Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
PROJECTS FOR :
KOLKATAt h e r e g e n e r a t i o n o f t h e h o o g h l y r i v e r f r o n t
edited by
Vasiliki Geropanta & Eleonora Lucantoni
PROJECTS FOR :
KOLKATAt h e r e g e n e r a t i o n o f t h e h o o g h l y r i v e r f r o n t
edited by
Vasiliki Geropanta & Eleonora Lucantoni
Series edited by
PROJECTS
FOR :
Publisher
«Projects For:» is a book series dedicated to architectural design in international contexts. Looking at our own way of practicing architecture through the lens of “difference” can help magnify its identity, pointing out its most relevant charac-ters and providing an appropriate ground for critical thinking. Creating designs – or reflecting on projects – conceived for “elsewhere” can, in our opinion, become a powerful tool to understand how to make architecture. The series wants to provide a space dedicated to this critical activity, where the pretext of a specific location around the globe can serve as the center of gravity for design-oriented considerations.
Federico De MatteisLuca Reale
Benno AlbrechtAlessandra CapuanoLuciano CardellicchioGiovanni Marco ChiriJinyoung Chun Josep-Maria Garcia-FuentesMassimiliano Giberti Mazen Haidar Keya Mitra Luca Montuori Orsina Simona Pierini Simona Salvo Minghao Zhou
Gina Olivawww.console-oliva.com
Aracne editrice int.le S.r.l. Via Quarto Negroni, 15www.aracneeditrice.it 00040 Ariccia (RM)[email protected] +390693781065
ISBN 978-88-548-8550-9
No part of this book can be reproduced without previous consent from the publisher.
This book has been co-financed by the Department of Architecture and Design, Sapienza University of Rome
First edition: June 2015
Graphic design
Editorial board
Sapienza Università di Roma, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, Italy
Università Iuav di Venezia, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, ItalyUniversity of Kent, United KingdomUniversità di Cagliari, ItalyMyongji University, Republic of KoreaUniversity of Newcastle, United KingdomUniversità di Genova, ItalyAcadémie Libanaise des Beaux-Arts, LebanonIIEST, Shibpur, IndiaUniversità Roma Tre, ItalyPolitecnico di Milano, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, ItalyTongji University, Shanghai, P.R. China
5
PROJECTS
FOR :
KOLKATA
THE REGENERATION OF THE HOOGHLY RIVERFRONT
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
THE CALCUTTA CHRONICLESKeya Mitra
THE KOLKATA WATERFRONT Federico De Matteis
THE WORKSHOP
MAGIC AND LOSSLuca Reale
KOLKATA’S ORGANIC URBAN LIFEVasiliki Geropanta
GHAT AND DAILY LIFEEleonora Lucantoni
HIGHLIGHTS FROM INDIA
TRAVEL NOTES Alfonso Giancotti
BIBLIOGRAPHY
edited by
Vasiliki Geropanta
Eleonora Lucantoni
7
11
13
37
53
61
69
79
99
5
Series edited by
PROJECTS
FOR :
Publisher
«Projects For:» is a book series dedicated to architectural design in international contexts. Looking at our own way of practicing architecture through the lens of “difference” can help magnify its identity, pointing out its most relevant charac-ters and providing an appropriate ground for critical thinking. Creating designs – or reflecting on projects – conceived for “elsewhere” can, in our opinion, become a powerful tool to understand how to make architecture. The series wants to provide a space dedicated to this critical activity, where the pretext of a specific location around the globe can serve as the center of gravity for design-oriented considerations.
Federico De MatteisLuca Reale
Benno AlbrechtAlessandra CapuanoLuciano CardellicchioGiovanni Marco ChiriJinyoung Chun Josep-Maria Garcia-FuentesMassimiliano Giberti Mazen Haidar Keya Mitra Luca Montuori Orsina Simona Pierini Simona Salvo Minghao Zhou
Gina Olivawww.console-oliva.com
Aracne editrice int.le S.r.l. Via Quarto Negroni, 15www.aracneeditrice.it 00040 Ariccia (RM)[email protected] +390693781065
ISBN 978-88-548-8550-9
No part of this book can be reproduced without previous consent from the publisher.
This book has been co-financed by the Department of Architecture and Design, Sapienza University of Rome
First edition: June 2015
Graphic design
Editorial board
Sapienza Università di Roma, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, Italy
Università Iuav di Venezia, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, ItalyUniversity of Kent, United KingdomUniversità di Cagliari, ItalyMyongji University, Republic of KoreaUniversity of Newcastle, United KingdomUniversità di Genova, ItalyAcadémie Libanaise des Beaux-Arts, LebanonIIEST, Shibpur, IndiaUniversità Roma Tre, ItalyPolitecnico di Milano, ItalySapienza Università di Roma, ItalyTongji University, Shanghai, P.R. China
5
PROJECTS
FOR :
KOLKATA
THE REGENERATION OF THE HOOGHLY RIVERFRONT
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
THE CALCUTTA CHRONICLESKeya Mitra
THE KOLKATA WATERFRONT Federico De Matteis
THE WORKSHOP
MAGIC AND LOSSLuca Reale
KOLKATA’S ORGANIC URBAN LIFEVasiliki Geropanta
GHAT AND DAILY LIFEEleonora Lucantoni
HIGHLIGHTS FROM INDIA
TRAVEL NOTES Alfonso Giancotti
BIBLIOGRAPHY
edited by
Vasiliki Geropanta
Eleonora Lucantoni
7
11
13
37
53
61
69
79
99
5
1
7
INTRODUCTION
This first book in the “Projects For:” series explores the concepts and tech-niques used to represent key urban conditions in Kolkata, India. It consists of materials and reflections built upon considerations that stemmed from the design workshop “Kolkata Waterfront Regeneration”, organized jointly by the Department of Architecture, Town & Regional Planning at the Indian Institute of Engineering Science & Technology, Shibpur and the Department of Architecture and Design of Sapienza University of Rome.
The selection of the correct urban tools and the researchers’ own encounter with the “new stimulus” that a place offers, are some of the main challeng-es of urbanism, when drifting towards India’s intriguing world. We visited places outside of our reach, where books, pictures and maps are not enough to introduce architects to the reality of the country’s territory. In fact, to conduct meaningful urban experiments for these areas from afar could have led to a complete misunderstanding of the given conditions and expressions of daily life.
That was the reason that, when the exploration began in January 2015, the students lamented, «We must almost forget the rules of European urban re-generation projects, since, most probably, they simply won’t work here». This sentiment stemmed from a common feeling of lack of confidence in know-ing how to adjust the group’s knowledge and ideas of what is an appropriate “urban form”, in line with the current reality of Indian culture and traditions.
