Programme and Book of Abstracts PEAU conference

Patternsof Early Asian UrbanismProgramme and Book of Abstracts

IIAS Conference11-13 November 2013Leiden, the Netherlands

Patterns of Early Asian U

rbanism Program

me and Book of A

bstracts

Conference

Patterns of Early Asian Urbanism

11‐13 November 2013

Leiden, the Netherlands

PROGRAMME & BOOK OF ABSTRACTS

VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities, Rapenburg 28, Leiden

ORGANISERS & SPONSORS

Asian Modernities and Traditions Faculty of Archaeology

Archaeology Unit Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore

CONTENTS

Conference Venue 5 Conference Programme 8

Programme schedule 8

Detailed conference programme 11

Abstracts 20

Abstracts keynote lectures 20

Abstracts panels on 12 November

9.00 – 10.30 22

11.00 – 12.30 30

13.30 – 15.30 36

16.00 – 17.30 46


9.00 – 10.30 52

11.00 – 12.30 57

13.30 – 15.30 63

16.00 – 17.30 72 Dinner and Reception 76 Organisers and Sponsors 77 General Information 82

Conference information 82 Notes 83 Colophon 88

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CONFERENCE VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities Rapenburg 28 Leiden CONFERENCE ROOMS: Tempelzaal – 11 November Location: Central Entrance Hall of the Museum

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Trajanuszaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the ground floor, left of the main entrance Leemanszaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the ground floor behind the Tempelzaal

Nehallenniazaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the second floor

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FLOOR PLAN ‐ NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITIES

Main entrance

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PROGRAMME SCHEDULE

Monday 11 November 2013 ‐ Tempelzaal

08.45‐09.30 Registration and coffee/tea 09.30‐09.45 Welcome by Philippe Peycam 09.45‐10.00 Welcome by Pieter ter Keurs 10.00‐11.00 Keynote address by John Miksic 11.00‐11.30 Introduction by Lucas Petit to the current museum exhibition 11.30‐12.30 Viewing of exhibition 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐14.30 Keynote address by John Bintliff 14.30‐15.30 Keynote address: Norman Yoffee 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.00 Keynote address: Roland Fletcher 18.00 Dinner at Restaurant van der Werff

Tuesday 12 November 2013

09.00‐10.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 10.30‐11.00 Coffee/tea 11.00‐12.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal

12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐15.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal

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Wednesday 13 November 2013

09.00‐10.30 Two parallel sessions in Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 10.30‐11.00 Coffee/tea 11.00‐12.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐15.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.30 Two parallel sessions in Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 17.30 – 19.00 Reception at Grand Café Pakhuis

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PROGRAMME

Monday 11 November – Tempelzaal 08.45‐09.30 Registration and coffee/tea 09.30‐09.45 Welcome by Philippe Peycam, Director International Institute for Asian Studies 09.45‐10 00 Welcome by Pieter ter Keurs, Head of Collections and Research Department, National Museum of Antiquities 10.00‐11.00 First keynote address: John Miksic, “Convergent pathways to urbanism in Southeast Asia” 11.00‐11.30 Introduction by Lucas Petit, Curator collection Ancient Near East, to the current museum exhibition: "Petra. Wonder in the Desert" 11.30‐12.30 Viewing of exhibition 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐14.30 Second keynote address: John Bintliff, “Urban origins, social composition and economic change in cities of the pre‐modern Mediterranean and Europe” 14.30‐15.30 Third keynote address: Norman Yoffee, “Early cities and the evolution of history” 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.00 Fourth keynote address: Roland Fletcher, “Tropical forest urbanism and the significance of Angkor” 18.00 Dinner at Restaurant van der Werff, Steenstraat 2, Leiden

Tuesday 12 November

I – Trajanuszaal II – Leemanszaal III – Nehalenniazaal

9.00 – 10.30

Chair: Roland Fletcher

Chair: Philippe Peycam

Chair: Willem Vogelsang

Johan Elverskog Landesque capital and Asian urbanization

Vera Domingues and Walter Rossa Portuguese urbanistic expressions in early Asian cities

Xiguang Li, Qiyao Qian and Tiancheng Cao From Gandhara to Niya: the Great Buddhist Route to China

Ranjusri Ghosh Emergence of cities. City life and the urban decline in a most prosperous sub‐region of Early Bengal

José Manuel Fernandes Early urbanism of pre‐modern Asian cities. Portuguese cities in Asia, since the early 16th century

Angelo Andrea di Castro and Marika Vicziany Urban centres and agriculture in the Kashgar oasis

Sara Mondini A widespread taste for the macabre or apotropaic marks? Urbanism, landscapes and funerary architecture in the Indian Sultanate

Nuno Grancho Lost in translation? Diu as an early Asian urban settlement

Amanda Buster Strengthen the trunk, weaken the branches: the mausoleum town policy of the Western Han

10.30 – 11.00 Coffee break

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11.00 – 12.30

Chair: John Bintliff

Chair: Norman Yoffee

Chair: John Miksic

Vijayakumaar Babu Avadhaanula Urbanization in early and medieval Andhra, India: A study of Baapatla

Hanna Stöger Ostia, home to all: a long‐term view on the integrative capacity of a Roman port‐town

Hang Lin From closed capital to open metropolis: City transformation in Tang and Song China

Danika Parikh Influence, interactions and identity: ceramic production in the hinterland of Indus cities and towns (3200‐1600 BC)

Paulo Pinto A backdoor access to China: Macau in the 16th‐17th centuries

Gwen Bennett History from the ground up: Liao administrative and production centers in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia, China

Cameron Petrie (Lecture presented by Danika Parikh) Land, water and settlement: landscapes of urbanism in Northwest India

Naoko Fukami Medieval port‐cities in Gujarat: India through Muslim monuments

Wenyi Huang Frontier crossers in the Northern Wei capital cities: With a discussion of capital city planning of Luoyang

12.30 – 13.30 Lunch

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13.30 – 15.30

Sanskrit poetry in and out of the city

Chair and Convenor: Adheesh Sathaye


Chair: Hanna Stöger

Daud Ali Literature and City Life in Early Medieval India

Truong Giang Do Nagara Vijaya (Champa) in regional and global perspectives (12th‐15th centuries CE)

Lung‐hsing CHU A meeting point of the West and East: The social networks underlying the cityscapes of Nagasaki during the Edo period

Jesse Knutson

Urban Allegories: Harṣa’s Displaced Desires

Thuy Lan Do Thi From court city to commercial center: Thăng Long in the Tonkin River system in 17th‐18th century Northern Vietnam

Radu Alexandru Leca Urban paradise: Prostitute quarters as key factors in the urban development of 17th century Japan

Adheesh Sathaye In and around the Cosmopolis: Poetic Excavations of Tenth‐Century Kannauj

William Southworth Walled city enclosures in the Champa culture

Carla Tronu Sacred space and the urban formation of Nagasaki in the late 16th and early 17th centuries

Deven Patel The Twin Careers of Poet and City in Narratives of Twelfth‐century Kanauj

Liem Vu Duc Cities on the move: Seventeenth century Vietnamese littoral urbanization in the context of local and global competition

Ellen van Goethem Adopting and adapting the paradigm: Gridiron cities in Japan


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16.00 – 17.30


Chair: John Miksic


Jason Hawkes Early medieval urbanism in South Asia: decay or floruit?

Geok Yian Goh An anomaly or a standard? Bagan and Myanmar urbanism

Yinyin Liu The dualism of the Ancient Chinese city: The conflicts and coexistence of Confucianism and Taoism in space

Aloka Parasher Sen Ancient cities and Buddhism in hinterland societies of the Deccan Plateau, India

Mai Lin Tjoa‐Bonatz Archaeological identification of models of change: New data on early settlement patterns of highland West Sumatra

Ghani‐ur‐Rahman Traces of the Buddhist Period towns in the district of Shangla (Ancient Gandhara), Pakistan

Chotima Chaturawong Architecture and Urbanization of the Chettiars

Yun Lu Trade, migration, religion: A glance at urban life in Quanzhou in the 11th‐14th centuries

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Wednesday 13 November

I – Leemanszaal II – Nehalenniazaal

9.00 – 10.30



Tilman Frasch Expanding a field of merit: Monastic complexes, foreign relations and urban development in Pagan (Burma), c. 1000‐1300 CE

Jakub Maršálek Shifting capitals, movable states: some aspects of statehood in Early China

Taylor Easum Defining and defiling the 'New City': Chiang Mai's sacred spaces from the 13th to 19th centuries

Pauline Sebillaud Ancient connections? Networks during the transition from the end of the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in the Central Plain.

Christophe Pottier Angkorian urbanism: beyond the frames

Haicheng Wang The urban village and state factory in Early China


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11.00 – 12.30



Chair: John Miksic

Catherine B. Asher A tale of two Indian cities: Shahjahanabad and Jaipur

Andreas Gruschke and Cirenyangzong (Tsering Yangdzom) Early foundations for urban development in Tibetan areas ‐ The examples of Lhasa and Yushu (Jyekundo)

Ari Levine Early Modern Chinese cities as memory maps: Diasporic nostalgia for Northern Song Kaifeng

Eva Becker Karakorum ‐ A multicultural city of the steppe: Ancient Central Asian urban traditions and their influence on the foundation of Karakorum

Yi Wang Romantic encounters and urban space

Elena Paskaleva The Kosh pattern in the urban development of Samarqand (11th‐17th centuries)

Maria Riep Urbanism and nomadic empires – 7th century Syr Darya cities and the Turkic Khanate

Ping Wang The talented and beautiful: An examination of the cultural milieu of urbanization in Song China (960‐1279)

12.30 – 13.30 Lunch

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13.30 – 15.30

Royal cities of South and Southeast Asia in the first millennium CE

Rethinking Western Han Chang’an


Chair and Convenor: Janice Stargardt

Chair and Convenor: Griet Vankeerberghen Discussant: Michael Loewe

Aparna Balachandran From city‐state to territory: The case of early colonial Madras

Michael Willis Urban decline in early medieval India: archaeological realities vs. historiographical illusions

Michael Loewe Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire

Cezary Galewicz A memory‐sick palimpsest of an Asian City: Calicut – how to write urban history

Osmund Bopeararchchi Anuradhapura, the royal capital of Sri Lanka

Yijun Huang Transformations of Chang'an's Burial Culture, in light of archaeology and cultural geography

Tsukasa Mizushima Patterns of urban formation in Early Modern South India

Janice Stargardt Sri Ksetra, a Pyu royal city of Burma in the first millennium

Michael Nylan Western Han Chang'an and the Lives of Non‐elites

Anuththaradevi Widyalankara Heterogeneous cities of pre‐modern Ceylon as discovered through indigenous sources

Wannasarn Noonsuk Early Urban Centers in Tambralinga (Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, Peninsular Siam)

Griet Vankeerberghen Geographical and Social Mobility in the Case of late Western Han Chang'an


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16.00 – 17.30

Asian urbanism through time in context: Facilitating ancient to modern

comparisons

Chair and Convenor: Benjamin Vis


Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag and Peter Carey Medieval urbanism in Java: The court town of Majapahit

Kasper Jan Hanus City scan. Airborne Laser Scanning and its application in interpreting urbanism of Angkor

Panellists: Robin Coningham Akkelies Van Nes Gregory Bracken

Hélène Njoto Re‐investigating 18th century Javanese Cities’ spatial arrangements: the cases of Surakarta and Yogyakarta in Central Java (Indonesia)

17.30 – 19.00 Reception at Grand Café Pakhuis, Doelensteeg 8, Leiden

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ABSTRACTS

ABSTRACTS OF THE KEYNOTE LECTURES Professor John Miksic, Head Archaeology Unit, Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore Convergent pathways to urbanism in Southeast Asia Three sets of concepts need to be understood to discuss early Southeast Asian cities meaningfully. These concepts revolve around the dichotomies of monothetic‐polythetic, unilinear‐multilinear, and analogy‐homology. The point of this is quite simple: cities in various parts of Southeast Asia evolved from different roots in a process of convergence. Angkor, Kota Cina, Trowulan, Singapore, Melaka, and Banten all evolved superficially similar urban features between 1000 and 1600, but through very different pathways. We will focus on remains of temples, palaces, and markets in order to highlight the different roles the institutions associated with such sites played in these societies. *** Professor John Bintliff, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, the Netherlands Urban origins, social composition and economic change in cities of the pre‐Modern Mediterranean and Europe Cities, where over half the world's modern population now dwells, are far more varied in history and prehistory than our modern concept of global urbanism leads us to expect. This leads us to rethink what makes a city and the various ways in which they have arisen. This lecture will discuss some of the parameters which can be observed from urban and settlement theory, and from examples in Europe, the Mediterranean and the Near East dating from the earliest farmer towns to those of the European Middle Ages. *** Professor Norman Yoffee, Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York, USA Early cities and the evolution of history Volume 3 in a new 9‐volume Cambridge World History is titled, “Early Cities and Comparative History.” In this edited volume authors consider aspects of the “social fabric” of early cities: early cities as arenas of performance, information technology in early cities, the internal landscapes of early cities as well as the transformations in the countryside as early cities developed, the distribution of power in early cities, as well as other topics. In this lecture I review some of these topics and also discuss the

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history of the study of early cities as well as the meaning of early cities in the past and present. *** Professor Roland Fletcher, Department of Archaeology, The University of Sydney, Australia Tropical forest urbanism and the significance of Angkor Extensive, low‐density, dispersed, agrarian urbanism developed in lowland Central America, northern Sri Lanka and Mainland SE Asia primarily during the first millennium CE. By the late 9th century when the Classic Maya cities of Central America were fading away the Sinhalese capital of Anuradhapura had already spread over several hundred square kilometres and the Khmer capital of Angkor on the north shore of the Tonle Sap was beginning its massive expansion. As Greater Angkor reached its peak extent of about 1000 square kilometres in the 12th and 13th centuries ‐ by far the largest low density city before the rise of industrial urbanism ‐ Anuradhapura was fading, to be followed by Pollonaruwa a century later. Greater Angkor had become dependent on massive infrastructure, large scale land clearance and an extensive dispersed urban landscape. In the 14th century it was hit by extreme climatic instability and by the end of the 16th century the Khmer state had shifted far to the southeast end of the Tonle Sap. In the process an urban diaspora occurred. The low‐density urban system was gone and more compact towns began to develop around the periphery of the former metropolitan heartland. Disturbingly, despite very different socio‐political and economic characteristics the same phenomenon of urban diaspora followed the impact of climatic change in lowland Central America and the demise of the great expansive cities of north central Sri Lanka. Low‐density, dispersed urbanism in the tropics displays a vulnerability to change which can drastically transform urban landscapes with considerable historical implications for entire regions.

