behaviour can have an extremely wide variety of forms, given even a

    slightly complicated structure of the final common field and of complex reflexes. In

    complex reflexes, reflex arcs sometimes ally themselves with one portion of the

    common field and compete with one another for another part of the field [20]. Thus, a

    reaction may remain half realised or realised in some, always indefinite, part.

    2. Owing to the extremely complicated balance established in the nervous system by

    intricate struggle of reflexes, the outcome of the struggle is often decided by the quiteinsignificant force of a new irritant. Thus, in the complex system of competing forces,

    even a negligible new force can decide the outcome and direction of the resultant

    force; in a great war even a tiny country, allying itself with one side, can mean the

    difference between victory and defeat. This means that it is easy to imagine how

    reactions, insignificant in themselves, even negligible, can assume a dominant role

    depending on the conjuncture at the point of collision where they enter.

    IV

    The most elementary, fundamental, and universal law of reflex relationships may be

    formulated as follows: reflexes are joined according to conditional reflex laws bywhich the response component of one reflex (motor, secretory) may, under

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    appropriate conditions, become a conditional irritant (or inhibition) of another reflex,

    forming a reflex arc with a new reflex via the sensory pathway of peripheral irritations

    associated with it. A whole series of such connections may be given genetically and

    belong to the class of unconditioned reflexes. The rest of these connections are

    formed in the process of experience a process that cannot not go on in the organism

    without ceasing.

    Academician Pavlov called this mechanism a chain reflex and used it to explain

    instinct[21]. In his experiments, Doctor Zelenyi discovered the same mechanism in

    studying rhythmic muscular movements that also proved to constitute a chain

    reflex[22]. Thus, this mechanism provides the best explanation for unconscious,

    automatic combinations of reflexes.

    But if we take into account not merely the same system of reflexes, but different ones

    and the possibility of reflection of one system on another, this mechanism is also

    essentially the mechanism of consciousness in its objective sense. The capacity of our

    body to be an irritant (through its own acts) for itself (for new acts) is therein thebasis of consciousness.

    Now we can speak about the unquestionable interaction among different systems of

    reflexes, and of the reflection of one system by others. A dog reacts to hydrochloric

    acid by salivating (reflex), but the saliva itself is a new irritant for the reflex of

    swallowing or expectoration of the acid. In free association I pronounce narcissus

    on the word rose. This is a reflex, but it is also an irritant for the next word

    gillyflower. All this takes place within a system or co-operating systems. The howl of

    a wolf, as an irritant, evokes in me somatic and mimetic reflexes of fear: altered

    respiration, heart beat, trembling, dryness in the throat (reflexes) all these induce me

    to say or think: I am afraid. Here a transmission from one system to another takes

    place.

    Our awareness or ability to be conscious of our deeds and states must be seen

    primarily as a system of transmission mechanisms from one set of reflexes to another,

    that is correctly functioning at every conscious moment. The more correctly every

    internal reflex, as an irritant, elicits a sequence of other reflexes from other systems or

    is transmitted to other systems, the more capable we are of giving an account to

    ourselves and others of what we are experiencing, and the more consciously is that

    experiencing (sensing, formulating in words, etc.).

    Giving an account means transmitting one set of reflexes into another. The

    unconscious and psychical also refer to reflexes that have not been transmitted into

    other systems. There may be an infinite varied degrees of awareness, i.e., the

    interaction of systems participating in the mechanism of an acting reflex. To be

    conscious of ones own experiences means nothing less than to possess them in object

    form (irritant) for other experiences. Consciousness is the experiencing of

    experiences, just as experience is simply the experience of objects.

    But this capacity of a reflex (the experience of an object) to be a irritant (the object of

    an experience) for a new reflex, this mechanism of consciousness, is also a

    mechanism of transmission of reflexes from one system into another. This is more orless what Academician Bekhterev called accountable and non-accountable reflexes.