These are impressions that could put any European architect under pressure, posing the problem of a profound renovation of tools and methods, in order to manage processes of modernization that the previous – predominantly western – debate faced but in a diverse context. On the one hand, urbanism in an Indian context means working with the exploration of diverse ethnic and religious histories that have shaped the region from the period of west-ern colonization to the postcolonial engagement of this nation with moder- Fig. 1: Ratan Lal Babu Ghat
1
7
INTRODUCTION
This first book in the “Projects For:” series explores the concepts and tech-niques used to represent key urban conditions in Kolkata, India. It consists of materials and reflections built upon considerations that stemmed from the design workshop “Kolkata Waterfront Regeneration”, organized jointly by the Department of Architecture, Town & Regional Planning at the Indian Institute of Engineering Science & Technology, Shibpur and the Department of Architecture and Design of Sapienza University of Rome.
The selection of the correct urban tools and the researchers’ own encounter with the “new stimulus” that a place offers, are some of the main challeng-es of urbanism, when drifting towards India’s intriguing world. We visited places outside of our reach, where books, pictures and maps are not enough to introduce architects to the reality of the country’s territory. In fact, to conduct meaningful urban experiments for these areas from afar could have led to a complete misunderstanding of the given conditions and expressions of daily life.
That was the reason that, when the exploration began in January 2015, the students lamented, «We must almost forget the rules of European urban re-generation projects, since, most probably, they simply won’t work here». This sentiment stemmed from a common feeling of lack of confidence in know-ing how to adjust the group’s knowledge and ideas of what is an appropriate “urban form”, in line with the current reality of Indian culture and traditions.
These are impressions that could put any European architect under pressure, posing the problem of a profound renovation of tools and methods, in order to manage processes of modernization that the previous – predominantly western – debate faced but in a diverse context. On the one hand, urbanism in an Indian context means working with the exploration of diverse ethnic and religious histories that have shaped the region from the period of west-ern colonization to the postcolonial engagement of this nation with moder- Fig. 1: Ratan Lal Babu Ghat
8
nity. In addition, there is the need to perceive deeply the socio-economic status and the informal outlook that shapes these places, however respecting the local building tradition, which has been forged by many different influ-ences, such as Moghul or Colonial architecture. On the other hand, European modernization came out as an answer to industrialization, urbanization and the emergency of post-war reconstruction. The Modern Movement tried to critically control and predict the future of cities, generating an amount of tools and strategies that would become strong urban traditions. It is the story of western growth that has unfolded through phases that succeeded one an-other, starting from the visions of the Modern Movement, leaving time for planning and action, but working in the strict European social frame.
However, both these stories of growth, when mixed as a background in teamwork, state a fundamental starting point: there can be no reflection on a new urban order without a consolidated respect in the understanding of the “new based on the old”. The fact that modernization in Europe is common-ly understood in strict relation to the combined effects of industrialization and urbanization and the strategies and traditions that stemmed out of these three concepts, is the same conceptual line which has driven development in Asia. The way to start building reasoning on how to change or to intervene on the existing is a way of thinking that requires change from one context to the other. The recent focus of European architects on conservation, and the protection of heritage, is something that can be transferred elsewhere also only by means of cultural exchange, and would also require a platform of work where it could be highlighted as a value.
With these thoughts in mind, the faculty members from the two schools decided that an international workshop offered an ideal opportunity to over-pass these obstacles and reach specific subjects with a broad range of cultural backgrounds. The “workshop” became event an ideal setting for applying a layer of short reflections on top of the conventional information sharing, and a way of getting acquainted with the appropriate techniques.
The students’ survey in Kolkata started with the argument that every urban area should have every opportunity to ameliorate, and to reach its highest potential. This is exactly what the workshop titled “Kolkata Waterfront Re-generation” has aimed to achieve. Determined to raise working and living standards, five groups composed by both Italian and Indian students, have made a significant effort in the area by virtually rebuilding the urban tissue from the ground up, through planning, discussing and envisioning the future
9
of the river. Students and tutors have invested their time, determination and reasoning to turn the Hooghly’s Regeneration Project into a vision for the future. Fifteen kilometres along the riverside of Kolkata, divided in five seg-ments, each of which became the area of work for one of the five groups. As such, the project has challenged traditional ideas and European practices: the five groups committed to deliver high-quality projects, something that was built on strong community and inter-students relationships. The journey so far is a reflection on the lessons, challenges and achievements of these groups. The result of this work is a fantastic example of what foreign and local students of architecture can achieve by working together to re-imagine the future of India’s local communities.
This book therefore seeks to present exactly the outcome of such an experi-ence. It combines impressions, ideas, feelings, and arguments that were built up during the workshop in Kolkata, but were made stronger through all of the Indian experience. It has a relatively simple structure. It starts with an introductory part to the lessons and experiences made in the trip to India, focusing gradually on Kolkata. A series of essays follow, each one of them supporting different intervention segments of the riverside, and highlighting an amount of ideas produced during the workshop. At the end, the book of-fers an appendix, as a highlight of this journey, acting as a supplementary way of transmitting these “images”.
8
nity. In addition, there is the need to perceive deeply the socio-economic status and the informal outlook that shapes these places, however respecting the local building tradition, which has been forged by many different influ-ences, such as Moghul or Colonial architecture. On the other hand, European modernization came out as an answer to industrialization, urbanization and the emergency of post-war reconstruction. The Modern Movement tried to critically control and predict the future of cities, generating an amount of tools and strategies that would become strong urban traditions. It is the story of western growth that has unfolded through phases that succeeded one an-other, starting from the visions of the Modern Movement, leaving time for planning and action, but working in the strict European social frame.
However, both these stories of growth, when mixed as a background in teamwork, state a fundamental starting point: there can be no reflection on a new urban order without a consolidated respect in the understanding of the “new based on the old”. The fact that modernization in Europe is common-ly understood in strict relation to the combined effects of industrialization and urbanization and the strategies and traditions that stemmed out of these three concepts, is the same conceptual line which has driven development in Asia. The way to start building reasoning on how to change or to intervene on the existing is a way of thinking that requires change from one context to the other. The recent focus of European architects on conservation, and the protection of heritage, is something that can be transferred elsewhere also only by means of cultural exchange, and would also require a platform of work where it could be highlighted as a value.
With these thoughts in mind, the faculty members from the two schools decided that an international workshop offered an ideal opportunity to over-pass these obstacles and reach specific subjects with a broad range of cultural backgrounds. The “workshop” became event an ideal setting for applying a layer of short reflections on top of the conventional information sharing, and a way of getting acquainted with the appropriate techniques.