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ABSTRACTS PANELS ON 12 NOVEMBER

12 NOVEMBER, 9.00‐10.30 ‐ SESSION I ‐ TRAJANUSZAAL

Johan Elverskog Rühr Universität Bochum, Germany Landesque capital and Asian urbanization The linkages between Buddhism, its prosperity theology, and India’s second urbanization are now common knowledge. Indeed, the connections between the Dharma, iron age technologies, monetization, trade and the tandem growth of cities in relation to state consolidation have been amply commented upon. Yet, while this has certainly been the case, and indeed, there is really no reason to question this historical narrative, at the same time, it also seems to be quite another thing to explain how it actually played out on the ground. To wit, how did it actually work? This paper attempts to answer this question by paralleling Buddhist agrarianization with that of the Roman empire, especially in terms of irrigation technology and slavery. Ranjusri Ghosh Counsellor, Indira Gandhi National Open University, India Emergence of cities. City life and the urban decline in a most prosperous sub‐region of Early Bengal The area under study is a part of old Bengal including present West Bengal of India and

Bangladesh. It was known as Puṇḍravardhana and later as Varendra during the ancient and early medieval periods (early medieval is equal to the time bracket of 6th‐12/13th century CE) respectively. It covers roughly the northern part of undivided Bengal. Two of its excavated sites, viz. Mahasthangarh and Bangarh, yielded occupation remains from the 5th/4th centuries BCE. Urban features in both of them are recorded from the 3rd century BCE. They remained under continuous occupation up to the 15/16th centuries. These two core sites, therefore, provide us with an index for the study of urbanisation as well as the society and economy at different chronological stages. This geo‐cultural unit of ancient Bengal is recorded with the maximum number of habitation sites, inscriptions and sculptures. The whole range of finds leave behind all other units of Bengal with a great margin. The objects unearthed at both sites confirm its uninterrupted link with Magadha until the 6th century CE. The western link, however, was not lost even when political uncertainties loomed large over many areas of Bengal after the fall of Gupta rule. Early features of pan‐Indian nature in cultural and economic activities gave way to new elements and that is visible in its urban sphere as well. Urban features in both the core sites were set in a declining phase from the 13th century. Previously, emphasis has been given on the change of the course of the river Tista, the main artery which fed the Karatoya, Punarbhava and Atreyi rivers, the three most important channels of ancient North Bengal. But it was certainly a much later phenomenon. Our study revealed that the importance of these sites declined because

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new areas were found on the east and west respectively as being more viable for trade and political set ups. Change in the river course must have been an important factor but that is not related with the Tista but with the Ganga. Certain other factors might have also been at work simultaneously for the decline of these two great centres of North Bengal which remained as a linkage between two geo‐cultural blocks, viz. the Ganga valley on the one hand and the north‐eastern hilly terrain on the other. Sara Mondini Ca' Foscari University, Venice, Italy A widespread taste for the macabre or apotropaic marks? Urbanism, landscapes and funerary architecture in the Indian Sultanate Recent researches carried out on the urban development of the capital of Gulbarga (1347‐1422 ca.) have demonstrated how the different symbolic meanings and importance attributed to given edifices determined their location, thus influencing the urban layout of the city. The hypothesis formulated so far on the pattern of development would suggest the crucial importance of the sacred buildings, in particular mausoleums and dargahs that probably exercised a protective and in a way spiritual function. It is nonetheless difficult to draw any definite conclusions concerning their disposition, particularly given the state of disrepair of the buildings. What remains certain is the fact that the arrangement of these buildings within the urban context was nothing casual: that it was rather based on specific and symbolically charged principles, dictated by the different rulers who acted as patrons for architecture, by the relations between temporal power and the Sufi tariqas present in the city, and finally by the complex make‐up of the local social fabric, and its influences in the architectural sphere. An attempt has been made to show how the establishment of Sufism in the region indirectly played a primary role in influencing the commissioning of buildings, leading to an extraordinary blossoming of funerary architecture, and hence the very development of the city. Based on these considerations, an attempt might be made to apply the research model used for Gulbarga to the solving of those doubts that still surround dynastic building projects elsewhere – such as those carried out, for instance, by the Delhi Sultanate or by the Gujarat sultans. The purpose of the paper is thus to present a tentative comparative study of the development of some Islamic capitals between the XIVth to the XVIth centuries, focousing on the ‐ still enigmatic ‐ role of the religious and funerary architecture.

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12 NOVEMBER, 9.00‐10.30 ‐ SESSION II ‐ LEEMANSZAAL

Vera Domingues Centro de Estudos Sociais / Instituto de Investigação Interdisciplinar – Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal (CES/III – Universidade de Coimbra). Grant holder at Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal Walter Rossa, Centro de Estudos Sociais / Instituto de Investigação Interdisciplinar – Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal Portuguese urbanistic expressions in early Asian cities The emergence and development of cities on the Asian coasts linked to the Portuguese presence, since the XVI century often depended on a set of social interactions. Whether the settlement process was based on conquest, negotiation or representation, in the earlier times the Portuguese always settled on and made use of preexisting structures, slowly modifying them, but also absorbing local specificities. So it is not surprising that from Diu to Nagasaki, passing through Insulindia’s archipelago, from the urbanistic point of view, the cities reflected several models necessarily different. Despite some efforts, we still know very little about the materiality and landscape expressions of these earlier cities, and even less so about their specificity, either from the Portuguese point of view, or from the local one. It is difficult to understand the influence of each active social and political group, what they had in common and what remains of each contribution. In this paper we intend to present and discuss some methodological lines to advance on what we already know about former Portuguese cities, regarding the adoption of Portuguese urbanistic patterns in their formal and functional expressions. The methodology we propose is based on the relationship between the city programme (the functional contents, equipment, etc.) and its urbanism, meaning its cityscape and structure. We explore the concrete results of the urbanization process. But we also study the relationship between the geographic location and the topography, and we refer to the influence of the related territories on the cityscape. José Manuel Fernandes Faculty of Architecture, Technical University of Lisbon, Portugal ´Early urbanism’ of pre‐modern Asian cities. Portuguese cities in Asia, since the early 16th century It is a singular fact, yet still to be profoundly and widely studied by international historiography, that the first urban experiences following European overseas expansion in early Modern Age emerged as an initiative of a small, poor and peripheral country of South Europe ‐ Portugal, defined as a nation only since the mid 12th century. Even more “special”, is the fact that those experiences, started and developed almost half a millennium ago, in the early 1500s, structured and took an important

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role, as a whole of small harbor cities, spread all along the Asian coastal lines, in the fast constitution of an intercontinental commerce network, for the first time in history connecting southern and northern European cities with the various Asian ones. Portuguese development of that commercial system lasted for almost one century, until the modern appearance of Dutch private overseas companies, that since the mid 1600s disputed and took over the same role in those same regions. Little is known, for instance, about certain basic themes, as for instance the medieval‐renaissance European material character of city structures and their potential – an aspect that turned them to be very much unique as they were soon transplanted into the new and completely different contexts of Asian areas. Another aspect less well known is the compliance of the new Asian cities to a common and same “Portuguese” pattern of location, of urban form and built ambiance, as their structural elements were largely repetitive and constant, from one new city to the next new city, in a deliberate, traditional manner. And it would be significant to know more about the previous urban experience of Portuguese settlers, who since the early 1400s were already building new places outside Europe, cities in the North Atlantic islands, from Madera to the Azores, from Cape Verde to equatorial Saint Thomas – and then from Morocco to Guinea's coastal lines, and next to Angola and Mozambique. Such previous endeavours allowed the so‐called pattern or model to be perfected and to gain stronger potential for success. Finally, little is known about the material permanence of those various and disseminated Portuguese‐Asian cities during the succeeding centuries ‐ long after Portuguese dominion was lost ‐ as a qualified Cultural Heritage to be faced and cherished in present days. The scoop of this paper is to deepen the above theme of Portuguese pre‐modern generated cities in Asia, trying to characterize their material and cultural main aspects. Nuno Grancho University of Coimbra (III‐UC and CES‐UC) and Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT), Portugal Lost in translation? Diu as an early Asian urban settlement Urban space is constituted and defined (among other things) by physical and symbolic borders. The architectures of exclusion and inclusion in cities ‐ gated and ghettoised communities, urban places, streets and walls ‐ and their correspondent translation in the functional organisation of urban societies affects the way in which the city is experienced, represented and socialized. Traditionally, cities built in imperial contexts have been interpreted as being more or less derivative in relation to its European counterparts and consequently almost unfailingly retardataire. Recently, critical revision of transfer models, and closer

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attention paid to local dynamics have shown that often architectural choices were made not as mere reactions to changes in European architecture but rather as responses to local circumstances engendered by the colonial order as it developed. Diu's territory is situated in a borderland, at the end of the peninsula of Kathiawar, province of the ancient kingdom of Cambay, India. Diu emerged from the sultanate of Gujarat as a Portuguese protectorate in 1509. After a strong pre‐modern Islamic urban presence, Diu became a Portuguese colonial urban settlement on the coast of India, a region dominated for centuries by European powers. The set of buildings in colonial Diu, while still owing to European architectural tradition, is probably better understood in the context of local circumstances than within the framework of the global transfer of architectural forms. The paper will examine cities in colonial geographical contexts, addressing issues such as responses to political and economic structures pre‐dating the arrival of the Europeans or created by European presence, adjustments to local religious practices and beliefs, or adaptations to specific cultural or social phenomena that emerge from the colonial framework. If such early Asian cities (such as Diu) were not quite Indian (nor were they middle‐eastern, African or European), then what are (were) they?