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    The problem of consciousness must be solved in psychology in a sense that

    consciousness is an interaction, reflection, and mutual excitation of different systems

    of reflexes. What is conscious is what is transmitted as an irritant to other systems in

    which it has a response. Consciousness is always an echo, a response apparatus. I will

    give three references to the literature.

    1. It is pertinently to remind ourselves that the psychological literature has been

    pointed to a circular reaction as a mechanism that returns to the organism its own

    reflex, with the aid of the centripetal currents thus arising and that this mechanism lies

    at the basis of consciousness [23]. The biological significance of such a circular

    reaction was often stressed: a new irritation sent by a reflex elicits a new secondary

    reaction, which either intensifies and repeats or weakens and suppresses the first

    reaction, depending on the general condition of the organism and on the value

    ascribed by the body to its own reflex. Thus, a circular reaction is not a simple

    combination of two reflexes, but a combination in which one reaction is steered and

    regulated by another. This describes a new aspect in the mechanism of consciousness:

    its regulatory role with respect to the behaviour.

    2. Ch. Sherrington distinguishes exteroceptive and interoceptive fields, the field on

    the outer surface of the body, and the internal surface of certain organs into which

    some portion of the external environment enters. Elsewhere he speaks of a

    proprioceptive field, which is excite by the organism itself, by changes taking place in

    muscles, tendons, joints, blood vessels, etc.

    In contrast to the receptors of the extero- and interoceptive fields, the receptors of the

    proprioceptive field are excited only secondarily by influences coming from the

    external environment. The irritant of these receptors is the active state of some organ

    or organs, for example, contraction of a muscle, which in turn serves as a primary

    reaction to the irritation of the surface of the receptor by factors of the external

    environment. Usually, reflexes elicited by stimulation of proprioceptive organs join

    with reflexes elicited by irritation of exteroceptive organs[24].

    As research has shown, the combination of these secondary reflexes with primary

    reactions, this secondary connection, can combine reflexes of both allied and

    antagonistic types. In other words, a secondary reaction can intensify or terminate a

    primary one. This constitutes the mechanism of consciousness.

    3. Finally, Academician Pavlov has said that the reproduction of neural phenomenain the subjective world is very unique, and so to say, refracted many times over, so

    that, on the whole, a psychological understanding of nervous activity is, to a

    considerable extent, only tentative and approximate. [25].

    Although here Pavlov did not mean anything more than a simple comparison, we are

    ready to understand his words in the literal and precise meaning and assert that

    consciousness is the multiple refraction of reflexes.

    V

    With this, the problem of mind is resolved without any waste of energy.Consciousness is wholly reduced to the transmitting mechanisms of reflexes operating

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    according to general laws, i.e., no processes other than reactions can be admitted into

    the organism.

    The way is also paved for the solution of the problem of self-awareness and self-

    observation. Inner perception and introspection are possible only thanks to the

    existence of a proprioceptive field and secondary reflexes, which are connected withit. This is always the echo of a reaction.

    Self-awareness as the perception of what takes place in a persons own soul, to use J.

    Lockes expression, is wholly exhausted by this. It now becomes clear why this

    experience is accessible to only one person the person experiencing his own

    experience. Only I, myself, and alone can observe and perceive my secondary

    reactions because my reflexes serve as new irritants of the proprioceptive field only

    for myself and myself alone.

    It is also now easy to explain the fundamental split nature of experience: the mental is

    not like any other because it is affected by irritants sui generis that occur nowhere elsebut in my own body. The movement of my arm, which is perceived by the eye, may

    also be an irritant for both my eye and the eye of another; but the awareness of this

    movement, those proprioceptive excitations that occur and elicit secondary reactions,

    exist for me alone. They have nothing in common with the first irritation of the eye:

    completely different neural pathways, different mechanisms, and different irritants are

    here.