The students’ survey in Kolkata started with the argument that every urban area should have every opportunity to ameliorate, and to reach its highest potential. This is exactly what the workshop titled “Kolkata Waterfront Re-generation” has aimed to achieve. Determined to raise working and living standards, five groups composed by both Italian and Indian students, have made a significant effort in the area by virtually rebuilding the urban tissue from the ground up, through planning, discussing and envisioning the future
9
of the river. Students and tutors have invested their time, determination and reasoning to turn the Hooghly’s Regeneration Project into a vision for the future. Fifteen kilometres along the riverside of Kolkata, divided in five seg-ments, each of which became the area of work for one of the five groups. As such, the project has challenged traditional ideas and European practices: the five groups committed to deliver high-quality projects, something that was built on strong community and inter-students relationships. The journey so far is a reflection on the lessons, challenges and achievements of these groups. The result of this work is a fantastic example of what foreign and local students of architecture can achieve by working together to re-imagine the future of India’s local communities.
This book therefore seeks to present exactly the outcome of such an experi-ence. It combines impressions, ideas, feelings, and arguments that were built up during the workshop in Kolkata, but were made stronger through all of the Indian experience. It has a relatively simple structure. It starts with an introductory part to the lessons and experiences made in the trip to India, focusing gradually on Kolkata. A series of essays follow, each one of them supporting different intervention segments of the riverside, and highlighting an amount of ideas produced during the workshop. At the end, the book of-fers an appendix, as a highlight of this journey, acting as a supplementary way of transmitting these “images”.
2
11
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book could never have been realized without the contribution of several people. The editors would like to express their gratitude firstly to Prof. Fed-erico De Matteis, who has provided them with enormous support over the years and, without whom such a trip would still be an elusive dream. Special merit should also be given to Prof. Keya Mitra, who along with her colleagues and staff in India, prepared a great place to work and helped us integrate in the best possible way into Indian culture and education. Our deep gratitude goes also to the Professors Alfonso Giancotti, Luca Reale, Rosario Gigli, Benedetto Todaro, and to architect Claudia Cenciarini, all of whom offered us their limitless guidance and supported us from the very beginning of the trip to India up to the publication of this book. The insight, inspiration, insistence in learning, the encouragement and patience of the entire above-mentioned group formed our trip and affected deeply our understanding of Indian Architecture. This work is part of the activities of the Laboratory for Design in Extra-European Countries (Lapex), and has been co-funded by the Department of Architecture and Design of Sapienza University.Finally, yet importantly, this book owes much to the surveys, discussions, and conclusions of research and work carried out during the trip period, which is the result of the contribution of colleagues and students of architecture involved in the process: - Debanjan Kayal, Shamik Sambit Chatterjee, Swattik Sarkar, Shresthan-
kar Das Sarkar, Shagufta Pal, Andrea De Sanctis, Martina Tomassini - Ananyabrata Ghosh, Biswanath Mudi, Sidhant Choudhary, Sandeep Ma-
jumder, Sayan Chatterjee, Cristian Sammarco, Sonia Tramontano- Sayandeep Sen, Shubhradeep Ghosh, Poulami Das, Som Sunder Roy,
Eeshan Bhaduri, Serena Marcoccia, Iris Jaupi- Priyanka Sarkar, Suman Chowdhury, Ishita Ghosh, Ishita Mondal, Laura
Terrone, Michela Ugolini - Ankita Gupta, Priyadarshini Baksi, Ushasi Kar, Piyali Debnath, Giulia
Chen, Giulia Guglielmi Maes Fig. 2: The workshop group
2
11
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book could never have been realized without the contribution of several people. The editors would like to express their gratitude firstly to Prof. Fed-erico De Matteis, who has provided them with enormous support over the years and, without whom such a trip would still be an elusive dream. Special merit should also be given to Prof. Keya Mitra, who along with her colleagues and staff in India, prepared a great place to work and helped us integrate in the best possible way into Indian culture and education. Our deep gratitude goes also to the Professors Alfonso Giancotti, Luca Reale, Rosario Gigli, Benedetto Todaro, and to architect Claudia Cenciarini, all of whom offered us their limitless guidance and supported us from the very beginning of the trip to India up to the publication of this book. The insight, inspiration, insistence in learning, the encouragement and patience of the entire above-mentioned group formed our trip and affected deeply our understanding of Indian Architecture. This work is part of the activities of the Laboratory for Design in Extra-European Countries (Lapex), and has been co-funded by the Department of Architecture and Design of Sapienza University.Finally, yet importantly, this book owes much to the surveys, discussions, and conclusions of research and work carried out during the trip period, which is the result of the contribution of colleagues and students of architecture involved in the process: - Debanjan Kayal, Shamik Sambit Chatterjee, Swattik Sarkar, Shresthan-
kar Das Sarkar, Shagufta Pal, Andrea De Sanctis, Martina Tomassini - Ananyabrata Ghosh, Biswanath Mudi, Sidhant Choudhary, Sandeep Ma-
jumder, Sayan Chatterjee, Cristian Sammarco, Sonia Tramontano- Sayandeep Sen, Shubhradeep Ghosh, Poulami Das, Som Sunder Roy,
Eeshan Bhaduri, Serena Marcoccia, Iris Jaupi- Priyanka Sarkar, Suman Chowdhury, Ishita Ghosh, Ishita Mondal, Laura
Terrone, Michela Ugolini - Ankita Gupta, Priyadarshini Baksi, Ushasi Kar, Piyali Debnath, Giulia
Chen, Giulia Guglielmi Maes Fig. 2: The workshop group
1
13
THE CALCUTTA CHRONICLESFrom Calcutta to Kolkata
Keya Mitra
Kolkata, formerly known as Calcutta, the capital of the state of West Bengal in Eastern India, grew out of a cluster of three villages – Sutanuti, Gobin-dopur and Kalikata – on the banks of the River Hooghly, a tributary of the River Ganges. Armenian traders had settled in the region before the Mu-ghal conquest of Bengal by Emperor Akbar in the latter part of the 16th century. The River Hooghly provided opportunities for maritime trade with Portuguese traders, attracting the Bengali weaving and trading communities who settled in the villages of Sutanuti and Kalikata in the 16th century (Roy, 2005). In the 17th century, many land owning Bengali families cleared the forests and made the Gobindopur area habitable for settling. In 1687 Job Charnock of the British East India Company negotiated successfully with the then Mughal Governor of Bengal, for the British to settle in Sutanuti. On August 24, 1690, he ordered a set of constructions, marking the for-mal founding of British Calcutta (Goode, 1916). From these rather modest beginnings, the city of Kolkata has grown to its present municipal spread defined by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) that covers around 187 square kilometers, divided into 141 wards and home to more than 4.5 million people (Census, 2001). The KMC is a part of the Kolkata Metropoli-tan Area (KMA), covering 1785 sq kms and supporting a population of 13 million people, and including 40 municipalities and 3 Municipal Corporations (KMC, Howrah Municipal Corporation, and Chandannagore Municipal Cor-poration).