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12 NOVEMBER, 9.00‐10.30 ‐ SESSION III ‐ NEHALENNIAZAAL

Xiguang Li, Qiyao Qian and Tiancheng Cao Tsinghua University International Center for Communication Studies, China From Gandhara to Niya: the Great Buddhist Route to China Gandhara flourished under Buddhism and many Chinese Buddhists traveled there for

Buddhist studies. Niya, which was recorded as "Jingjue Kingdom(精绝国)" in China's

Han Dynasty, was a Buddhist city state along the ancient Silk Road. In 1993, the author followed a Sino‐Japanese expedition team of archaeologists into the desert of Xinjiang in search of the sand‐buried Niya. 1300 years ago, Chinese great Buddhist traveler

Xuan Zang(玄奘) stopped at Niya in his pilgrimage to Gandhara (犍陀罗). The

fascinating findings at Niya were the Greek‐style furniture and documents written in the long‐dead Kharoshti language, a language used in the Henlenistic culture of Gandhara. The most exciting excavations in Niya were the discovery of the tomb of the king and queen of Jingjue State and the gorgeous embroidered blue brocade. As the brocade was lifted, the mummies of a Caucasian man and a Caucasian woman were

revealed. Inside the coffin，the greatest discovery was a color‐embroidered brocade

with lavish patterns that have eight Chinese characters (五星出东方利中国), which

literally means "China will rise when the five stars appear together in the East." Around the stupa lay 13 skeletons, on the surface of the sand. The findings suggest these people were from Gandhara by close inspection of the bodies. High noses, narrow faces, long heads and yellow or brown hair persuaded the research team that the dead were in some way related to people of Indo‐European ancestry. In a broken painted pottery jar, archaeologists found 28 tablets written in Kharoshiti. Kharoshiti dates back to the fifth century BC in Kandarara and was used as a common language as well as Buddhist teaching language in city states along the Silk Roads along the Taklimakan desert for nearly 800 years. Angelo Andrea di Castro Monash University – SOPHIS, Australia Marika Vicziany Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, Australia Urban centres and agriculture in the Kashgar oasis The strategic position of the Kashgar oasis in a major transition zone for long distance trade points toward the long term prosperity of the oasis towns. According to Chinese sources the population of the kingdom of Kashgar in around 200 CE appears to have remained at about 21,000 families and 20,000 soldiers. During the 5th century the Hephthalites migrated to the western regions and settled in the Tarim, Bactria and Sogdia, and in the early 6th century CE the Kingdom of Kashgar regained, to a certain extent, independent sovereignty under the western Turks.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the kind of economy that was needed to support a large population of religious, military and political elites, local and international traders and a significant number of permanent residents in the first half of the first millennium CE. The fragmented nature of the records (historical and archaeological) poses a challenge to an appreciation of the urban development of the Kashgar oasis and the economic strategies that were implemented throughout the centuries. An investigation of the infrastructures such as the irrigation canals and the religious monuments of the oasis can assist in reconstructing the dynamics that characterised the urban centres and the surrounding rural areas. Looking at evidence from Dunhuang it is possible to infer that monks were involved in managing agricultural operations and busy recruiting labourers and younger novices. The construction and management of buildings and supporting irrigation systems would have required many labourers working long hours. In considering land and water usage, we also need to ask what kind of socio‐economic contracts existed between the monasteries of Kashgar and the local farmers, merchants and kings, and whether the monastic landlordism described by Shaw (2009) for the Great Stupa at Sanchi in India, could have applied to Kashgar. Amanda Buster University of California, Berkeley, United States Strengthen the trunk, weaken the branches: the mausoleum town policy of the Western Han

At the start of the Western Han dynasty 西漢 (206 BCE – 9 CE), the new capital at

Chang’an 長安 had yet to establish itself as a political, economic, or cultural center.

The early stages of growth of the capital region were heavily influenced by a policy of

relocations to “mausoleum towns lingyi 陵邑” or “mausoleum counties lingxian 陵縣”

that were created near the imperial mausolea, located to the north and southeast of the capital. These relocations were not optional, but did often include economic incentives, such as grants of land and cash and tax exemptions. They targeted people in one or more

of the following three categories: 1) officials of 2,000 shi 石 rank and higher, including

chancellors, ministers, and other high officials; 2) households whose assets exceeded an amount specified in orders to relocate; or 3) people who had accumulated personal power or monopolies. The policy was modeled after a Qin dynasty precedent, but the Western Han court, from the outset, used these relocations of wealthy or powerful households as a tool to facilitate political and economic control of its territories while also building a strong capital region. Indeed, when advisors urged an emperor to order a relocation, they advised him that it was necessary to “strengthen the trunk, and weaken the branches

強幹弱支”.

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My research seeks to understand how the policy of relocations to the capital region influenced the development of Chang’an, and how these relocated populations interacted both with the administration that sought to control them, and with each other. Drawing from biographies, accounts of disorder and difficulties in controlling the populations, and recent archaeological evidence, it is possible to sketch a portrait of these towns and their role in shaping the creation and development of Chang’an.

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Vijayakumaar Babu Avadhaanula Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India Urbanization in early and medieval Andhra, India. A study of Baapatla. Urbanization, the process of clustering neighbouring hamlets and villages under one administrative unit, has since the chalcolithic period (c. 4000 BC) been identified with the Indus Valley Civilization. Economy and the exchange of goods and products played a vital role. These developments gave rise to new technologies. This process can be seen, from the 5th‐6th centuries AD, in mid‐coastal Andhra, India, where a small hamlet slowly grew into a prosperous cultural and economic center. That is Baapatla.

Baapatla (15°53′20″N 80°28′12″E15.8889°N 80.47E), is the corrupt form of Bhaavapattana/ Bhaavapuri, named after the principal deity Lord Bhaavanaarayana. In its maiden stage it was called Premappli or Perumballi, a small village near Motupalli port (Guntur district), near the town of Masulipatnam (Krishna district), on the coast of the Bay of Bengal. Archaeological evidence, in the form of stone tools, iron implements, sculptures, epigraphical records, attest to early urban development. The earliest inscriptions found at the site date to Pinamalli Deva, of the Konidena branch of the Telugu Chodas, from AD 1026, and this text stands testimony to nearly 1000 years of continued urbanization in mid‐coastal Andhra. Since then, as epigraphcial records speak, Baapatla slowly emerged to be one of the most important and powerful centers in the region. This presentation will be supported with digitalized statistical data, based on epigraphical records. Danika Parikh Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Influence, interactions and identity: ceramic production in the hinterland of Indus cities and towns (3200‐1600 BC) The Indus Civilisation of northwestern South Asia (3200‐1600 BC) had well‐developed craft industries and a wide network for the procurement of natural resources. While many Indus crafts such as beads and bangles were centrally produced in cities or specialised factory sites, ceramic production appears spatially diffuse, carried out across the landscape at sites of varying sizes and functions. While the centrally produced artefacts tend to be homogeneous in style and production, the ceramics demonstrate regional differences in technology, ceramic types and iconographic motifs. Physiological and decorative differences can also be observed when comparing the ceramics produced in urban and rural contexts. The Indus ceramics thus offer a unique opportunity to study the relationship between urban and rural settlements in terms of material culture. This paper examines the evidence from rural sites in northwestern India in the hinterland of the sites of Rakhigarhi, Banawali and

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Kalibangan, to draw conclusions about urban influence, trade and the socioeconomic relationship between the urban and rural populations. Cameron Petrie (Lecture presented by Danika Parikh) University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Land, water and settlement: landscapes of urbanism in Northwest India Archaeologists, geographers and the general public continue to be fascinated by the possibility that the growth and collapse of early civilisations might be related to episodes of climatic and environmental change. There were two major phases of early urban civilisation in South Asia: the first, known as the Indus Civilisation, flourished from c.2600 to 1900 BC; while the second, known as the Early Historic period, flourished between c. 500 BC and AD 500. In many ways, our knowledge of these two periods is refined, but the decline of Indus urbanism and the rise of the Early Historic cities remain two of the most poorly understood transformations in the archaeology of ancient South Asia. The Land, Water & Settlement project has been investigating the nature of human subsistence and settlement across Northwest India between c. 3000 and 300 BC, and provides insight into both major phases of early urban civilisation in South Asia. The plains of Northwest India were subjected to several phases of climate change during the Holocene, typically involving shifts in monsoon rainfall. Today this region is facing a range of human induced stresses because of intensive farming policies, which are producing new types of water stress that pose grave threats to food security for all of India, coupled with almost completely untrammelled urban and rural development, which is seeing the destruction of dozens if not hundreds of archaeological sites and thus the erasure of the region’s cultural heritage.

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Hanna Stöger Department of Archaeology, Leiden University, the Netherlands Ostia, home to all: a long‐term view on the integrative capacity of a Roman port‐town The proposed paper is focused on Ostia, the harbour‐town of Rome and its coastal territory, and investigates the settlement’s capacity to integrate a continuous influx of newcomers. The study will examine the role of newcomers in relation to the city’s development from the early beginnings as a Roman castrum until the city’s gradual decline in the 4th and 5th centuries AD. The foundation of Ostia’s so‐called castrum has been associated with the establishment of a number of coloniae maritimae which Rome placed along the Tyrrhenian coast. Although located on the Italian homeland these early foundations were not unlike other Roman colonies implanted into conquered foreign territories. In this sense it was newcomers who formed Ostia’s initial population. During periods of growth in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, Ostia’s urban population levels were maintained through a continuous inflow of newcomers, while at the height of the city’s development incoming people even eclipsed the local urban population. The booming harbour economy of Rome’s principal port attracted an influx of new people from all areas of the Mediterranean and the wider Roman Empire. Next to Ostia’s resident population the city also had to accommodate a considerable amount of transient people who were seeking seasonal occupation connected to harbour activities. Drawing on the built environment and a considerable body of inscriptions, this study will trace the dynamics between the pre‐existing environments and urban formation processes which were stimulated by varied levels of population pressure and related infrastructural demands. Aspects to be examined are the built environment (the change from domus architecture to multi‐functional apartment blocks) and the transformation of the street system over time. The physical environment offering both a maritime entrepôt and a river port seems to have proven favourable in sustaining the urban development of Ostia over the period of a millennium. Human agency might have played an equally important role, linking Ostia to the fate of Rome and to imperial presence. The combination of both, natural factors and human agency, make Ostia a perfect case for the study of human settlement in Mediterranean areas. Paulo Pinto Research Centre for Communication and Culture ‐ Catholic University of Portugal, Portugal A backdoor access to China – Macau in the 16th‐17th centuries Following a period of exclusion, the Portuguese were eventually allowed to access China in the middle 16th century, not through episodic licenses of trade but by means of a settlement in the Pearl River Delta. The foundation of Macau marks the success of

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a pragmatic approach of Ming China to external trade and foreign contacts, being an odd urban settlement with an indefinite legal status. Unlike other apparently similar port‐cities in Maritime Asia, ‐ namely the Malay sultanates ‐ , it was not a cosmopolitan centre destined to attract diversified trade communities and to provide extensive supplies of foreign commodities to mainland China; on the contrary, a strict control was kept by the Ming provincial authorities on who and what arrived in the port, under the general rules of official haijin – the “sea ban” regime of Ming China. However, what was supposed to be a ephemeral settlement became a prosperous city, thanks to the mutual interests and a delicate balance between the several powers involved, both Portuguese and Chinese, in what has been called the “Macao Formula” – a successful experience of informal practices and activities able to permeate the rigid framework that regulated the contacts of China with the outside world. Naoko Fukami Organization for Islamic Area Studies, Waseda University, Japan Medieval port‐cities in Gujarat. India through Muslim monuments I want to deal with the history of port‐cities from a multicultural perspective. There are Muslim monuments constructed in middle of the 12th century at Bhadreshwar in Kutch, as reported by Shokoohy. Our Project Gujarat team discovered, after the earthquake in 2001, the medieval city‐wall of Bhadreshwar. It was enclosed a quadrangular city, with the Vasai Jain Temple located at the center. Two mosques and a dargah were located in the western part of the city. Bhadreshwar was a flourishing port‐city around that time. There were some muslim communities under the Jain monarch, coexisting with a Hindu population. In Kathiawar, there are some Muslim monuments constructed between the end of the 13th century and the early 15th century. They are found in Mangrol, Somnath‐Patan and Veraval. Some of them were reported by Cousens and Shokoohy. In my study, which compares their architectural styles and the inscriptions, other monuments are mentioned, constructed during the same period. Somnath‐Patan is a famous Hindu holy place. It was attacked by Mahmud from Afghanistan in themearly 11th century. The Khaljis from Dehli conquered Gujarat in the early 14th century. And in middle of the 14th century, the local Muslim governor constructed the Great Mosque at Somnath‐Patan and another mosque at Veraval at the center of the city. The Great Mosque of Mangrol was located in the western part of the city, but the governor built the Ravali Masjid at the center of the city. Through these examples, dating to between 1159 to 1550, I want to consider the port cities and muslim monuments from the viewpoint of the monarch and the people. In Kutch and Kathiawar, there were historical muslim communities dating to before the Khaljis established complete control over the port cities. And they originated from Persia or Arab lands. However, they intermarried with local peoples and they absorbed aspects of local cultures. I want to consider the urban morphology through the location of monuments.