    Another very complicated question of psychological procedure is closely connected

    with this: it is the question of the value of self-observation. Previous psychology

    considered self- observation to be fundamental and the main source of psychological

    knowledge. Reflexology rejected self-observation completely or placed it under the

    control of objective data, as a source of supplementary information. [26]

    The presented approach to the problem enables us, in a very rough and general

    outline, to understand the (objective) meaning which the verbal report of a subject

    may have for scientific research. Undetected reflexes (tacit speech), internal reflexes

    inaccessible to the direct perception of the examinee can be detected often indirectly

    by mediation, through observable reflexes for which they serve as irritants. The

    presence of a complete reflex (a word) serves as an indicator of the presence of a

    corresponding irritant that plays a dual role. In this case it is an irritant for the

    complete reflex and is itself a reflex relative to the previous irritant.

    In view of the tremendously important and paramount role the mind (i.e., this

    undetected group of reflexes) plays in the system of behaviour, it would be suicide for

    science to reject its discovery by an indirect method, through its reflection on other

    systems of reflexes. Actually, we do take into account reflexes to internal irritants

    hidden from our view. Here the logic, the train of thought, and the proof are the same.

    In this view a subjects report is in no sense an act of self-observation that interferes

    like getting a spoon of tar into the barrel of honey of objective scientific investigation.

    No self-observation at all. The subject is not at all in the situation of an observer; he

    does not help an experimenter observe reflexes hidden from his view. To the very end,and during the actual giving of an account, a subject fully remains the object of an

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    experiment; but certain changes or transformations are introduced into the experiment

    itself, through subsequent questioning; a new irritant is introduced (a new

    questioning), and a new reflex enables us to assess the undetected portions of the

    preceding one. The entire experiment passes through a double lens.

    It is necessary to include such a passing of an experience through the secondaryreactions of consciousness in the methods of a psychological investigation. An

    individuals behaviour and the establishment of new conditional reactions are

    governed not only by disclosed, complete, and fully detected reactions, but also by

    reactions, undisclosed in their external part, invisible to the naked eye. If it is possible

    to study complete speech reflexes, why then cant we take into account reflexes-

    thoughts, torn off at two thirds of the way along[27], although these, too, are really

    existing, unquestionable reactions?

    If I pronounce the word evening, which comes to me by free association, so that it

    is audible to the experimenter, it is subject to be account as a verbal reaction, a

    conditional reflex. But if I pronounce it inaudibly, to myself, when I think it, does itcease to be a reflex and change its nature? Where is the border between an uttered and

    an unuttered word? If my lips moved, if I uttered a whisper that was still inaudible to

    the experimenter what then? May he ask me to repeat this word aloud, or will this

    be a subjective method admissible only to me? If he may (and almost everyone will

    probably agree with this), then why cant he ask me to utter aloud a word that I have

    uttered in my thoughts, i.e., without moving my lips and whispering? Indeed, it

    always was and still is a speech motor reaction, a conditional reflex without which

    thoughts are impossible. This is already an interrogation, the utterance of the subject,

    his verbal account of those undetected reactions unperceived by the experimenters

    hearing (and this is the only difference between thoughts and speech), but the

    reactions were still objective nevertheless. We can be convinced by many methods

    that these reactions did take place and that they really did exist with all the attributes

    of material existence. The development of the methods is one of the most important

    tasks of psychological methodology. Psychoanalysis is one of these methods.

    But what is most important here is that these reactions themselves will take care to see

    that we are convinced of their existence. In the further course of reactions they will

    express themselves with such strength and forcefulness that they will force the

    experimenter to pay attention to them or to refuse to study the course of reactions into

    which they burst. Actually, are there many examples of such behaviour into which

    inhibited reflexes would not intrude? So, either we refuse to study human behaviourin its most essential forms, or we are forced to introduce the obligatory registration of

    these internal movements in our experiments.