Early growth of the cityIn 1698, the Zemindari (1) rights over Sutanuti, and the adjoining villages of Kalikata and Gobindopur were transferred to the East India Company giv-ing it taxation and administrative rights over the region. The Company split up the territory under its control into four administrative divisions—Dihi Kalikata, Sutanuti, Gobindopur and Barrabazaar (at the centre of Sutanuti). By 1707, about 16.55% of the 5077 bighas (8.22 sq kms) granted to the Com-pany was built up, amounting to roughly 840 bighas (1.36 sq kms) (Table 1).
Fig. 1: Map of the city of Calcutta.Source: Kumar Kundu, A., Nag, P., Atlas of the city of Calcutta and its environs, National Atlas & Thematic Mapping Organization, Cal-cutta, 1996
1
13
THE CALCUTTA CHRONICLESFrom Calcutta to Kolkata
Keya Mitra
Kolkata, formerly known as Calcutta, the capital of the state of West Bengal in Eastern India, grew out of a cluster of three villages – Sutanuti, Gobin-dopur and Kalikata – on the banks of the River Hooghly, a tributary of the River Ganges. Armenian traders had settled in the region before the Mu-ghal conquest of Bengal by Emperor Akbar in the latter part of the 16th century. The River Hooghly provided opportunities for maritime trade with Portuguese traders, attracting the Bengali weaving and trading communities who settled in the villages of Sutanuti and Kalikata in the 16th century (Roy, 2005). In the 17th century, many land owning Bengali families cleared the forests and made the Gobindopur area habitable for settling. In 1687 Job Charnock of the British East India Company negotiated successfully with the then Mughal Governor of Bengal, for the British to settle in Sutanuti. On August 24, 1690, he ordered a set of constructions, marking the for-mal founding of British Calcutta (Goode, 1916). From these rather modest beginnings, the city of Kolkata has grown to its present municipal spread defined by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) that covers around 187 square kilometers, divided into 141 wards and home to more than 4.5 million people (Census, 2001). The KMC is a part of the Kolkata Metropoli-tan Area (KMA), covering 1785 sq kms and supporting a population of 13 million people, and including 40 municipalities and 3 Municipal Corporations (KMC, Howrah Municipal Corporation, and Chandannagore Municipal Cor-poration).
Early growth of the cityIn 1698, the Zemindari (1) rights over Sutanuti, and the adjoining villages of Kalikata and Gobindopur were transferred to the East India Company giv-ing it taxation and administrative rights over the region. The Company split up the territory under its control into four administrative divisions—Dihi Kalikata, Sutanuti, Gobindopur and Barrabazaar (at the centre of Sutanuti). By 1707, about 16.55% of the 5077 bighas (8.22 sq kms) granted to the Com-pany was built up, amounting to roughly 840 bighas (1.36 sq kms) (Table 1).
Fig. 1: Map of the city of Calcutta.Source: Kumar Kundu, A., Nag, P., Atlas of the city of Calcutta and its environs, National Atlas & Thematic Mapping Organization, Cal-cutta, 1996
14
The first fort of Calcutta, (Old) Fort William was completed in 1702.
Name Location Characteristics Area Built up areas
Dihi Calcutta Central British Com-
mercial with
Company’s
offices and old
Fort
1718
Bighas
(2.78 sqkms)
248 out of 1718
(14.44%)
(0.40 sq kms)
Sutanuti North Residential 1693
Bighas
(2.74 sq kms)
134 out of 1693
(7.91%)
(0.22 sq kms)
Gobindopur South New Fort Wil-
liam
Maidan (green
open space)
1178
Bighas
(1.91 sq kms)
57 out of 1178
(4.84%)
(0.09 sq kms)
Barabazaar West-Central “Native” Com-
mercial
488
Bighas
(0.79 sq kms)
400 out of 488
(81.50%)
(0.65 sq kms)
In January 1717, the Company acquired the Zemindari rights of 38 villages around the original settlement, and slowly amalgamated these into the settle-ment. There was a plan to put in place a moat surrounding the Fort William and settlement of Calcutta, and though the moat or Maratha Ditch, as it was called, was started in 1742, about 4.8 kms from the Fort, it was never completed. There was an influx of people from the west bank of the River Hooghly to the east and this led to widespread clearing of jungles and estab-lishment of habitation surrounding the areas already settled by the British.
From 1742 to 1757 the Company steadily occupied more and more indi-vidual Zemindaris in the areas within the Mahratta Ditch but outside the core “town” area contained within Sutanuti, Kalkhata, Gobindopur (Hunter, 1875). But till 1757 there were several independent Zemindars within the settlement boundaries but that were outside the jurisdiction of the Com-pany or the authorities at Fort William (Sterndale, 1885 quoted by Goode, 1916). During the eighteenth century a White Town exclusively for the Brit-ish people developed in and around the old Fort William. However following the sacking of Kolkata by Siraj-Ud-Daula in 1756 (June) and its subsequent recapture by Colonel Robert Clive on 2nd January, 1757, construction of a new Fort William began on the site of the village of Gobindapur. Following British victory in Plassey in 1757 the new Nawab of Bengal, who owed al-
Table 1: Break up of Cal-cutta’s earliest administrative districts, 1707Source: Compiled from Goode, 1916, Nair, 1989
15
legiance to the British, granted the Company an additional 600 yards outside the Mahratta Ditch (Cotton, 1909). In addition to this, in 1759, Robert Clive received from the new Nawab (2) the district of 24 Parganas as his person-al holdings (jagir) (3) and the same became vested with the Company upon Clive’s death in 1774. The Company thus came to own roughly 1460 sq kms in the 24 Parganas after 1774. They amalgamated parts of these lands to their holdings of Calcutta which now measured approximately 8.17 sq kms. The lands amalgamated into Calcutta from the 24 Parganas lay outside the Mah-ratta Ditch. This tract of land was called “Panchannagram” and was referred to as “suburbs” as distinct from Calcutta town.
Official Marking of City Boundaries(a) City ProperCalcutta’s first formal municipal and legal boundaries were formulated in 1794 through the Proclamation of 1794 and incorporated in the Act of 1840 (Nair, 1989). The town of Calcutta was comprised of 18 wards (First Sched-ule to Act, 1876) covering an area of 15.2 sq kms acres representing a growth of 120% from 1707 when the Zemindari rights of Sutanuti, Gobindopur and Kalikata were obtained by the British.