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Hang Lin Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures, University of Hamburg, Germany From closed capital to open metropolis: City transformation in Tang and Song China Three and a half centuries separated Tang (630‐907) Chang’an at the height of its glory in the mid‐eighth century and Song (960‐1127) Kaifeng on the eve of the Jurchen invasion in 1126 AD. The Tang and the Song capitals represent two major stages in the development of the city in early China. In contrast to Chang’an, a semi‐autonomous walled “urban village” separated by a wide expanse of transitory space, Kaifeng was a dense city criss‐crossed by ad hoc commercial streets filled with a variety of urban activities during day and night. Indeed, during this period, a number of significant changes took place: the tearing down of ward walls within the city, the cancellation of curfew, the boom of commercial and recreational activities spread all over the city. All these helped to erode the Tang urban structure and to give birth to a new one in which the closed walled city transformed into an open market city. Based primarily on contemporary Song written and visual records, in particular the Meng Yuanlao’s memoir "Dongjing menghua lu" (Record of Dreams of Splendor at the Eastern Capital) and Zhang Zeduan’s scroll "Qingming shanghe tu" (Up the River at the Qingming Festival), this paper outlines the characteristics of the layout and structure of the two cities and examines various aspects of the daily life in both cities. On the base of that, efforts are made to explore the unique pattern of transformation of cities in medieval China. Gwen Bennett McGill University, Departments of East Asian Studies and Anthropology, Canada History from the ground up: Liao administrative and production centers in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia, China The Kitans ranged around modern China’s Great Wall and across Mongolia, established the Liao Empire in 907, and controlled a continental scale realm until they were conquered in 1125. Their political, economic and religious influence lasted for centuries across a vast territory, but we know very little about their society and ways of life. The Kitans themselves left few records, and the Chinese records focus on elite political and military events. Elite life is materially documented by rich tombs, pagodas and walled cities located across the northern landscape, but we know almost nothing about the majority of society that did not lead archaeologically and historically visible lives, nor about the multiple processes of development that occurred within the complex socio‐economic‐political web from which the Kitans emerged as an entity. This paper will present preliminary results from the first year of a new five‐year archaeological survey project that will start during the summer of 2013 in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia. This first season will focus on the sites of Songshanzhou and Gangwayao, and the region that surrounds them. Gangwayao was Liao’s largest ceramic production center and produced both official wares for the Liao court and

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commercial wares that have been found across North China and Inner Asia. Songshanzhou, a lower level administrative center mentioned in the Liao History, likely also served as its market town. Work at the site of Songshanzhou will attempt to identify its bureaucratic, residential, market, religious, and workshop quarters; roads; defenses; and the nature of its relations with the network of hamlets and villages outside the city’s walls. Survey of the region connecting Songshanzhou and Gangwayao will also help us place both centers in a regional perspective and investigate them as related entities that may have had an interacting developmental trajectory. This work will give us insight on the development and life of administrative and production centers in a different cultural setting from better known ones south of the Great Wall, as well as a better understanding of the commoners and lower level administrators who are otherwise nearly invisible in the historical record. Wenyi Huang Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Canada Frontier crossers in the Northern Wei capital cities: With a discussion of capital city planning of Luoyang For nearly 200 years of tension, a frontier, both geographically and politically, separated the Northern Wei regime (386‐534 CE) in the north from a succession of regimes in southern China. While migration and mutual trade had been greatly restricted due to continuing conflicts between both sides, a significant number of people still risked their lives crossing the frontier, including smugglers, traders, religious specialists, envoys and defectors. To help understanding the importance of frontier crossers in the Northern Wei society, this paper focuses on how the Northern Wei adopted specific policies‐ especially spatial segregation and zoning‐ to deal with problems of frontier crossers, and how this fits within the general spatial policies of the Northern Wei regime. By using largely the dynastic histories, mural inscriptions and Luoyang qielan ji (Record of the monasteries of Luoyang), I will provide a sketch of the urban planning of the Northern Wei capital cities, especially Luoyang, and point out how the Northern Wei government allocated people of different social status, occupations, and ethnic backgrounds. I will then look deeper into the settlement arrangement of frontier crossers and analyze how the policies developed over the course of the Northern Wei dynasty, including where they lived, how long they were allowed to live in the particular residential areas where the state assigned foreigners, when the Northern Wei government built the residential areas for these crossers as well as those who were in charge of these places.

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SANSKRIT POETRY IN AND OUT OF THE CITY

Convenor and Chair: Adheesh Sathaye, Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Canada The city has been a crucial spatial imaginary concept in Sanskrit literary culture from its inception. Yet until recently the relationship of Sanskrit literature to urban life has hardly been considered, partly no doubt because urban settlements and ‘urbanism’ were seen by an earlier generation of historians to have sunk into decline during precisely the period of the high water mark of Sanskrit court poetry, which itself was seen as the preserve of a feudal aristocratic class rooted in rural exploitation. These antinomies, derived from European historical experience, need to be considered more carefully in light of recent approaches to Sanskrit literature and power, whether ‘courtly’ or ‘cosmopolitan’. Sanskrit kāvya has a complex relationship to the city—on the one hand the city was evoked as a locus of harmonious order and was certainly the place where urbane and cultured people who often (but not always) formed its subject and audience were thought to reside; but on the other hand, the cities of Sanskrit kāvya, like their characters, were often cast in highly conventionalized fashion and set in an ‘antique’ past somehow removed from the present. The present panel seeks to explore these complex cultural figurations via some key case studies. The North Indian city of Kanauj, for example, is an exemplar of a literary town, to

which the greatest Sanskrit poets gravitated (Bāṇa, Bhavabhūti, Rājaśekhara, Śrīharṣa, to name but a few), and where multiple historical strata thus stand to be revealed. Although the early medieval period (c. 600‐1200 CE) was an age of multiple political and cultural centers in South Asia, this city was a center among centers—an axis, or ‘orient’—that every major regional power sought to control, and that gained an international reputation as a site of great economic, political, and religious importance. It was in Kanauj – and a handful of other places like it across the subcontinent – that the sublime universal register of Sanskrit was historically situated and condensed into a mini megalopolis, pregnant with local nuances and contradictions. Papers thus stand to cast light on the translation of urban space into cultural form and vice versa: the mutually meditating relationship of poetry and city in early medieval South Asia. Daud Ali Dept. of South Asia Studies, University of Pennsylvania, USA Literature and City Life in Early Medieval India Recent work has drawn our attention to the role of cities and city life in classical Sanskrit literary culture from the early centuries of the Christian Era. This work has challenged the long held assumption that this literature was a hackneyed conventional discourse that accompanied the decline of cities throughout the subcontinent. In this

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formulation, classical Sanskrit poetry tended to be the reserve of a feudal aristocratic class with its roots in the countryside. This paper seeks to revisit this discussion with more complex models of social change and literary representation. The paper will analyze urban representations in Sanskrit literary representation in the context of what we know of contemporary political realities from inscriptions as well as archaeological remains of both early historical and early medieval urban sites. It seeks to make sense of enduring literary tropes and conventions that were tied to the representations of specific cities and kingdoms that formed both a venerated ideal as well as an obsolete and antique urban geography, The paper will then consider the tensions and imbrications of early medieval elite culture, fixed in most formulations as either ‘urbane’ or ‘courtly’, to ask whether our evidence gives us reason to suggest another approach to the problem of cities and culture in early medieval India. Jesse Knutson College of Humanities, Seoul National University, South Korea


The rise to prominence of king Harṣa early in the 7th century represented a watershed in North Indian politics and political representation, demonstrating a radical personalization of rule that could be seen as analogous to that of the Mauryan emperor Aśoka (3rd century B.C.E.). From his extensive prose poem biography by

Bāṇa, the Harṣacarita, to his own autograph [svahasta] included in various seals and inscriptions, to his own substantial literary output, Harṣa was both emperor and man; he set the stage for a new literary representation of political actors that would become hegemonic by the beginning of the second millennium. He also sought to extend the political logic of classical India into medieval times, forging a far‐flung eastward‐looking empire doomed to destruction soon after his death. The eastward looking city of Kānyabubja (modern Kannauj) became the jewel in the crown; this was the start of the city’s career as a figure for north Indian imperium.

Yet in Harṣa’s dramas, Kannauj is never mentioned even if significant cities and suburban spaces abound. In Ratnāvalī, the city of Kauśāmbhī, described as virtually made of gold (1.10) (from which king Vatsa rules and conquers the northerly kingdom of Kosala) may figuratively represent the capital. The drama traces the king’s desire for a young temptress. After the queen in a jealous rage locks the girl in a dungeon, it comes to light that the king’s minister had contrived to make him fall for her, since she

is the daughter of the royal house of Siṃhala (Shri Lanka) and it has been prophesized that whoever weds her shall become ‘sovereign of the entire earth’ [sārvabhauma]. In

the drama Priyadarśikā, conquering the eastern region of Kaliṅga holds the fortunes of the king’s love affair with another young temptress. The paper examines how Harṣa’s plays allegorically weave political affairs into amorous conquests, reading this as both

an aspect Harṣa’s broader personalization, as well as indicating a strategy of displacement in tune with imperial adventurism.

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Adheesh Sathaye Dept. of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Canada In and around the Cosmopolis: Poetic Excavations of Tenth‐Century Kannauj Kannauj today is a small market town along the Ganges, famous for its perfumes and little else. This city was, however, quite a different place in the past, when for nearly six hundred years (c. 600‐1200), this thriving metropolis served as an epicenter for the production of high Sanskrit literature. Some of the most celebrated Sanskrit poets and playwrights lived and worked here, making it a key node within a larger, millennium‐long intellectual and aesthetic imaginary that Sheldon Pollock has called the “Sanskrit Cosmopolis.” In the absence of extensive archaeological work, these Sanskrit literary works—alongside copious inscriptions, travelogues, and documentary accounts—remain the most effective means of appreciating urban life in this premodern Asian city. Crucial evidence for the cosmopolitanism of Kannauj comes from the poet and poetician Rājaśekhara Yāyāvarīya, who moved here from the Deccan in the late 800s to

write in the imperial court of the Gurjara‐Pratīhāras. Rājaśekhara’s Kāvyamīmāṃsā (“Dissertation on Poetry”) includes a lengthy cultural gazetteer detailing the rich diversity of regional modes, customs, styles and conventions across the Indian

subcontinent. Pollock has suggested that the Kāvyamīmāṃsā evokes a ‘geo‐cultural matrix’ through which Sanskrit poets, no matter where and when they actually lived, could make themselves seem timeless and placeless—and thereby be appreciated anywhere and everywhere. I would like to show, however, that Rājaśekhara’s map of Sanskrit India is firmly centered on Kannauj, and that he was writing explicitly for and about the diverse inhabitants of this city. Through a close, excavative reading of the

Kāvyamīmāṃsā and other works, this paper investigates how Rājaśekhara’s vision depended on the urban cosmopolitanism of Kannauj and how his own work, in turn, contributed to this city’s continuing role as a leading center for Sanskrit literary production in early medieval India. Deven Patel Dept. of South Asia Studies, University of Pennsylvania, USA The Twin Careers of Poet and City in Narratives of Twelfth‐century Kanauj. The Gahadwal era of Kanauj – spanning the entire twelfth century – was a remarkable period in Indian history for many reasons, not the least of which were the literary transformations it witnessed. New literary cultures emerged alongside new genres and new ways of engaging with inherited models of classic works in Sanskrit. Later accounts of the city as a center for this literary activity are varied and, perhaps, in need of clearer presentation. During this century, there was no greater literary figure in Kanauj than the polymath Sriharsa. This paper speaks to two aspects. First it treats the historical representations of Sriharsa as a member of the Gahadwal courts in the prefaces of Sanskrit commentaries (13th to 15th centuries) on his magnum opus, The Naisadhiyacarita, and his appearance in later narrative works (both 15th century) such

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as the Prabandhakosa and the Purusapariksa. The ways in which Kanauj’s social and political culture is remembered in these accounts has not received the attention it deserves and, therefore, this paper attempts to foreground the city’s role in the narratives. Second, based on these representations and the historical knowledge we have of Kanauj during this era, the paper speculates on what Kanauj may have meant for Sriharsa as a context for composing his great work and the ways in which his career intermingles with the career of the city’s social and political life during the twelfth century.

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Truong Giang Do National University of Singapore (NUS), Singapore Nagara Vijaya (Champa) in regional and global perspectives (12th‐15th centuries CE) During the period from the late twelfth century CE to the year 1471 CE, the nagara Vijaya not only served as the primary and long‐term political center but also as an economic and religious center for the entire mandala Champa (located in present‐day central Vietnam). In this paper, the author attempts to examine the historical process of nagara Vijaya in regional and global perspectives, with special focus on studying the internal and external commercial exchange networks that contributed to the development and prosperity of nagara Vijaya. This study aims to answer two key questions: Firstly, in what historical circumstance did the polity of Vijaya emerge as a predominant political and economic center on the coast of Champa; and secondly, how did nagara Vijaya maintain its connection with major regional and international centers? These objectives could be attained by re‐examining Chinese and Sino‐Vietnamese historical records in combination with new evidence from recent archaeological findings in the Central and Central Highland/Tay Nguyen regions of Vietnam as well as in Vijaya’s adjacent kingdoms. My study also aims to re‐examine the “riverine exchange network” model proposed by Bennet Bronson. I will challenge this model by proving that Bronson’s model cannot describe comprehensively and accurately the political development and economic activities that took place in the ancient nagara Vijaya of Champa (as well as other coastal nagaras/polities of Champa). New discoveries in the archaeology of the Central Highland of Vietnam as well as ethnographic study in the border region of modern Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia lead to new perspectives which recognize the active role of upland communities in organizing, managing and operating the exchange networks in the highland region and show how they played a key role in connecting the coastal polity of Vijaya with the Angkor Empire in mainland Southeast Asia. Thuy Lan Do Thi Faculty of History, VNU ‐ University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam From court city to commercial center: Thăng Long in the Tonkin River system in 17th‐18th century Northern Vietnam Based on a variety of historical materials, including Western maps and documents from the 17th‐18th centuries, Vietnamese historical sources including data in Sinoscript and archaeological research results, using the geo‐historical/cultural approach method, this study aims to discuss the function of ancient Hanoi, named Thăng Long (Ascend Dragon). It asks the question whether it played merely a role as court city, a capital of the kingdom, as suggested by Vietnamese historians until recently, or whether its prosperity during the 17th and 18th centuries derived from internal developments, as Anthony Reid argued in his book in 1993. To answer the