    Two examples will show this necessity. If I recall something and establish a new

    speech reflex, is it true that it does not matter what I am thinking during this time

    whether I am simply repeating a given word to myself or establishing a logical

    connection between this word and another? Is it not clear that the results in both these

    cases will be essentially different? In a free association I say the word snake in

    response to the cue word thunder, although first the thought of lightning flashed.

    Is it not clear that if I do not take this thought into account, I will get a deliberately

    false notion that my reaction to the word thunder was snake and not lightning?

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    It goes without saying, that what we are talking about here is not a simple transferring

    of experimental self-observation from traditional psychology into the new

    psychology. Rather, the point is the urgent necessity to develop a new method for

    studying inhibited reflexes. We have merely advocated the fundamental necessity and

    possibility of that.

    In order to finish with the question of methods, let us stop briefly on the curious

    metamorphosis recently undergone by the method of reflexological investigation

    when applied to humans. Professor Protopopov [28] discussed in one of his articles that

    initially reflexologists applied an electro-dermal irritation to the sole of the foot.

    Then it proved to be more profitable to choose a more perfect apparatus, more suited

    to orienting reactions as the criterion of a response. So the leg was replaced by a hand.

    But once a was said, it was necessary to say b. The human being has an

    immeasurably more accomplished apparatus, with which he has established more

    extensive connections with the world, the speech apparatus. We should turn to

    verbal reactions. But the most curious are certain facts upon which investigators

    stumbled in their work. The point was that the differentiation of a reflex wasextremely slow and sluggish in human beings and what has appeared [my emphasis,

    L.V.] was that conditional responses might be inhibited or excited depending on the

    speech stimulus presented to the object.

    In other words, the discovery is reduced to the point that with a human being it may

    be stipulated with words that he withdraw his hand in response to a certain signal, and

    then, when a different signal is given, that he not withdraw his hand. The author has to

    assert two statements that are important for us here.

    1. Undoubtedly in the future reflexological studies on human beings will have to be

    carried out mainly with the aid of secondary conditional reflexes. This means

    nothing other than that consciousness bursts even into the experiments of

    reflexologists and has essentially changed the picture of behaviour. Turn the

    consciousness out the door and it will enter through the window.

    2. The inclusion of this research technique in the reflexological method makes this

    method non-distinguishable from the method of studying reactions long established in

    experimental psychology. Professor Protopopov mentions this, but he considers this

    coincidence as incidental and external only. For us, on the contrary, it is clear that

    what it amounts to is a thorough capitulation of pure reflexological method, which is

    used so successfully on dogs, to the problems of human behaviour.

    It is extremely important to show that all three spheres into which empirical

    psychology has divided the mind cognition, feeling, and will also readily reveal

    the same nature of conscious awareness that is relevant to them, and can be easily

    reconciled with this hypothesis and with the method it entails, if one looks at them

    from the point of view of the hypothesis we have presented here.

    1. Jamess theory of emotions paves the way for such an interpretation of conscious

    awareness of feelings. Taking three usual components A the cause of a feeling, B

    the feeling itself, and C its corporeal manifestations James rearranged them in the

    following way A-C-B. [29]. I shall not repeat his arguments that are known to all. Ishould only like to point out that his formulation laid bare (1) the reflex character a

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    feeling, a feeling as a system of reflexes A and B, and (2) the secondary, derivative

    character of conscious awareness of a feeling when ones own reaction serves as an

    irritant for a new internal reaction B and C. The biological significance of a feeling

    as a quick evaluating reaction of the entire organism to its own behaviour, as an act of

    engagement of the entire organism in the reaction, and as the internal organiser of all

    behaviour manifest at a particular moment is also rendered understandable. I can alsonote that Wundts three-dimensional model of a feeling essentially describes this

    evaluative character of the emotions as the organisms echo to its own reaction. This

    accounts for the unrepeatability and singularity of emotions in every particular case.

    2. The acts of cognition of empirical psychology also reveal their dual nature, since

    they take place consciously. Psychology clearly distinguishes two floors in them:

    acts of cognition and the consciousness of these acts.