(b) SuburbsThe suburbs of Calcutta were first defined through legislation (1857, 1870, 1877). The Municipality of the Suburbs included several villages from the North 24 Parganas (4) but excluded certain mauzas from the Panchannagram list. In 1889, the city of Calcutta was divided into two distinct Municipalities: town and suburbs.
(c) Amalgamation ExercisesIn 1889, there were extensive changes in the boundaries of both the town and the suburbs. The Suburban Municipality was split to form four new mu-nicipalities: (1) North Suburban Municipality of Cossipore-Chitpore, (2) East Suburban Municipality of Manicktollah, (3) Suburban Municipality of Gar-den Reach and (4) South Suburban Municipality of Tollygunge (O’ Malley, 1914) by adding some parts of 24 Parganas. Those mauzas (5) of Panchan-nagram that were included in the original Suburban Municipality of 1876 but were not included in any of the four new Suburban Municipalities that were now formed were added to the town. At the end of these changes, the town was divided into 25 wards with a total area of 48.38 sq kms. In 1899, the ter-ritories of Calcutta were divided into 25 Town Area Wards and 3 Fringe Area Wards (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1899). In 1923, the boundaries of Calcutta
14
The first fort of Calcutta, (Old) Fort William was completed in 1702.
Name Location Characteristics Area Built up areas
Dihi Calcutta Central British Com-
mercial with
Company’s
offices and old
Fort
1718
Bighas
(2.78 sqkms)
248 out of 1718
(14.44%)
(0.40 sq kms)
Sutanuti North Residential 1693
Bighas
(2.74 sq kms)
134 out of 1693
(7.91%)
(0.22 sq kms)
Gobindopur South New Fort Wil-
liam
Maidan (green
open space)
1178
Bighas
(1.91 sq kms)
57 out of 1178
(4.84%)
(0.09 sq kms)
Barabazaar West-Central “Native” Com-
mercial
488
Bighas
(0.79 sq kms)
400 out of 488
(81.50%)
(0.65 sq kms)
In January 1717, the Company acquired the Zemindari rights of 38 villages around the original settlement, and slowly amalgamated these into the settle-ment. There was a plan to put in place a moat surrounding the Fort William and settlement of Calcutta, and though the moat or Maratha Ditch, as it was called, was started in 1742, about 4.8 kms from the Fort, it was never completed. There was an influx of people from the west bank of the River Hooghly to the east and this led to widespread clearing of jungles and estab-lishment of habitation surrounding the areas already settled by the British.
From 1742 to 1757 the Company steadily occupied more and more indi-vidual Zemindaris in the areas within the Mahratta Ditch but outside the core “town” area contained within Sutanuti, Kalkhata, Gobindopur (Hunter, 1875). But till 1757 there were several independent Zemindars within the settlement boundaries but that were outside the jurisdiction of the Com-pany or the authorities at Fort William (Sterndale, 1885 quoted by Goode, 1916). During the eighteenth century a White Town exclusively for the Brit-ish people developed in and around the old Fort William. However following the sacking of Kolkata by Siraj-Ud-Daula in 1756 (June) and its subsequent recapture by Colonel Robert Clive on 2nd January, 1757, construction of a new Fort William began on the site of the village of Gobindapur. Following British victory in Plassey in 1757 the new Nawab of Bengal, who owed al-
Table 1: Break up of Cal-cutta’s earliest administrative districts, 1707Source: Compiled from Goode, 1916, Nair, 1989
15
legiance to the British, granted the Company an additional 600 yards outside the Mahratta Ditch (Cotton, 1909). In addition to this, in 1759, Robert Clive received from the new Nawab (2) the district of 24 Parganas as his person-al holdings (jagir) (3) and the same became vested with the Company upon Clive’s death in 1774. The Company thus came to own roughly 1460 sq kms in the 24 Parganas after 1774. They amalgamated parts of these lands to their holdings of Calcutta which now measured approximately 8.17 sq kms. The lands amalgamated into Calcutta from the 24 Parganas lay outside the Mah-ratta Ditch. This tract of land was called “Panchannagram” and was referred to as “suburbs” as distinct from Calcutta town.
Official Marking of City Boundaries(a) City ProperCalcutta’s first formal municipal and legal boundaries were formulated in 1794 through the Proclamation of 1794 and incorporated in the Act of 1840 (Nair, 1989). The town of Calcutta was comprised of 18 wards (First Sched-ule to Act, 1876) covering an area of 15.2 sq kms acres representing a growth of 120% from 1707 when the Zemindari rights of Sutanuti, Gobindopur and Kalikata were obtained by the British.
(b) SuburbsThe suburbs of Calcutta were first defined through legislation (1857, 1870, 1877). The Municipality of the Suburbs included several villages from the North 24 Parganas (4) but excluded certain mauzas from the Panchannagram list. In 1889, the city of Calcutta was divided into two distinct Municipalities: town and suburbs.
(c) Amalgamation ExercisesIn 1889, there were extensive changes in the boundaries of both the town and the suburbs. The Suburban Municipality was split to form four new mu-nicipalities: (1) North Suburban Municipality of Cossipore-Chitpore, (2) East Suburban Municipality of Manicktollah, (3) Suburban Municipality of Gar-den Reach and (4) South Suburban Municipality of Tollygunge (O’ Malley, 1914) by adding some parts of 24 Parganas. Those mauzas (5) of Panchan-nagram that were included in the original Suburban Municipality of 1876 but were not included in any of the four new Suburban Municipalities that were now formed were added to the town. At the end of these changes, the town was divided into 25 wards with a total area of 48.38 sq kms. In 1899, the ter-ritories of Calcutta were divided into 25 Town Area Wards and 3 Fringe Area Wards (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1899). In 1923, the boundaries of Calcutta
16
were further redefined (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1923) with the amalgamation into the Corporation the municipalities of Cossipore-Chitpore, Manicktol-lah and Garden Reach. The Corporation now had 32 Wards, up from the 25 wards of 1889. The area of the Corporation in 1924 was 81.35 sq kms. Garden Reach was again separated from the Corporation in 1935 (Corpora-tion Year Book, 1978).
In 1947, after Independence, the areas falling within the jurisdiction of the Corporation were divided into 75 wards (Schedule V, CMC Act, 1951). In 1953, Tollygunge Municipality was amalgamated with the area of the Corpo-ration and the area of the Corporation now grew to 95.62 sq kms divided into 80 wards. In 1980, the number of wards was increased to 100 (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1980). In 1983, the municipalities of Jadavpur, South Subur-ban and Garden Reach were amalgamated with the Calcutta Corporation (CMC—Amendment—Act, 1983) and the new, enlarged Calcutta Municipal Corporation came into existence on January 4, 1984 comprising 141 wards. No further additions or alterations have taken place and Municipal Kolkata as bound by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation, stands today at around 187 square kilometers, divided into 141 wards grouped into 15 boroughs and home to more than 4.6 million people (Census, 2001).