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question, my paper presents some important historical features of Thăng Long, since its foundation prior the 17th century (namely its citadel complex and its location along the river, its position along commercial networks in Vietnam and East Asia); the Tonkin River and the formation of the three‐port‐city system in the 17th ‐ 18th centuries:

Thăng Long, Phố Hiến and Domea; and finally, the role and function of Thăng Long ‐

Kẻ Chợ in the River system during the time. My study has led to the following conclusions: (1) throughout history, Thăng Long

played a considerable role in trading networks of Great Việt, in addition to its primary function as a court city; (2) However, it is only when Thăng Long was attached to the Tonkin River system, the key water route connecting the Red river delta with East Asia,

that the city started to flourish. Within the system, Phố Hiến played the role of intermediate port, while coastal Domea was an anchoring place for foreign vessels. Kẻ Chợ could be seen as the main commercial center of Tonkin and Great Việt. William Southworth Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, the Netherlands Walled city enclosures in the Champa culture The existence and appearance of defensive walled city enclosures in central Vietnam can be reconstructed from Chinese historical sources dating from the 5th and 6th centuries CE. These descriptions correspond well with a number of surviving walled sites associated with the Champa culture, most notably near Hue and at Tra Kieu. This paper will summarize the limited archaeological evidence extracted from these sites and discuss what kind of settlement patterns may have existed in their interior. Two distinct types of walled enclosure can be differentiated from the surviving plans and surrounding landscape features. The paper will argue that this differentiation is chronological and suggests that city design in Champa was directly influenced by the construction of Angkor Thom in around 1200. It is hoped that this paper will correspond well with that proposed by Do Truong Giang regarding the city in Vijaya. Liem Vu Duc Faculty of History, Hanoi National University of Education, Vietnam Cities on the move: Seventeenth century Vietnamese littoral urbanization in the context of local and global competition Urbanization in early modern Southeast Asia was largely considered as a result of international trade and the regional context of the commercial age (Shigeru Ikuta 1991, Reid 1988/1993, Momoki Shiro 1998, Li Tana 2006, Charles Wheeler 2006, Geoff Wade 2009, Wade and Sun Laichen 2010, Claudine Ang 2012). However, with a new geopolitical approach to spatial structure of urban networks in seventeenth century littoral Vietnam, an alternative pattern of the country’s traditional urbanization can be suggested. This paper argues that the processes of urban development and changes in early modern Vietnam were part of the geopolitical negotiation between local and

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global competition, including regional conflict and international contest for trade in the South China Sea. Local contention and international involvement (Chinese and Europeans in particular) are factors that explain the foundation and development of cities, their move in space, rise and decline. They provide a better understanding of the ‘rise and fall’ of those littoral cities such as Van Don, Hoi An, Pho Hien, Thanh Ha, Nuoc Man, My Tho, Dong Nai, and Ha Tien with wider explanatory frameworks. For all elements of their urban features, the model of traditional religious and elite ‘top‐down’ no longer holds; even their secrets of success and failure can be strategically read as consequences of local and global interaction. By examining the way seventeenth century urban networks were distributed in space, it is clear that there is no contrasted perspective of global and local features of the Vietnamese urban growth, but profound connection between regional and international economic and power dynamics. This is a new way to look at Vietnamese urban tradition, through both a local and global perspective, and to relocate the space of present‐day Vietnam in the context of global history.

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Lung‐hsing CHU National Palace Museum, Taiwan A meeting point of the West and East: The social networks underlying the cityscapes of Nagasaki during the Edo period Compared with the Dutch cityscapes that were purchased and prized by the proud citizens during the golden age, the city images of Nagasaki were produced for such reasons as observing foreigners (Chinese and Dutch) through works by official painters, or for commercial profit earned from selling them to tourists as souvenirs during the Edo period (1615‐1868). In exploring the significance of the cityscapes of Nagasaki, this paper poses the following question: how did the images of Nagasaki City reveal the influences of social factors during the Edo period? For more than 200 years, Japan’s trading relations were restricted to Holland and China, beginning in Nagasaki in 1639. To manage the foreigners efficiently, the government moved the Dutchmen to a fan‐shaped artificial island and confined the Chinese to a walled compound. The combined area of these two foreign residences was far less than one tenth of the total area of Nagasaki, although the paintings or prints often portray the Chinese and Dutch residences in ways indicating that they constituted the main part of the city’s image in the minds of the people. Clearly, commercial profits and the city’s political policy made Nagasaki exceptional among the cities of the world. An exploration of internal and external factors comprises the principle structure of this paper. With regard to the internal factors, the cityscapes can be categorized according to the intended patrons, government, and private publishers. Circulation of the city images among administrators and the public reflects a diffusion of the class divisions that constitute one of Nagasaki’s unique characteristics among cities in Japan. As for the external factors, not only were the styles of the cityscapes influenced by Chinese and Dutch artworks, but also the people and materials from overseas became symbols within the cityscapes. Through analysis of the cityscapes produced during the Edo period, this paper illustrates the role that the Chinese and Dutch played in the creation of the images of Nagasaki from the 17th to the 19th centuries. Radu Alexandru Leca SOAS, University of London, United Kingdom Urban paradise: Prostitute quarters as key factors in the urban development of 17th century Japan In my paper, I analyse the establishment and evolution of licensed prostitute quarters in the city of Nagasaki and the capital Edo, seeing them as essential elements of the city plan throughout the 17th century. The pleasure quarters in both cities were situated in a south‐eastern direction at the urban periphery, close to the sea shore. I consider the symbolic significance of this liminal position, and that of the cardinal

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direction in which they were placed. I explore links with beliefs in water deities and paradisiacal islands beyond the sea. I focus on the Island of Women, a feminine utopia at the periphery of Japanese territory whose spatial symbolism is transferred to the prostitution quarters at the urban periphery. Edo’s prostitution quarter, Yoshiwara, relocated after being destroyed by fire in 1657, is a most suitable example of urban development in Japan after the middle of the 17th century. The space of this ‘New Yoshiwara’ figured prominently in travel guides to the city, popular prints and paintings, constituting a major element in the emerging identity of Edo. I argue that the space of the pleasure quarters was not merely one of entertainment, but also one of auspicious inversion and thus confirmation of the urban order. Throughout this analysis, I refer to the characteristics of the prostitution quarters of late Ming China, which provided the model for their Japanese counterparts. However, my focus is on specifically Japanese characteristics of the space of the quarters. My paper thus provides a study case for the general process of urban formation in 16th‐17th century East Asia. I therefore engage both with the theme of urban development and that of the social fabric of the city as it is shaped by gender relations and directional beliefs. Carla Tronu Japan Research Centre, SOAS, University of London, United Kingdom Sacred space and the urban formation of Nagasaki in the late 16th and early 17th centuries The Nagasaki port town was founded in 1571, but there are few reliable Japanese data available before 1663, due to a fire that destroyed most of its streets including the residence of the bugyō where official documents, maps and census reports were kept. Nevertheless, since the Portuguese missionaries and merchants were involved in the founding of the city, it is possible to trace back its urban formation through extant contemporary missionary reports and later local sources. A study of the foundation of the city of Nagasaki in 1571 and its rapid urban growth allows us to raise questions on the close relationship between the effort the Jesuits under Portuguese patronage first and the mendicant orders under Spanish patronage later put to Christianize the city and the complex internal organization of Nagasaki. Nagasaki is often referred to as seventeenth‐century Japan’s ‘Christian city’. In this paper, I argue that what actually organized Nagasaki as a self‐consciously Christian city was the implementation of the Christian calendar and the parish system at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the latter having interesting connections with the urban development. It is very significant, for instance, that Bishop Luis Cerqueira only implemented the parish system fully after inner and outer town were merged into a single administration unit in 1605. Although traditionally the agency of the Japanese local elites and the foreign clergy were emphasised, recent scholarship has started to claim the importance of the role of the common citizens. Following this trend, this

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paper shows how the citizens’ involvement with their local parish church and the ritual celebrated in there were crucial to consolidate Nagasaki as a Christian city. The production of Christian space and time went hand in hand in Nagasaki, and structured the social dynamics of the city. Ellen van Goethem Kyushu University, Japan Adopting and adapting the paradigm: Gridiron cities in Japan Using the example of capital cities, this paper will address the issue of cultural borrowing and the subsequent modification of imported ideas in ancient Japan. It is common knowledge that during the early centuries CE the ruling elites of the Japanese archipelago were heavily dependent on Chinese archetypes and prototypes for the formation of the early state. Unquestionably, one of the most visually striking and impressive examples of this process of cultural borrowing was the establishment of large, semi‐permanent urban centers. Laid out on a gridiron pattern with a clearly delineated space reserved for the ruler’s residential quarters as well as for the apparatus of government—itself also mostly newly introduced—these cities symbolized the power of the ruler and the political, social and cultural center of the recently emerged state. In order to explain how the Chinese archetype was adopted and adapted, this paper will briefly trace the evolution of gridiron cities. Then it will address the process of selecting a suitable site for the establishment of these cities. This process is commonly addressed only briefly by referring to lofty ideals and/or to esoteric practices but has received little scholarly attention so far.

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Jason Hawkes Institute of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Denmark Early medieval urbanism in South Asia: decay or floruit? Central to the established history of urban development in South Asia is a supposed decline in urban centres during the ‘early medieval’ period (c. AD 600‐1200). A number of historical theories have been put forward to explain this change. Yet, what they all share in common is the idea that earlier ancient cities declined, which has become one of the main bases for defining the transition from the ancient to the medieval in South Asia. What underpins this idea of urban decline is the archaeological evidence from a number of sites located throughout the subcontinent. Specifically, a perceived absence of archaeological remains dating to the early medieval period from these sites has been interpreted as reflecting a cessation of economic activities, and a general abandonment of towns and cities as part of a general shift towards a more agrarian‐based economy. However, when one looks closely at the archaeological basis of these arguments, a number of methodological and theoretical concerns soon become apparent that bring into question many of the interpretations that have been made. This paper will review these concerns, and demonstrate that far from being a phase of urban decay, the early medieval period may not have witnessed a decline of urban centres at all. Aloka Parasher Sen Department of History, University of Hyderabad, India Ancient cities and Buddhism in hinterland societies of the Deccan Plateau, India In this paper I shall describe two settlements, often described as ‘cities’, that have been excavated on the Deccan Plateau in southern India highlighting their character and the nature of their close links with the spread of Buddhism during the early centuries of the Christian era. The data collected from the two centres of Kondapur and Phanigiri reveal complex structural remains along with artifacts, coins and other material remains that defy the application of convenient labels, which mark the early historic period in South India. However, clearly they can be seen as having created, nurtured and dialogued with a complex cultural and religious world of this period. Their economic sustenance and political linkages too hinge on questions of a complex network of resources and power that were controlled in different ways. The difference and diversity of settlement patterns in hinterland societies compel us to re‐think issues around the unraveling of their permanence and totality as absolute centres of centralization. Rather, it is pertinent to discuss how they were integrated in the local economy on the one hand and the external/global on the other, that is, to the

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markets in the rest of India and those of the Mediterranean region. Using these ‘cities’ we endeavor to stress that any definition of the ‘urban’ in the ancient world would have to be contextually located. Each of them provides a different set of factors that defines their character and survival. While the role Buddhism played seems central to both, one develops to become a cosmopolitan centre while the other remains locally rooted, only occasionally providing a window to the outside world. Ghani‐ur‐Rahman Quaid‐i‐Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan Traces of the Buddhist Period towns in the district of Shangla (Ancient Gandhara), Pakistan The land of Pakistan, particularly its northern part, has been the center of cultural activity throughout the ages. But many of the areas still need thorough documentation and conservation. The Shangla district is one of those neglected areas which have been the center of Buddhist cultural activity during the beginning of the Christian era. The present researcher took the responsibility of documenting the cultural heritage of this district in 2012 and until now has documented about 80 sites of the Buddhist (approximately 1st to 7th century) and Islamic (after the 11th century) periods. Thus, some selected Buddhist period religious and secular remains will be the focus of this research paper which have recently been documented for the first time. These remains show clear traces of the development and decline of the Buddhist period towns in that area. The towns under discussion were part of the famous Gandhara Civilization, which was the center of cultural, commercial and, above all, Buddhist religious activities. It was this land where, besides many travellers, the famous Chinese pilgrims, such as Xuan Zang and Fa‐Xian, came for learning. This is the land from where the famous trade caravans between the East and the West passed while trading along the Silk Routes. These activities led to the spread of culture and the introduction of Buddhism from this region to Central and Eastern Asia. The paper will, thus, also elaborate upon the significance of these towns in the spread of culture, trade and religion.