    What is especially curious in this respect is the results of the extremely refined self-

    observation of the Wurzberg school, that pure psychology of psychologists. One of

    the conclusions from these studies establishes that an intellectual act itself isunobservable, that it eludes perception. Self-observation here exhausts itself. We are

    at the bottom of consciousness. The paradoxical conclusion that suggests itself here is

    the unconscious character of acts of thought. The elements of thought that we find in

    our consciousness are rather surrogates of thought than its actual essence: they are

    fragments, detritus, and scum of thought.

    O. Klpe noted that we have experienced that the I cannot be divided. We cannot

    completely surrender to our thoughts, immerse in them and observe these thoughts at

    the same time[30]. This means, therefore, that consciousness cannot focus on itself,

    that it is a secondary moment. One cannot think ones thoughts, i.e., grasp the very

    mechanism of consciousness, because this mechanism is not a reflex, i.e., it cannot be

    the object of experience, the irritant of a new reflex, and is only a transmitting

    mechanism between systems of reflexes. But as soon as a thought is completed, i.e.,

    as soon as a reflex is formed, it may be consciously observed: First one, and then the

    other, as O. Klpe says.

    In one of his articles Professor Krol comments on this point, that the new phenomena

    discovered by the Wurzburg studies of the higher processes of consciousness

    surprisingly resemble Pavlovs conditional reflexes [31]. The spontaneity of thought,

    the fact that it is found ready-made, the complex feelings of activity, of inquiry and

    search, etc., bear this out. The impossibility to observe the thought also speaks infavour of the mechanisms we have outlined here.

    3. Finally, the will most fully and patently of all reveals those essential characteristics

    of its consciousness. The fact that motor representations (i.e., secondary reactions

    from the movements of organs) are present beforehand in consciousness clarifies the

    point. Any movement must first be accomplished unconsciously. Then its kinesthesia

    (i.e. secondary reaction) becomes the basis of its conscious awareness[32]. Bairs

    experiments with ear movements illustrate this. Our conscious awareness of our will

    creates the illusion of two aspects: I thought, and then I did. Indeed, there are two

    reactions here, but they are in the opposite sequence: first comes the secondary

    reaction and then basic or primary one. Sometimes the process is more complicated;and the theory of a complex volitional act and its mechanism, complicated by

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    motives, i.e., the collision of several secondary reactions, also agrees completely with

    the thoughts propounded above.

    But what is most important is to clarify, in the light of these ideas, the development of

    consciousness from the moment of its birth, its origin in experience, its secondary

    nature, and, consequently, its psychological determinateness by the environment.Being determines consciousness; this law can, after some elaboration, for the first

    time receive a precise psychological meaning and reveal the actual mechanism of this

    determinateness.

    VI

    There is one group of easily distinguishable reflexes in humans that one could

    correctly call reversible reflexes. These are reflexes to irritants that in turn can be

    created by man. A word that is heard is the irritant, and a word that is pronounced is a

    reflex producing the same irritant. The reflex is reversible here, since an irritant can

    become a reaction, and vice versa. These reversible reflexes, which constitute the

    foundation for social behaviour, serve for collective co-ordination of behaviour. In the

    whole multitude of irritants one group clearly stands out for me, the group of social

    irritants coming from people. What distinguishes them is that I, myself, can reproduce

    the same irritants and that they become reversible for me very early, and hence

    determine my behaviour in a different way from all others. They make me comparable

    to another, and make my actions identical with one another. Indeed, in the broad

    sense, we can say that the source of social behaviour and consciousness lays in

    speech.

    It is extremely important here to establish, if only in passing, that if what we have saidis correct, it means that the mechanism of social behaviour and the mechanism of

    consciousness are the same. Speech, on the one hand, is a system of reflexes for

    social contact [33], and, on the other, a system, most eminently, of reflexes of

    consciousness, a system for reflecting other systems.