History of Construction
Developments in the Eighteenth CenturyPermanent structures in Kolkata started being erected from the early years of the 18th century. These were described as “puckah” (6) buildings to denote the construction material which was a composition of brick-dust, lime, mo-lasses and cut hemp (Evenson, 1989). The first fort of Calcutta, named (Old) Fort William had a plan form of an irregular tetragon and was completed in 1702. It initially contained the Governor’s residence as well as workshops, warehouses and dwellings for the employees of the Company. The first buildings of Calcutta were those within the Old Fort William complex. The settlement grew outside the walls of the Fort, and was “built without order” (Cotton, 1909). Adjacent to the Old Fort William was a rectangular open space called Tank Square as it contained a large reservoir. This area marked the commercial and administrative centre of Calcutta. The insecurity of the Old Fort William and the European town around it was exposed in 1756 when Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula attacked Calcutta and the fort was besieged. A need was felt for a new and more secure fort and the work of the new fort (New Fort William) began at the end of 1757 and completed around 1773.
17
The rebuilding of Calcutta city began in 1757. The site of the new Fort William was Gobindopur and the old residents of the place were ordered to evacuate their homes and to resettle in the lands given in exchange, located in Barrabazar (Sutanuti). With a view to obtain a free view of the firing space around the fort, the jungles and marshy lands of the intervening space from Govindapur to Chowringhee were cleared and developed. The “Maidan” (7) or open green area in the centre of the city in front of the new Fort William, thus came into being.
Upon the completion of the New Fort William, the British in Calcutta en-gaged in widespread building activities. In the “White Town”, occupied by the British, the road layout and drainage was well planned and many impos-ing buildings were constructed, earning Calcutta the name “City of Palaces”. Though many of these imposing structures were copies of existing Euro-pean buildings, the oldest monument of Calcutta, the Mausoleum of Job Charnock was non-European in character and was an octagonal Saracenic pavilion with a double dome on top resembling Moorish architecture of the 17th century. When Warren Hastings became the Governor General of Ben-gal, the position of the Company and the British was further consolidated. The European or the White town began to spread southwards along Chow-ringhee. Palatial garden houses sprang up in the suburbs of Garden Reach, Khidirpur and Alipur in the South and Dum Dum in the north. A number of imposing buildings were added to the cityscape between 1773 and 1787. These included the New Fort William (1773), the three storeyed Writers’ Buildings (1780), the Calcutta Madrassa (1780) and St. John’s Church (1787) (Davies, 1985, Evenson, 1989, Losty, 1990).
The Sutanuti area quickly transformed into the “Native Town” with a mixed typology of buildings, ranging from palatial buildings of Indian merchants and landlords, to smaller houses for the common people. The palatial houses of the affluent often acted as a node for the development of neighbour-hoods or “paras” around these. Urban growth varied markedly across the White Town and Native Town. While the “White” town was characterized by planning and order, the “Native” town was quote organic in structure with-out a clear hierarchy of roads or any kind of regular geometry. In between the White Town and the Native Town, other European as well as foreign communities had started settling down and that particular area was often called as “Grey Town”.
16
were further redefined (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1923) with the amalgamation into the Corporation the municipalities of Cossipore-Chitpore, Manicktol-lah and Garden Reach. The Corporation now had 32 Wards, up from the 25 wards of 1889. The area of the Corporation in 1924 was 81.35 sq kms. Garden Reach was again separated from the Corporation in 1935 (Corpora-tion Year Book, 1978).
In 1947, after Independence, the areas falling within the jurisdiction of the Corporation were divided into 75 wards (Schedule V, CMC Act, 1951). In 1953, Tollygunge Municipality was amalgamated with the area of the Corpo-ration and the area of the Corporation now grew to 95.62 sq kms divided into 80 wards. In 1980, the number of wards was increased to 100 (Schedule I, CMC Act, 1980). In 1983, the municipalities of Jadavpur, South Subur-ban and Garden Reach were amalgamated with the Calcutta Corporation (CMC—Amendment—Act, 1983) and the new, enlarged Calcutta Municipal Corporation came into existence on January 4, 1984 comprising 141 wards. No further additions or alterations have taken place and Municipal Kolkata as bound by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation, stands today at around 187 square kilometers, divided into 141 wards grouped into 15 boroughs and home to more than 4.6 million people (Census, 2001).
History of Construction
Developments in the Eighteenth CenturyPermanent structures in Kolkata started being erected from the early years of the 18th century. These were described as “puckah” (6) buildings to denote the construction material which was a composition of brick-dust, lime, mo-lasses and cut hemp (Evenson, 1989). The first fort of Calcutta, named (Old) Fort William had a plan form of an irregular tetragon and was completed in 1702. It initially contained the Governor’s residence as well as workshops, warehouses and dwellings for the employees of the Company. The first buildings of Calcutta were those within the Old Fort William complex. The settlement grew outside the walls of the Fort, and was “built without order” (Cotton, 1909). Adjacent to the Old Fort William was a rectangular open space called Tank Square as it contained a large reservoir. This area marked the commercial and administrative centre of Calcutta. The insecurity of the Old Fort William and the European town around it was exposed in 1756 when Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula attacked Calcutta and the fort was besieged. A need was felt for a new and more secure fort and the work of the new fort (New Fort William) began at the end of 1757 and completed around 1773.
17
The rebuilding of Calcutta city began in 1757. The site of the new Fort William was Gobindopur and the old residents of the place were ordered to evacuate their homes and to resettle in the lands given in exchange, located in Barrabazar (Sutanuti). With a view to obtain a free view of the firing space around the fort, the jungles and marshy lands of the intervening space from Govindapur to Chowringhee were cleared and developed. The “Maidan” (7) or open green area in the centre of the city in front of the new Fort William, thus came into being.
Upon the completion of the New Fort William, the British in Calcutta en-gaged in widespread building activities. In the “White Town”, occupied by the British, the road layout and drainage was well planned and many impos-ing buildings were constructed, earning Calcutta the name “City of Palaces”. Though many of these imposing structures were copies of existing Euro-pean buildings, the oldest monument of Calcutta, the Mausoleum of Job Charnock was non-European in character and was an octagonal Saracenic pavilion with a double dome on top resembling Moorish architecture of the 17th century. When Warren Hastings became the Governor General of Ben-gal, the position of the Company and the British was further consolidated. The European or the White town began to spread southwards along Chow-ringhee. Palatial garden houses sprang up in the suburbs of Garden Reach, Khidirpur and Alipur in the South and Dum Dum in the north. A number of imposing buildings were added to the cityscape between 1773 and 1787. These included the New Fort William (1773), the three storeyed Writers’ Buildings (1780), the Calcutta Madrassa (1780) and St. John’s Church (1787) (Davies, 1985, Evenson, 1989, Losty, 1990).