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Geok Yian Goh History Major Programme, Nanyang Technological University and Archaeology Unit, Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore An anomaly or a standard? Bagan and Myanmar urbanism Previous studies devoted to Myanmar settlement analysis and urbanization focus on the relative sizes of the settlements examined and their distribution within the modern nation‐state’s boundary. These studies emphasize the importance of architectural remains, especially the area bounded by the walls and the presence of built forms, but few pay much attention to the artifacts such as pottery. While walls can demonstrate the extent of a site, it does not provide sufficient evidence for population density, an important consideration, albeit not the only factor in the definition of urbanism. Pottery, on the other hand, remains an underrated but potentially useful dataset indicator for density. This paper seeks to further explore the definition of Bagan as an urban site along the continuum between two possible models: orthogenetic and heterogenetic cities, an issue first introduced by John Miksic in the 1999 special issue on Myanmar. In this specific presentation, the distribution of pottery (imported and indigenous) across the Bagan site will be examined to determine whether specific patterns of site usage emerge, especially with relation to temple architecture and the “city” wall. Mai Lin Tjoa‐Bonatz Freie Universität Berlin, Germany Archaeological identification of models of change: New data on early settlement patterns of highland West Sumatra Since 2010 an archaeological project of the Freie Universität Berlin has undertaken field research in Tanah Datar, a valley of West Sumatra in the heartland of the Minangkabau community. It is suggested that this area was the core area of the realm of Sumatra’s last Hindu‐Buddhist king, Ādityavarman (c. 1343–1375). An increasing socio‐political integration, mentioned in his inscriptions, is marked by ceremonial architecture, changes of land use and the establishment of an administration. Surveys and excavations at four sites have yielded new archaeological evidence that changes in settlement and socio‐cultural patterns occurred. New technology—metallurgy and an irrigation system—emerged. From the 14th century a territorial consolidation and increasing socio‐economic complexity are evidenced, which initiate an incipient urbanization process in this highland region. A fruitful paradigm for the archaeological study of cultures’ complexity must provide for the comparative study of settlement patterns. The adjacent sites of Bukit Gombak and Bukit Kincir, connected by a burial ground, reveal distinctive characteristics, including artifact types and proportions, during the 14th and 17th centuries. They are strategically located in a fertile plain and give access to the rich, mountainous

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hinterland, where forest products were collected and gold was exploited. A detailed analysis of spatial use in the 1463 m2 excavated settlement area of the two sites will be performed by focusing mainly on the earthenware types. By examining the distribution of different categories of artifacts, a settlement hierarchy can be identified during the time that socio‐economic relations existed between their inhabitants. The archaeological material mainly adds information on changing trading patterns, the consumption of imported luxury goods, social stratification and a differentiated economy. Excavations undertaken at other sites, Ponggongan and Tanah Lua, have identified more ancient settlements in the region. Chotima Chaturawong Faculty of Architecture, Silpakorn University, Thailand Architecture and Urbanization of the Chettiars Chettiar was the name of a trading group and it probably has its roots in Sanskrit shresta, meaning superior. It was the root of Sanskrit shresthi, which is equivalent to the Pali terms setthi or sethji, meaning a financial banker, wealthy trader or a city man. At present the term chetty orhettiar is used as a title by many castes of different ethnic origins in India; however, the most important one is Nattukottai Chettiar in Tamil Nadu. The paper focuses on the architecture and urbanization of the Nattukottai Chettiars, who prefer to refer to themselves as Nagarathars, “those who live in towns.” Nattukottai means land‐fort, as they built their houses like mansions or fort‐like mansions. Nattukottai Chettiars have been a rich merchant community since their early history. They were ship chandlers as well as salt and gem traders during the Chola Period and were involved with commerce and banking in South and Southeast Asia during the 19th to 20th centuries, for instance in Sri Lanka, Burma, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and Vietnam. With their wealth gained abroad, the Chettiars sent money back home to India for industrial investment and large‐scale philanthropy. They built well‐organized settlements and large houses in their hometowns. Their towns and villages were built in a form of a grid rather than developing organically. They were well planned with reservoirs to store and supply water. The architecture of their houses also reflected characteristics of houses of urbanized people which mixed indigenous traditional Indian architecture with European styles. They were built with brick and architectural materials from abroad, for example satin wood from Ceylon; teaks from Burma; tiles from Europe and Japan; steel from England; and marble and granite from Italy. Their architecture and urbanized settlements also influenced those of the people in Burma, as seventy percent of their wealth was invested in that country.

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Yinyin Liu Independent researcher, the Netherlands The dualism of the Ancient Chinese city: The conflicts and coexistence of Confucianism and Taoism in space The ancient Chinese cities were set in a landscape while the landscape infiltrated into the city. Therefore both formal and formless patterns shaped the ancient Chinese cities, as well as Chinese values, personalities and life styles: ordered and disordered, regulated and free, socially‐involved and secluded. These two opposites have been in conflict but also coexisted for centuries, and came to Chinese spaces as a dualism. The squares‐pattern of the city was formulated in ancient China since the Zhou Dynasty (10th BC) as an ideal city model. This pattern continued impacting on the city until the collapse of Feudalism, and it led to many great cities and imperial cities, e.g. Chang'an and Beijing. It illustrates form, order, realism, ceremony, the sacred and authority which Confucianism advocated. These values emerged in the ordinary dwelling‐complex as well. In contrast, the formless landscape surrounded the city and inside the city presented another side of Chinese culture: the pursuits of belonging to nature, being free, disordered and detached. All these qualities come from Taoism, which focusses on metaphysics and animistic patterns. Evidence can be found in both the patterns of landscape‐adaptive cities (e.g Shangqiu) and Chinese gardens mixed with an architectural complex. As a formal pattern of city, the squares‐pattern has been well known as the regulated model of the Chinese city. However, its conflicts and coexistence with the values of Taoism are seldom noticed due to the formlessness of the Taoist aspects of the city. These dual‐phenomena appear not only in the patterns of ancient Chinese cities and spaces, but also in Chinese life that one lived together with the reigning regime and in seclusion at the same time, and switched back and forth between the subtle influences of Confucianism and Taoism. Yun Lu Fujian Academy of Social Sciences, China Trade, migration, religion. A glance at urban life in Quanzhou in the 11th‐14th centuries Quanzhou is a city in Fujian province. Its northern latitude is 24°22’—25°56’. The eastern longitude is 117°34’—119°05’. Quanzhou was an important harbour in the 11th‐14th centuries. Many foreigns came there for maritime trade, especially Muslim merchants. Later they came to live in Quanzhou, and they married with Chinese women. Their descendants still live in Quanzhou. Many of their tombs found in Quanzhou reveal their religion, their homeland and so on. They affected urban life in Quanzhou. For example, Islam and Christianity spread into Quanzhou. Some of the newcomers built mosques or churches. Although Islam and Christianity came from

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outside, they developed in their own way. Islam had its high tide and its low tide, but it still exists in the city, since some Muslims adopted Chinese culture. Christianity died away in the 14th century or earlier, because Christians were few in Quanzhou. it should be noted however, Christianity spread into Quanzhou again in the 17th century. As said, some of the foreigners and their descendants were influenced by Chinese culture. They named themselves with Chinese names, and studied Chinese culture , including confucianism. In the end, one of them could write Chinese poems, even passed the government’s test, and became a government official. Urban life in Quanzhou is diversified. Quanzhou people enjoy,conducting business and international contacts, including to migration.

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13 NOVEMBER, 09.00‐10.30 ‐ SESSION I ‐ LEEMANSZAAL

Tilman Frasch Dept of History, Politics and Philosophy, Manchester Metropolitan University, United Kingdom Expanding a field of merit: Monastic complexes, foreign relations and urban development in Pagan (Burma), c. 1000‐1300 CE Between c. 1050 and 1300 CE, Pagan (or Bagan in revised spelling) was the capital of a kingdom which covered most of what is modern‐day Myanmar (Burma). During this period, some 2500 religious monuments – mostly Buddhist temples, stupas and monasteries – were constructed in and around the city, covering an area of around 50 sq km. For a good number of these monuments, a dedicatory inscription has come down to us, which provides further information concerning the year(s) of construction, the name of the donor and his motivation, the endowments with serfs, land or articles of daily use and the like. However, despite this epigraphic data, the settlement history of the city is still rather patchy. A “master plan” for the construction of the major royal monuments, as claimed by Russian architect Oshegov, doesn’t seem to have existed, nor can a similar kind of planned, ‘cosmological’ layout as found in later Burmese capitals from Ava to Mandalay be detected. Pagan seems to have been as much “orthogenetic” as it was “heterogenetic” (Miksic). With systematic architectural and art historical surveys of the monuments also missing, the most that can be said about Pagan’s settlement history at this point is that religious construction initially concentrated on sites around the citadel and along the river banks. At the end of the 12th century, two new major building areas were opened up away from the river and the citadel, of which one apparently emerged around a royal monument (King Narapati’s Dhammarajika stupa, 1196‐8 CE), while the other one (Minnanthu) shows no such obvious royal involvement. Instead, this area is dominated by large monastic complexes, which form a marked contrast to the small monastic establishments typical for the rest of the Pagan cityscape. This paper will address the issue of urban development and the making of new ‘fields of merit’ at Pagan from a new vantage point, putting religious developments in the foreground. Both sites mentioned above display a certain degree of foreign influence, mainly from Sri Lanka, with which the Buddhists of Pagan had been in close contact throughout the 12th and 13th centuries. On at least two occasions, monks from Lanka were involved in a re‐ordination of the Pagan monks’ order, and the presence of Sinhalese monks in various monasteries near the Dhammarajika stupa is well attested for most of the 13th century. In addition, two new inscriptions have come to light from this area recently, which normally indicate the involvement of non‐Burmese monks. Did therefore Sinhalese monks introduce their notions of living and dwelling – forest monasteries instead of inner‐city residences, communalism instead of individualism, etc – to Pagan? Did they succeed or, as Burmese tradition has it, fail despite receiving

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royal support? These (and other) questions will form the basis for a fresh look at Pagan as an example for a capital of a “classical” Southeast Asian state. Taylor Easum New York University, United States Defining and defiling the 'New City': Chiang Mai's sacred spaces from the 13th to 19th centuries Research on most modern Asian cities either ignores the pre‐modern past, or at best describes it in perfunctory or idealized terms. Likewise, historical research often focuses on Asia’s large capitals or ‘global cities’; in Thailand, for example, urban history remains focused on Bangkok and its predecessor Ayutthaya at the expense of other related but distinct urban traditions. This essay attempts to redress the balance by examining the rise and decline of Chiang Mai, Thailand’s so‐called ‘second city’, and one of the most important city‐states in the inland region of mainland Southeast Asia. Chiang Mai, whose name translates as ‘New City’, was founded and flourished as a combination of urban traditions and populations, anchored in a matrix of sacred urban spaces, including temples, city walls, shrines, and the overall layout of the city. Local chronicles and histories of the founding and florescence of Chiang Mai emphasize the role of sacred space in defining not only the city’s location and morphogenesis, but also in shaping its social structure, and in maintaining the political legitimacy of its Tai‐Yuan ruling class. However, many narratives of this urban history were written in and reflect the concerns of the nineteenth century and beyond, imagining the pre‐modern city both as a template for urban renewal, and as a cautionary tale of urban decline. Therefore, in addition to discussing the role of sacred space in pre‐modern Chiang Mai’s early history, this essay also argues for the relevance of this pre‐modern history to nineteenth century and even contemporary Chiang Mai, where issues of historical and cultural preservation of sacred spaces continue to provoke debate and conflict in the city center. In short, the long arc of urban history works both ways, as the pre‐modern shapes the modern, and contemporary concerns shape our perceptions of Asia’s early urban past. Christophe Pottier Ecole francaise d’Extreme‐Orient (EFEO) – Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology centr, Bangkok, Thailand Angkorian urbanism: beyond the frames Angkor has often been seen in South East Asia as the paradigm of an urbanism strongly mirroring the strict geometry of its great religious monuments. And it is still widely recognized as the flagship of the agrarian city concept centred on its complex of walled temples surrounded by rice paddy fields. Assimilated to its last capital ‐Angkor Thom ‐ and its geometrically ‘perfect’ walled layout built in the late 12th century, Angkor was interpreted as the quasi perfect expression of a huge Mandala, as much for its socio‐economical and political organization as for its spatial organisation, thus formal.

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Beyond the prevailing reference to Angkor Thom and its strong influence over the development of the urban studies since the 1920s, this presentation will focus on the urban tradition in Angkor over the centuries. It will start with the poorly known origin of the urban settlements in the region of Angkor itself, instead of looking backwards from the late walled city of Angkor Thom. Based on the author’s recent extensive archaeological excavations and the anylisis of a new Lidar survey, the presentation will investigate the various steps of the genesis of the Angkorian urbanism, which help to reconsider various key concepts i.e. hierarchy, geometry, limits, territory integration... The reassessment of the earlier capitals shows the existence of a real urban tradition in Angkor, beyond the common formal understanding of urbanism in Angkor. It directly challenges the accepted vision of a palimpsest made of walled cities, and argues for an integrated development into a vast and structured territory.