    Here, too, is the root of the question of another persons I, i.e., of how I can know

    the mind of another person. The mechanism for knowing oneself (self-awareness) is

    the same as the mechanism for knowing others. Usual theories of our knowledge of

    anothers mind either proclaim forthwith its unknowability [34] or, by means of a

    variety of hypotheses, endeavour to construct a plausible mechanism that essentially

    is the same in a theory of sensations or a theory of analogy: we know others becausewe know ourselves; in getting to know the anger of someone else, I am reproducing

    my own anger[35].

    Actually, it would be more correct to say just on the contrary. We are conscious of

    ourselves because we are conscious of others; and in an analogous manner, we are

    conscious of others because in our relationship to ourselves we are the same as others

    in their relationship to us. I am aware of myself only to the extent that I am as another

    for myself, i.e., only to the extent that I can perceive anew my own reflexes as new

    irritants. Between the fact that I can repeat aloud a word spoken silently to myself and

    the fact that I can repeat a word spoken by another there is no essential difference, nor

    is there any principal difference in their mechanisms: both are reversible reflexes irritants.

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    Therefore, a direct consequence of this hypothesis will be the sociologising of all

    consciousness, the recognition that the social moment of consciousness is primary in

    time and in fact. The individual aspect of consciousness is constructed as derived and

    secondary, based on the social and exactly according to its model. [36].

    A dual nature of consciousness comes from here: the idea of a double is the pictureof consciousness that is the closest to reality. This is very close to the division of the

    individual person into an Ego and an Id, which S. Freud analytically describes.

    In its relation to the Id, I is like a horseman who must keep rein on the

    outstanding strength of a horse, with the difference that the horseman tries to do this

    with his own forces, while I employs borrowed forces. This analogy may be

    extended. Just as a horseman who does not want to dismount from his horse must

    often perforce allow himself to be taken where the horse desires, so, too, the I

    ordinarily transforms the will of the Id into an action that appears to be its own

    will [37].

    The excellent confirmation of this thought of the identity between the mechanism ofconsciousness and the mechanism of social contact and the idea that consciousness is,

    as it were, social contact with oneself, is the process of development of an awareness

    of speech in the deaf-mutes and partly by the development of tactile responses in the

    blind. The speech of the deaf-mutes usually does not develop but remains frozen at

    the stage of a reflex cry not because the speech centres are damaged, but because,

    owing to the loss of hearing, the possibility of reversible speech reflexes is paralysed.

    Speech cannot return as an irritant to the speaker himself. Because of this it remains

    unconscious and asocial. The deaf-mutes are usually limited to a conventional

    language of gestures that links them to the narrow circle of social experience of other

    deaf-mutes and develops consciousness in them by virtue of the fact that these

    reflexes revert back to the mute himself through his eyes.

    The education of the deaf-mute from the psychological side entails restoring, or

    compensating for, the destroyed mechanism of reflex reversibility. The mutes learn to

    speak by reading articulatory movements of a speakers lips and learn to speak

    themselves by making use of the secondary kinaesthetic irritations occurring during

    speech motor reactions.[38].

    What is most remarkable in all this is that conscious awareness of speech and social

    experience emerge simultaneously and completely parallel with one another. It is in

    some sense a specially arranged experiment of nature that confirms the main thesis ofthis article. In a special work I hope to demonstrate this more clearly and fully. The

    deaf-mute learns to be conscious of himself and his movements to the extent that he

    learns to be conscious of others. The identity of the two mechanisms is amazingly

    clear and almost obvious.

    Now we can bring together the terms in our formula of human behaviour that we

    presented in one of the earlier sections. Historical and social experience are not in

    themselves different entities, psychologically speaking, since they cannot be separated

    in experience and are always given together. We can link them with a sign +. As I

    have tried to show, their mechanisms are exactly the same as the mechanism of

    consciousness, since consciousness must be regarded as a particular case of social

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    experience. Hence, both these parts may be readily designated to with the same index

    of doubled experience.