The Sutanuti area quickly transformed into the “Native Town” with a mixed typology of buildings, ranging from palatial buildings of Indian merchants and landlords, to smaller houses for the common people. The palatial houses of the affluent often acted as a node for the development of neighbour-hoods or “paras” around these. Urban growth varied markedly across the White Town and Native Town. While the “White” town was characterized by planning and order, the “Native” town was quote organic in structure with-out a clear hierarchy of roads or any kind of regular geometry. In between the White Town and the Native Town, other European as well as foreign communities had started settling down and that particular area was often called as “Grey Town”.
18
Developments in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth CenturyThe first half of the nineteenth century saw many splendid buildings being added to the White Town. In 1803, Lord Wellesley commissioned a new Government house designed as a copy of Kedleston Hall, England in the Georgian Pediment and Portico Style. The Town Hall in the Doric style was built in 1813. Other noteworthy buildings included St. James’ Church (1820), Bishop’s Palace (1825), Bengal Club (1827), Old Silver Mint (1831), La Mar-tiniere School (1835), Calcutta Medical College (1835), Metcalfe Hall (1834) and the Royal Exchange (1858).
After 1857, with the transfer of power to the British Crown, the importance of Calcutta grew manifold. Broader roads were built to cope with the in-creased transport volume, several palatial buildings were constructed and the port became extremely busy. The significant buildings included the General Post Office (1870), the High Court (1872), the New or Hogg Market (1874), Alipore Zoo (1875), Indian Museum (1875), renovated Writers’ Building (1882), the Council Chamber (1883), the Calcutta Collectorate (1890), Cus-toms House (1899) and the Central Municipal Building (1901). Most of these buildings used motifs from the classical Doric, Ionic, Corinthian and Greco-Roman—Tuscan orders and had prominent attic rooms crowned by domes. St. Paul’s Cathedral built in 1847 adopted the Victorian Gothic style, repre-senting a blend of the classical and the medieval. Gradually Victorian Gothic too was replaced by hybrid styles. These hybrid styles combined elements from Renaissance and Saracenic with Hindu architectural styles. The most notable example is the Victoria Memorial, formally opened in 1921.
British traders built neoclassical style mansions for themselves in the suburbs of Calcutta, outside the European town, in areas like Alipur. These buildings were modeled on the “villa” prototype and had two to three storeys, with ex-tended verandahs with Venetian blinds, balustraded roofs, porticoes, arcaded ground floors and tall pillars and pilasters in Tuscan order in the upper floors.
Developments through the Twentieth Century and Current TrendsBy the early 20th century, the affluent landowners took to constructing four to five storeyed residential buildings that were rented out to tenants to gen-erate income for the owners. Many of these properties are heavily litigated today and have fallen into disrepair due to disputes between the descendants of the original landlords. The Central and Northern parts of the city have several such properties, many of which have been declared as unfit for hu-man habitation by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation.
19
The Calcutta Improvement Trust was created in 1911. Thereafter, a number of roads were constructed through the north-south and east west axes of the city without regard to the existing urban fabric which was a “mesh of narrow streets (dividing) the city into half-mile rectangles” (Evenson, 1989). Thus 100 feet wide roads such as Central Avenue (North-South connector) and erstwhile Harrison Road (east-west connector) were constructed slicing through existing city blocks thus creating hugely contrasting conditions. Be-hind the new street facades many districts remained virtually unchanged with narrow winding lanes and contiguous houses.
In 1947, after independence, many of the palatial houses in the Central and South-Central parts of the city changed hands and were quickly torn down to accommodate commercial buildings. As these residential areas started ac-quiring commercial land uses, newer residential areas started coming up in the Southern parts of the city. These areas were occupied by the educated middle classes and the professionals from the early 1920’s and the trend con-tinued through the fifties and sixties as more and more residential houses, both single family ownership properties and apartment complexes were built. The apartment complexes and the commercial high rises built during the fifties and sixties were the products of architect-engineer combinations and were regular buildings without any of the fanciful shapes and forms that are prevalent today. Government buildings were also regular in configuration and tried to copy elements of the Bauhaus and International Style popularized in Europe in the years between the two World Wars.
The 1980’s marked the beginning of a new approach to architecture as func-tional and regular buildings gave way gradually to fanciful forms, surface em-bellishments and decorative projections in mid-rise as well as taller buildings. Plan forms too started deviating from the regular and geometric to irregular profiles in both plan and three dimensions. In the very recent past, structural glazing seems to have become the sole design tool in the hands of the archi-tects at least for commercial buildings.
Architectural Styles in Contemporary CalcuttaIn terms of architectural styles, seven distinct phases of development are evident in the built environment of contemporary Calcutta. These were con-structed at different times in the course of history.
18
Developments in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth CenturyThe first half of the nineteenth century saw many splendid buildings being added to the White Town. In 1803, Lord Wellesley commissioned a new Government house designed as a copy of Kedleston Hall, England in the Georgian Pediment and Portico Style. The Town Hall in the Doric style was built in 1813. Other noteworthy buildings included St. James’ Church (1820), Bishop’s Palace (1825), Bengal Club (1827), Old Silver Mint (1831), La Mar-tiniere School (1835), Calcutta Medical College (1835), Metcalfe Hall (1834) and the Royal Exchange (1858).
After 1857, with the transfer of power to the British Crown, the importance of Calcutta grew manifold. Broader roads were built to cope with the in-creased transport volume, several palatial buildings were constructed and the port became extremely busy. The significant buildings included the General Post Office (1870), the High Court (1872), the New or Hogg Market (1874), Alipore Zoo (1875), Indian Museum (1875), renovated Writers’ Building (1882), the Council Chamber (1883), the Calcutta Collectorate (1890), Cus-toms House (1899) and the Central Municipal Building (1901). Most of these buildings used motifs from the classical Doric, Ionic, Corinthian and Greco-Roman—Tuscan orders and had prominent attic rooms crowned by domes. St. Paul’s Cathedral built in 1847 adopted the Victorian Gothic style, repre-senting a blend of the classical and the medieval. Gradually Victorian Gothic too was replaced by hybrid styles. These hybrid styles combined elements from Renaissance and Saracenic with Hindu architectural styles. The most notable example is the Victoria Memorial, formally opened in 1921.