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13 NOVEMBER, 09.00‐10.30 ‐ SESSION II ‐ NEHALENNIAZAAL

Jakub Maršálek Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Shifting capitals, movable states: some aspects of statehood in Early China For long, scholars have been puzzled by the fact that many characteristics of Early Chinese states do not fit general cultural‐anthropological classification. This also applies to the discussion of the very basic character of those states, using general terms such as city state versus territorial state, segmentary state etc. It seems that one of the important features of Early Chinese states – and their capitals as well ‐ was their relatively great mobility: capitals often shifted, and – mainly in the case of the smaller fief states of the Spring and Autumn period (770‐451 B.C.) – it was possible to shift the whole state. Various explanations for this phenomenon were suggested, including exhaustion of strategic resources, regular shifts of capitals as an evidence of a territorial character of some Early Chinese states etc. While those explanations can apply for concrete cases, it generally seems that the ability to be shifted was one of the inherent features of early Chinese cities or even states. In my paper, I will consider this problem mainly on the basis of the written sources concerning the Spring and Autumn period (770‐451 BC), and I will argue that mobility of states and their capitals in Early China was closely associated with the kin‐based political organization, which was reflected also in the ritual paraphernalia used in the state cults and central to the functioning of the capitals, one of the main characteristics of those paraphernalia being their movability. Pauline Sebillaud Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, France / Jilin University, China Ancient connections? Networks during the transition from the end of the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in the Central Plain In the Central Plains, the classical core area of Chinese studies, archaeological data have been compiled for more than eighty years. These data have contributed to a deeper understanding of the transition between the Late Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age, comprising significant social, economic, and political processes. However, settlement spatial organization, a crucial source of data for understanding this Chinese Protohistorical period, has yet to be intensively investigated in China. This paper introduces the dataset, database and GIS created for a comprehensive study of settlement patterns in the Central Plains. These allow us to review the various types of resources that appear in the archaeological record and to draw a map of the settlements linked by exchanges and communication roads for the Longshan (ca. 2500‐2000 B.C.), Erlitou (ca. 1900‐1600 B.C.) and Shang (ca. 1600‐1050 B.C.) periods. The nodes, or “centers”, in this network become apparent for each period when several criteria (environmental criteria: ores, clay, water systems, and archaeological criteria: presence of walls, large buildings, workshops, prestige items, etc.) are

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considered. Through this dataset, we can also analyze the characteristics and formation processes of these nodes. Such archaeological documentation allows us to reconstitute ancient networks and to define the role of these “centers” as catalysts, essential in the dispersion and transmission of ideas, techniques, etc. Finally, with a macro‐historical perspective on the longue durée, we can map the evolution of these networks and describe the main axes that structured the landscape during each period. Haicheng Wang University of Washington, United States The urban village and state factory in Early China Taking the better documented and more systematically excavated site of Amarna as a comparison, this presentation will use Yinxu, the site of the last capital of the Shang dynasty, as a case study to examine the life cycle of capital cities in Early Bronze Age China. It will suggest that in both China and Egypt the founding, growth, and decline of cities combined royal acts with myriad communal decisions not necessarily premeditated by the king. At the same time it will point out that in scale and organization the economies of the two cities differed fundamentally. Comparing the loosely structured cottage industries of Amarna with the centrally directed factories of Yinxu, it will suggest reasons for the precocious development of minute division of labor and factory organization in China.

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Catherine B. Asher University of Minnesota, United States A tale of two Indian cities: Shahjahanabad and Jaipur I wish to focus on two pre‐modern South Asian cities, Shahjahanabad (Delhi) and Jaipur, both in north India. Shahjahanabad, founded by the Mughal emperor, Shah Jahan, in 1739, was a walled urban enclave with two main avenues each leading to the royal palace. In both scholarly and popular literature Shahjahanabad is considered an “Islamic city.” By contrast Jaipur, founded in 1727 as a grid‐plan city with the palace at the center, is usually considered a “Hindu city,” built by a Hindu ruler, Sawai Jai Singh Kachhwaha, for his Hindu subjects. I will argue that these sectarian designations do not hold up under scrutiny of these two cities themselves. While mosques predominate in much of Shahjahanabad’s cityscape, fewer religious institutions are readily apparent in Jaipur, although hundreds of Hindu and Jain temples and somewhat fewer mosques do exist. Is the common designation of Shahjahanabad as a Muslim city and Jaipur as a Hindu city in any way accurate? To explore this, I will probe the issue of use. Why, for example, are temples, in both cities, largely tucked away in inner gullies and lanes, while mosques are more visible? In addition I will consider the Mughals’ and Kachhwahas’ concepts of state, a key to each city’s layout and appearance and their seeming sectarian character. Shah Jahan and Sawai Jai Singh shared similar visions for their state, not surprising since Jai Singh was not only a ruler of his own ancestral lands but also a very high ranking officer under the Mughals. Both rulers were guided by a policy initiated by the Mughal ruler, Akbar (r. 1556‐1605), of universal toleration. By considering appearance, plan, use and state policy, I will show how each city was conceived as an urban setting designed to showcase the king as a semi‐divine ruler presiding over a multi‐cultural, multi‐religious society. Elena Paskaleva International Institute for Asian Studies / Leiden University Institute for Area Studies / Leiden University Research Profile Asian Modernities and Traditions, the Netherlands The Kosh pattern in the urban development of Samarqand (11th‐17th centuries) The kosh pattern consists of two or three large buildings facing each other with a square between them. The kosh has two main characteristics: location and scale. The location was of primary importance as it represented the significance of the building defined by its position within the urban fabric ‐ mostly at the heart of the shahristan or aligned with a holy mausoleum. Since most of the kosh ensembles emerged throughout the span of several centuries, a key factor was to build across an already existing building erected by a famous ruler or dynasty. The location of the kosh legitimised the patron, his power and financial means. In the case of Samarqand, the royal Qarakhanid Madrasa of Tabghach Bughra Khan from 1066 was built across the holiest site of the city – the mausoleum of Qutham b. ‘Abbas at the Shah‐i Zinda necropolis. The second characteristic of the kosh, the scale, served to legitimise the

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power of the patron. By erecting a broader façade or a larger and higher entrance iwan, the new patron, commissioning the second kosh building, showed off with their financial might and capacity to attract better and more skilful builders. From the fifteenth century onwards, the kosh was erected along the major urban axes formed by the new market routes. These routes were essential for the economy of the city and were seen as the main representational arena of the political relations between the local ruling dynasties and the Sufi shaykhs. The kosh was a political statement, acknowledging the religious power of orthodox Islam and the arising economic and political power of Sufism. The aim of this paper is to show that the kosh is an important architectural medium reflecting power aspirations and religious affiliations in Samarqand, one of the oldest commercial and political hubs along the Silk Road.

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Andreas Gruschke, Sichuan University, China and Cirenyangzong (Tsering Yangdzom), Tibet University, China Early foundations for urban development in Tibetan areas ‐ The examples of Lhasa and Yushu (Jyekundo) Until the mid‐20th century, Tibetan inhabited areas have preserved a predominantly rural character. Cities or even larger towns were no typical feature of Tibet. The few settlements with a somewhat urban character have ordinarily been represented by the large monastic centres and a few trade marts. Except Lhasa, however, even those had still preserved a rather rural imprint. Yet, the characteristic way of interaction of inhabitants of those towns and their environment, both near and far, and the resulting structure of daily life, power relationship and the organisation of administration were the basis for later urban networks and thus clear features of non‐rural development and urbanisation. Lhasa in central Tibet and Yushu (Jyekundo) in present‐day’s southern Qinghai province of China are taken as examples to demonstrate the development from small regional settlements to urban focuses. The first one being the major pilgrimage centre and power focus of the Tibetan Buddhist world, located in agricultural areas, the latter represents a supraregional trade mart in the heart of true pastoral regions. The paper will lay out how the historical functions and networks of these two places established the foundations for the modern urban development. Eva Becker Independent scholar, Germany Karakorum ‐ A multicultural city of the steppe. Ancient Central Asian urban traditions and their influence on the foundation of Karakorum. Conventional scientific consensus presumes that the ancient Mongolian capital Karakorum, founded in the Middle Ages, was based on a Chinese city layout. But there is evidence which suggests that Karakorum was constructed according to the blue‐print of Central Asian cities and fortresses. Not only the historical sources but also the special relation between Mongols and Uyghurs in the 13th century point to this hypothesis. Also the description by the eyewitness Wilhelm Rubruk allows the assumption that Dschingis Khan's descendants followed not so much the tradition of the sedentary Chinese, rather than the tradition of the nomadic peoples of Central Asia. Not until the conquest of China by Khubilai Khan and the installation of the Yuan dynasty on the Chinese throne did a sinisization of the Mongol rulers take place. The almost certain probability of a Central Asian city layout of Karakorum, composed of an ark and sharistan, has never been considered by archaeologists and historians.

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The first excavator of Karakorum (Bukinic) already pointed out in 1932 that the deserted area north of the Buddhist monastery Erdene Zuu is not congruent with a city layout. Further research is needed, since its layout copied in all likelihood from existing cities, settlements or fortresses of Central Asia. I argue in favour of the statements by the 19th century scholars (Jadrincev, Pozdneev, Heikel). In my opinion the actual area of Karakorum is the area of today's monastery. Therefore the deserted area north of the monastery must be a suburb. Furthermore historical eyewitnesses (Rubruk, Juvaini) corroborate the assumption of strong Central Asian influences during Ogodai's and Möngke Khan's time, since it was founded for administration, trade and handicraft of the multicultural Mongol Empire. Maria Riep Leiden University Institute for Area Studies, the Netherlands Urbanism and nomadic empires – 7th century Syr Darya cities and the Turkic Khanate In the first half of the seventh century AD, the kingdoms along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya acknowledged Turkic authority. These kingdoms consisted of several dozens to a hundred cities, each governed by their own ruler. A frequent historical interpretation sketches the Turkic nomadic conquest of urbanized oases. Geographically, the Syr Darya is considered the frontier between the steppe and the sown. The cities along the upper and middle Syr Darya and those to the north of the Tian Shan, from where the Syr Darya and its tributaries sprang, however, played a pivotal role and were the stimulus for many events which took place in this era. These cities were not just responding to Turkic nomadic attacks, nor were the Turks without cities. This paper will explore the role of cities in the interaction between the Turkic Khanate and the kingdoms along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya and the resulting changes in urbanism in these kingdoms. The paper will give a short overview of the main cities to the north of the Tian Shan and those along the Syr Darya. It will discuss their character as centers (as capital of the Turks and as local centers) and how the cities’ agency (geographically, economically and socially) can be observed both in material culture and in historical sources. Finally the paper will present the changes which took place in the cities along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya during the seventh century and question the cause of these changes.

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Ari Levine University of Georgia, United States Early Modern Chinese cities as memory maps: Diasporic nostalgia for Northern Song Kaifeng Kaifeng, the capital of the Northern Song dynasty (960‐1127), was the most populous city in the early medieval world. Because the city’s physical destruction and geographical inaccessibility were central to its reproduction in cultural memory, the collective commemoration of Kaifeng’s sites was suffused with nostalgia for a glorious past that lingered after the city fell to Jurchen invaders in 1127. We do not know how many millions of northerners fled to South China thereafter, but they constituted the largest diaspora in premodern Eurasian history. For three generations of literati living in exile in the South (until roughly 1200), textual descriptions of Kaifeng’s memory‐sites were suffused with nostalgia for a vanishing past and lost territories. As remembered by diasporic literati, Kaifeng’s urban spaces became social constructions of the pre‐conquest past, shaped by the concerns of the post‐conquest present. Few Southern Song literati were able to return to Kaifeng after it fell, but many more virtually revisited the city as it existed in their individual memories — and for later generations who had no direct experience of it — collective memory. Refugees and their descendants carried with them a shared sense of the past that overlaid, augmented, and overrode their visual perceptions and remembered experiences of the city. The corpora of pre‐ and post‐conquest urban literature will yield new light when we examine them as mental maps of how Southern Song literati remembered urban spaces, and how they wanted their present and future readership to commemorate them. For cultural historians, reconstructing memories of trauma and collapse will require us to rigorously reconstruct historical epistemologies: the native categories and culturally‐embedded metaphors for how the mind remembers. Yi Wang Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, China Romantic encounters and urban space Romantic encounters of young lovers were important scenarios of romance, which was a very important literary style during ancient China. From Han dynasty, when the earliest romance had been recorded, through Six dynasties to Sui and Tang, when the romances became flourishing, to South Song dynasty, when the romance became an important genre of citizen literature, the encountering locales changed from the wild land to transportation service places to public space in metropoles, we can trace the steps of urbanization during the early and middle ages to imperial China.