    VII

    In concluding this essay I think it is extremely important and essential to point out theagreement between the conclusions I have developed here and those of the brilliant

    analysis of consciousness made byWilliam James. Thoughts pursued in completely

    different fields and along completely different paths have led to the same view as that

    presented by James in his speculative analysis. I should like to see this as a partial

    confirmation of my ideas. Already in his Psychology James declared that the

    existence of states of consciousness, as such, is not a fully proven fact but rather a

    deeply entrenched prejudice. It was the data of his brilliant self-observation that

    persuaded him of this.

    Any time I attempt to impute to my thinking an activity as such, I invariably come

    up against a purely physical fact, some impression coming from the head, the brow,

    the throat and the nose he wrote.[39]. In his essay Does consciousness exist? he

    argues that the whole difference between consciousness and the world outside

    (between a reflex to a reflex and a reflex to an irritant) lies only in the context of

    phenomena. In the context of irritants, it is the outside world; in the context of my

    reflexes, it is consciousness. Consciousness is only a reflex of reflexes.

    Thus, consciousness does not occur as a specific category, as a specific mode of

    being. It proves to be a very complex structure of behaviour, in particular, the

    doubling of behaviour as it is presented relatively to labour in words taken as an

    epigraph. As for myself, I am convinced that the flow of thoughts? is only a facileterm for what on closer analysis turns out essentially to be a respiratory flow he

    said. The I think that, according to I. Kant, accompanies all my objects is nothing

    other than an I breathe that actually accompanies them? Thoughts? are made of the

    same matter as things [40].

    In the present essay a few thoughts of preliminary character were briefly and cursorily

    outlined. I think, however, that it is with them that the study of consciousness should

    begin. Our science is still a long way from the concluding formula of a geometric

    theorem, culminating the ultimate argument Q. E. D [what was to be proved]. We

    must still schedule what is to be proved, and only then set about proving it. We must

    first put forward the task and then solve it.[41]

    . I hope the present essay should serve asa statement of the task.

    Notes.

    1. Blonsky, P. P. (1921). Essays in scientific psychology. Gosudarstvennoe izdatelstvo;

    Chapter 1, p. 9.

    2. Academician Pavlov, I. P. (1923). Twenty years of experience in the objective study

    of higher nervous activity of animals. Moscow; Chapter 9 and others.

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    3. Ukhtomsky, A. A. (1923). The dominant as a working principle of nervous centres.

    Russkii Fiziologicheskii Zhurnal, 6.

    4. Bekhterev, V. M. (1923). General foundations of human reflexology. Chapter 3.

    5. Ibid., p.78. See also his Mind and Life.

    6. Ibid., Chapter 46.

    7. Ibid., Chapter 4.

    8. See the article by Ukhtomsky, A. A., Vinogradov, M. I., and Kaplan, I. I. (1923).

    Russkii Fiziologicheskii Zhurnal, 6.

    9. Sherrington, Ch. (1906). The integrative action of the nervous system. New York:

    Charlres Scribners Sons.

    10. Bekhterev, V. M. (1923). General foundations of human reflexology, Chapters 50

    and 51.

    11. Vagner, V. A. (1923). Biopsychology and allied sciences. Petrograd; Chapter 4.

    12. K. Marx. Das Kapital. Vol. 1; Part 3; Chapter 5.

    13. Pavlov, I. P. Twenty years of experience...

    14. Ibid., Chapter 25.

    15. Sherrington, Ch. (1912). The correlation of cerebrospinal reflexes and the

    principle of a common field. (Russian translation in Uspehi Biologii, Odessa; 1912.)

    16. Herings expression.

    17. Sherrington, Ch. The correlation of cerebrospinal reflexes...

    18. Sherrington, Ch. The correlation of cerebrospinal reflexes...

    19. Pavlov, I. P. Twenty years of experience in the objective study of higher nervousactivity in animals, Moscow.

    20. Sherrington, Ch. (1912). The correlation of cerebrospinal reflexes and the

    principle of a common field.