British traders built neoclassical style mansions for themselves in the suburbs of Calcutta, outside the European town, in areas like Alipur. These buildings were modeled on the “villa” prototype and had two to three storeys, with ex-tended verandahs with Venetian blinds, balustraded roofs, porticoes, arcaded ground floors and tall pillars and pilasters in Tuscan order in the upper floors.
Developments through the Twentieth Century and Current TrendsBy the early 20th century, the affluent landowners took to constructing four to five storeyed residential buildings that were rented out to tenants to gen-erate income for the owners. Many of these properties are heavily litigated today and have fallen into disrepair due to disputes between the descendants of the original landlords. The Central and Northern parts of the city have several such properties, many of which have been declared as unfit for hu-man habitation by the Kolkata Municipal Corporation.
19
The Calcutta Improvement Trust was created in 1911. Thereafter, a number of roads were constructed through the north-south and east west axes of the city without regard to the existing urban fabric which was a “mesh of narrow streets (dividing) the city into half-mile rectangles” (Evenson, 1989). Thus 100 feet wide roads such as Central Avenue (North-South connector) and erstwhile Harrison Road (east-west connector) were constructed slicing through existing city blocks thus creating hugely contrasting conditions. Be-hind the new street facades many districts remained virtually unchanged with narrow winding lanes and contiguous houses.
In 1947, after independence, many of the palatial houses in the Central and South-Central parts of the city changed hands and were quickly torn down to accommodate commercial buildings. As these residential areas started ac-quiring commercial land uses, newer residential areas started coming up in the Southern parts of the city. These areas were occupied by the educated middle classes and the professionals from the early 1920’s and the trend con-tinued through the fifties and sixties as more and more residential houses, both single family ownership properties and apartment complexes were built. The apartment complexes and the commercial high rises built during the fifties and sixties were the products of architect-engineer combinations and were regular buildings without any of the fanciful shapes and forms that are prevalent today. Government buildings were also regular in configuration and tried to copy elements of the Bauhaus and International Style popularized in Europe in the years between the two World Wars.
The 1980’s marked the beginning of a new approach to architecture as func-tional and regular buildings gave way gradually to fanciful forms, surface em-bellishments and decorative projections in mid-rise as well as taller buildings. Plan forms too started deviating from the regular and geometric to irregular profiles in both plan and three dimensions. In the very recent past, structural glazing seems to have become the sole design tool in the hands of the archi-tects at least for commercial buildings.
Architectural Styles in Contemporary CalcuttaIn terms of architectural styles, seven distinct phases of development are evident in the built environment of contemporary Calcutta. These were con-structed at different times in the course of history.
20
Colonial StylesThese were employed in the European quarters, including public as well as private buildings and used timber roofing systems with masonry load bearing walls. In the late 19th century and first quarter of the 20th century, timber rafters were replaced by steel joists and balcony projections often rested on cast iron columns. Several variations of the Colonial style exists in Calcutta today. The commercial and institutional structures of the British Raj built in the Renaissance Classicist or Neo Classicist styles exist in the Central Busi-ness District and they house corporate offices and various commercial es-tablishments. The mansions built by the British for residential use along the perimeter of the Maidan have been replaced by high rise commercial and residential buildings in the 1950’s and 1960’s. Apartment buildings employing many variations of European styles from Gothic Revival to Art Deco exist in the erstwhile British part of the city. Not all European residents of Calcutta were wealthy and lived in palatial mansions or apartment buildings. The less prosperous Europeans settled in Central Calcutta on the edges of the Indian districts and they created a strip style of development characterized by dwell-ings and business establishments. These strip developments exist in many parts of Central Calcutta even today.
Indigenous StylesThe native or Indian mansions of North Calcutta were built mainly during the late 18th century and 19th century and they employed the same con-struction techniques as in neo classical and colonial styles. The mansions of North Calcutta were owned by the landed gentry of the 18th and 19th centuries. These were typically brick buildings, two or three storied tall, with flat roofs and built close to one another in neighbourhoods characterized by narrow and unpaved streets. The courtyard plan forms had inward look-ing verandahs overlooking the courtyard. The courtyard form of dwelling was preferred for both security and for maintenance of the privacy gradient. These buildings were mainly concentrated in the Burrabazaar and North Cal-cutta areas. The buildings often had European architectural elements in the facades and traditional mouldings in the colonnaded courtyards and interior spaces. Within the Indian community, there was a highly varied population ranging from labourers to craftspeople to wealthy merchants, bankers and landowning gentry. The community co-existed without any apparent social stratification in congested parts of North Calcutta. Many of these buildings still exist in these areas. The less affluent Indian population resided in modest two or three storeyed buildings, built adjacent to each other on narrow lanes in Central and North Calcutta.
21
Vernacular Style of South CalcuttaThe vernacular buildings of South Calcutta were owned by the growing pro-fessionals such as doctors, advocates and barristers and civil servants, many of whom received an English education. These buildings often blended In-dian and European motifs but were different from the North Calcutta man-sions of earlier times in that these were not inward looking buildings. Thus, the courtyard plan was abandoned in favour of contemporary building plans and the well defined privacy gradients of the North Calcutta mansions were absent in these buildings.
Modern StylePost 1950’s developments copied elements from the International Style pop-ularized in Europe in the early twentieth century. This was typically of box-like appearance with vertical and horizontal projections serving as the only decorative elements. These were largely buildings with regular configurations, designed and built by architect-engineer combinations. The modern style was used in the design of commercial as well as residential high rise buildings.
Hybrid StylesHybrid styles with no clear stylistic patterns or lineage emerged in the last quarter of the 20th century to the present times. While Northern and West-ern India were exposed first hand to the architecture of Le Corbusier (in Chandigarh) and Louis I Kahn (in Ahmedabad), the east lacked exposure to any great masters of the 20th century. Though the architecture of Le Corbusier has been severely criticized for its disconnection with traditional Indian ethos, the construction of Chandigarh did bring the state of the art in international architectural imagery to the region. In the absence of any architectural icons, the architects of Calcutta at first attempted to copy the International Style. The buildings they designed were often likened to match-boxes because they offered little by way of visual appeal. These were however regular and functional buildings that adopted sound engineering practices. The last quarter of the 20th century saw a new trend wherein building forms started deviating from the regular and extensive non-structural decorative elements started appearing in the facades of the buildings. Features and ele-ments were drawn from diverse sources and used in building facades. No clear stylistic patterns are evident today and contemporary building designs appear to be quite random and dictated by the municipal rules on the one hand, and the fancies of building developers on the other.