    21. Pavlov, I. P. Twenty years of experience..., Chapter 25.

    22. Dr. Zelenyi, D. T. (1923). On rhythmic muscular movements. Russkii

    Fiziologicheskii Zhurnal, 6. In a school of Pavlov the same term is also used to

    designate several other mechanisms for the combination of reflexes into a chain. Cf.

    D. S. Fursikov (1922). On chain conditional reflexes. Russkii FisiologicheskiiZhurnal, 4.

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    23. Lange, N. N. (1914). Psychologiya. Itogi nauki. Vol. 8. Mir Publishers.

    24. Sherrington, Ch. The correlation of cerebrospinal reflexes and the principle of a

    common field.

    25. Academician Pavlov, I. P. Twenty years of experience..., Chapter 23.

    26. Bekhterev, V. M. General foundations of human reflexology. Chapter 2.

    27. Sechenovs definition.

    28. Protopopov, V. (1923). The methods of the reflexological studies of man. Zhurnal

    Psikhologii, Nevrologii i Psikhiatrii, 3, p. 22.

    29. James, W. (1905). Psychology. St. Petersburg. Translated by Lopatin; Chapter 24.

    30. Klpe, O. (1922). Uber die Bedeutung der modernen Denkpsychologie. In O.

    Klpe, Vorlesungen ber Psychologie, Russian translation in Novie idei v filosofii, 16.

    31. Krol, M. B. (1922). Thinking and speech. In Trudi Belorusskogo

    gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 1.

    32. See the analysis of a volitional act in Munstenberg, H. (1909). Psychology of a

    teacher. Chapter 20 and Ebbingaus, G. (1902). Grundzge der Psychologie

    [Foundations of psychology.] Moscow; Vol. 1, 2, Chapter IV.

    33. Zalkind, A. (1924). Essays on the culture of the revolutionary time. Moscow;

    34. Vvedenskii, A. (1917). Psychology without metaphysics, p. 71 and Vvedenskii, A.

    (1892). On the limits and attributes of being animated.

    35. Lipps, Th. (1907). Das Wissen von fremden Ichen. See also Lapshin, I. I. (1910).

    The problem of other persons mind in modern philosophy.

    36. See Natorp, P. (1899). Sozialpdagogic, p. 95: There is no understanding of the

    self without the understanding of others as its basis. He goes on to say Even in

    isolation from others, when we silently think to ourselves, we constantly use words

    and, consequently, maintain at least the fiction of communication. Consciousness, inour view, is just this fiction of communication.

    37. Freud, S. (1923). The Ego and the Id. Moscow; Chapter 2, p. 25.

    38. W. Jerusalem (Laura Bridgman, V, pp. 54-55), analysing the process of thinking

    and consciousness in a deaf-mute and blind Laura Bridgman noted: Thus, for her,

    thinking was one of the sensory organs, at first, of course, because it provided

    information, but then also because she perceived the process of thinking sensuously.

    Laura herself considered that she had four sense organs (thinking and nose and mouth

    and fingers). (Lamson, p. 56). Here it is perfectly obvious that thinking is ranked with

    the work of analyzers.

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    39. Epilogue.

    40. James, W. (1913). Does consciousness exist? Russian translation in Novie idei v

    filosofii, Vol. 4.

    41. This article was already in print when I got acquainted with several works bybehaviourist psychologists concerning this problem. The problem of consciousness is

    formulated and solved by these authors very closely to the thoughts developed here,

    as a problem of the relation between reactions (See unverbalized behaviour in

    Watson, J. B. (1924). The unverbalised in human behaviour. Psychological review, 31,

    p. 273-280 and also Lashley, K. S. (1923). The behaviouristic interpretations of

    consciousness. Psychological review, 30, p. 237-272; 329-353).

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