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This paper is going to briefly review the romances of written literature from Han to South Song dynasties, and catalogue their locales. We shall then discuss a scenario of a single love story, which has been adapted hundreds of time during the period in question. We might see how a well‐known story has been adapted and applied to a new life style in new urban spaces. Ping Wang The University of New South Wales, Australia The talented and beautiful: An examination of the cultural milieu of urbanization in Song China (960‐1279) The Song Dynasty ‐ divided into the Northern Song (960‐1126) and the Southern Song (1127‐1279) ‐ is marked by an unprecedented growth in commerce and urbanization in earlier Chinese history, and arguably, even in the world history. Marco Polo had this to say about the magnificent Hangzhou, capital of the Southern Song: “The city is beyond dispute the finest and the noblest in the world.” Indeed, the metropolitan Hangzhou with a population of more than 2 million at the time boasted a vibrant urban life that has influenced Chinese cultural orientation and aesthetic taste up till now. The urban living with adequate infrastructure in the Song Dynasty provided city residents with bustling markets and entertainment services. The outdoor activities of previous dynasties were gradually being replaced by distinctive urban and domestic leisure: entertainment quarters, theatres, tea houses, singing girl houses, and lavish gardens, extending to as far as distant inns /lodges built along ancient post roads where the scholar officials often sojourned on their way to official posts or to exiles. Businesses thrived upon the huge crowds attracted to these places. The affluent urban elite also formed social clubs, such as Poetry Club, The Tea Society, the Refined Music Society. These social activities with close interaction between the entertainees and entertainers in turn not only stimulated art and literature, but also cultivated an unique literati culture where among other things, romances flourished between the talented scholar‐officials and the beautiful singing girls. This paper attempts to explore how the cultural vision and romantic lifestyle of the literati were shaped by the urban milieu, and how they in turn dominated the political, economic, and cultural life of the cities, and how this cultural ambience is still felt today.

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Aparna Balachandran Department of History, University of Delhi, India From city‐state to territory: The case of early colonial Madras My paper looks at the shifts in the ideology and practices of rule as the port city of Madras was transformed from a mercantilist city state to the territorial capital of the East India Company's southern Indian empire. It is possible to draw similarities between the ways in which this urban space with its racially and socially heterogeneous population was governed in the late 17th and 18th centuries, and the visions and forms of rule in other global commercial hubs including those of other European powers. I am particularly interested in the central role of religion ‐ Protestantism in particular ‐ in the constitution of this understanding of urban space and its governance. In contrast to its avowed secular self‐image, the Madras government was deeply embedded in and motivated by the values of Protestant Christianity that envisioned the city with its multi‐racial and multi‐religious population as a "New Jerusalem" over which it exercised a benevolent jurisdiction. By the late 18th century, however, a new conception of empire that was specifically linked to territory would fundamentally transform notions of space and governance which were far more socially and racially exclusivist in character. How did the subaltern inhabitants of the city ‐ communities of urban labourers ‐ experience and negotiate the city and its new legal and political regime? I suggest that it would be simplistic to describe this encounter as either emancipatory or disempowering. Instead, I argue that this process at the crucial transformative period would allow these groups to articulate an understanding of themselves as entitled subjects of the East India Company, even as they were being physically and ideologically erased from the space of the city. Cezary Galewicz Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland A memory‐sick palimpsest of an Asian City: Calicut – how to write urban history Twenty hours south by train from Bombay and off the beaten touristic tracts, the thriving commercial city of Calicut could boast of a history more glorious than that visible in its monuments. Should this history be written, the question remains: for whom and from whose vantage point? Its citizens betray growing anxiety with a need for shared urban past and identity. Developing new urban spaces proves a complex process in the environment that for centuries favored a co‐existence of distinct ethnic and religious communities. Though their relationship stemmed from the dynamics of constant status negotiation, its dominant flavor derived from a particular openness to the wide sea at hand. This gave rise to a legend of a cosmopolitan meeting point of several ancient cultures feeding on the phenomenon called Indian Ocean trade. It owes part of its narrative to a kingly figure of Zamorin, or the King of the Ocean ‐ a

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connecting link between rival communities of traders, Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Jews, Gujaratis, Parsis or Chinese, who make the city’s texture. The legend has its conflicting narratives, Portuguese reports, travelers’ accounts, folk tales. In a vision by a contemporary Indian writer, the medieval pax malabarica remains as much irretrievably lost as urgently needed to be recollected. The newcomers, Portuguese, Dutch, neglected at first, emerged as supreme powers bringing change and obliteration of the past. They too had to give way to more skilful outsiders lured by the scent of the spices of Malabar. What sort of pattern could be drawn for Calicut’s pre‐modern urbanity before foreign patterns were introduced from Portuguese Goa and Dutch Cochin, and its heart in the shape of the royal palace ended up in ashes by the 18th c.? What remained and how does it fuel the contemporary need for urban identity? Tsukasa Mizushima Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology, Tokyo University, Japan Patterns of urban formation in Early Modern South India Studies on urban development in early modern South India have focused upon colonial port towns such as Madras and Pondicherry. Instead, this paper studies around two thousand hamlets in the area surrounding Madras in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and examine, by using GIS, the patterns of urban development in the hinterland of colonial port cities. The emergence of European colonial port cities in Asia in the early modern period is thought to have greatly transformed the pre‐existing linkages of towns and villages. The actual processes are, however, not clear yet. The period observed, in the case of South India, witnessed a great development of textile export and, probably, urbanization facilitated by commercial economy. Did it actually promote urbanization outside the colonial port cities or did it work to the contrary? By using village‐level information on population and occupation of around two thousand hamlets between the 1770s and 1801, this paper will investigate and clarify the conspicuous features of urban development and discuss the impact of global economy upon Indian and Asian societies. Anuththaradevi Widyalankara Department of History, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka Heterogeneous cities of pre‐modern Ceylon as discovered through indigenous sources A polythetic definition of urbanization recognizes two distinct forms of its morphology. The first is the orthogenesis of the city that unravels the gradual evolution of the urban space. The other is the heterogeneity of the urban space. The literature on pre‐modern cities of Sri Lanka in the period from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries is focused on the heterogeneity of their sites. The pre‐modern

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cities grew not so much due to natural growth of its people but due to the many inducements it offered to attract more people from outside. The dynamics of human interactions across port cities of Asia and human interaction between coastal areas and the hinterland became agencies of the early urbanism in Sri Lanka. This paper hypothesizes that the models of city formation should be based on polythetic criteria that can explain the historiography of pre‐modern cities independent of western phenomena such as colonial conquest and ‘true’ replication of urban practices of medieval Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present literary data to explain the heterogeneousness of cities in pre‐modern Sri Lanka and their influence in developing cosmopolitism in the pre‐modern urban space. The study will explore the growing commercial activities in the littoral urban enclaves and the relations between the coast and the hinterland. Evidence is gathered extensively from indigenous sources such as message and pilgrim verses, chronicles, historical writings and epigraphic sources belonging to the period under survey. Findings of the study will serve to demonstrate how the pervasive commercialization of port cities over the first millennium and the first half of the second facilitated the European expansionists to establish an economic foothold in Ceylon by the sixteenth century.

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ROYAL CITIES OF SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM CE

Convenor and Chair: Janice Stargardt, Professorial Research Fellow, Sidney Sussex College, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Michael Willis Senior Curator in the Department of Asia, The British Museum, United Kingdom Urban decline in early medieval India: archaeological realities vs. historiographical illusions That urban centres in South Asia declined after the 3rd century CE is a commonplace in Indian history. The decline is generally characterized by a contraction of the centres themselves, an erosion of the monetized economy and a collapse of international trade. This was accompanied by a burgeoning of land grants to priestly elites by the royalty and a corresponding weakening of centralized power. In place of the state, power became localized and rested with powerful temples and other religious institutions. Although historians have argued about definitions, contested aspects of this depiction, or attempted to add a degree of nuance to it, the general picture that prevails is one of a republic of villages, a segmental state, and, to use Nick Dirks’s words, ‘a hollow crown’. The degree to which the evidence can be marshaled to support this interpretation is shown by the recent book by Giovanni Verardi, Hardhsips and Downfall of Buddhism, published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore, an organization that has played a significant role in this conference. The purpose of this paper to show that this theory, although coherent, logical and seemingly compelling, is unsustainable in its entirety. The archaeology and inscriptions of south Asia show that land‐grants did not erode the power of king and state, that monetization has been misunderstood, and that, central to the concerns of this conference, there were large cities and towns in the early and mature medieval India. Osmund Bopeararchchi Professor of Asian Studies, Department of Classics, Ecole Normale Superieure, Paris Anuradhapura, the royal capital of Sri Lanka Founded in the fourth century BCE by King Pandukabhaya, Anuradhapura remained as the capital of the island for almost fifteen centuries, making it one of the most stable and long‐lived political and urban centres of South and South‐East Asia. As recent archaeological findings have shown, Anuradhapura became a flourishing inland capital thanks to its being situated by the Aruvi Ari River (Malvatu Oya) which linked it to Manthai, the most active port in ancient Sri Lanka. The ancient site of Anuradhapura and its surrounding monastic complexes covers an area of over forty square kilometres. There has been much controversy over the focal point of the urban centre.

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For some historians, the Mahavihara, with the scared Bodhi‐Tree and the Ruawanvalimahasaye, was the centre of the city, and for others, the fortified citadel was the axis. The sacred section, composed of monastic establishments with impressive monuments, was much larger than the citadel where the royal place and the centre of administration were presumably situated. Several archaeological missions have been carried out in the citadel, and, to the surprise of many, well‐laid out city and its suburbs described in the Mahavamsa, the great chronicle of the island, were not so far found. Apart from the palace built by King Vijayabhau I (circa 1055‐1110 CE), neither the ancient palaces of renowned kings such as Dutthagamini (circa 161‐137 BCE), Mahasena (circa 277‐303 CE), and Dhatusena (circa 459‐477 CE), nor administrative buildings have been discovered in the city limits. In contrast, the Buddhist monastic complexes of Maha Vihara, Jetavana Vihara, Abhayagiri Vihara, Dakkhina Vihara and Mirisvati Vihara surrounding the citadel are covered with imposing stupas, bodhighara (bhodi shrines), patimagharas (image houses), sannipatasalas (assembly halls) danasalas (alms halls) and panchavasas (residences of the monks). This paper discusses the reasons behind contradictions leading to fundamental questions of the nature of the physical growth of the city, its legitimacy and authority and the discrepancies between the archaeological reality and literary sources. Janice Stargardt Professorial Research Fellow in Asian Historical Archaeology, McDonald Institute of Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge Sri Ksetra, a Pyu royal city of Burma in the first millennium By the 2nd century BCE, the cluster of Iron Age villages on the site of the future city, Sri Ksetra, began to exhibit features of social and economic complexity. These were a mastery of water control and iron working. As their development continued in the early centuries CE man‐made channels and tanks of water became important signposts to delineate the main habitation areas. This paper will trace distinguishing phases of urban development up to the middle of the first millennium, by which time a very large urban area was surrounded by water and brick fortifications. A fully hierarchical society was implanted in this urban space, leaving permanent traces of itself in a royal inner city, brick monuments, the adoption of Buddhism, Sanskritic royal names or titles, and literacy in Pali, Sanskrit and a written form for the Pyu language. In these features Sri Ksetra, together with two other Pyu cities, Halin and Beikthano, pioneered patterns of early urbanisation that would soon after emerge in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia. Wannasarn Noonsuk Lecturer and Head of the PhD Program in Asian Studies, Walailak University, Thailand Early Urban Centers in Tambralinga (Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, Peninsular Siam) Located on the east coast of Peninsular Siam, an isthmian tract between the South China Sea and the Bay of Bengal, Tambralinga had the cosmopolitan openness

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associated with islands to trade and cultural influences. It involved in the maritime exchange since the late centuries BCE and its heartland, in coastal Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, had the highest densities of Bronze Drums, early Vishnu images, lingas, Hindu shrines, and stone inscriptions in Peninsular Siam. Based on the studies of the distributions of late prehistoric sites and early Hindu shrines in relation to geography using data from GIS‐based studies and archaeological surveys and excavations, and ethnographic interviews, the results of this research demonstrate that the landscape of Tambralinga was vital to its urban development. Its heartland opened out to the South China Sea, where the intensive maritime trade took place, and had the mountains in its backyard, which were the source of forest products and tin, valued highly by foreign merchants. The flood plain between the shores and the mountains produced rice and cattle for the population in the kingdom. Tambralinga had beach ridges, running in the north‐south direction, as the core of its landscape which facilitated the communications among the clusters of communities. Rivers and walking trails provided passageways between various ecological zones and connected the kingdom to the west coast of the isthmus as well. This research has identified 5 clusters of brick shrines dated to around the 5th to 11th centuries CE, in which the cluster on the flood plain between the Tha Khwai and Tha Thon Rivers in Si Chon District has the highest density of sites in a relatively small area, suggesting perhaps the existence of an urban center, although there is no moat around it. In the 12th to 13th centuries, the urban center of Tambralinga seems to be shifted to the southern part of the ancient eastern beach ridge where the capital city of Nakhon Si Thammarat Kingdom was founded according to the local chronicle and it still remains the administrative center of the province until today. The development of this city in this time period is also detected in the archaeological record.

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RETHINKING WESTERN HAN CHANG'AN

Convenor and Chair: Griet Vankeerberghen, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Canada Discussant: Michael Loewe, Cambridge University, United Kingdom Our panel will introduce the results of several years of collaborative research on Western Han Chang'an, a city that ranks besides Rome among the greatest of the classical world. The distinctive contribution of our project lies in showing how Western Han Chang'an, much more than its physical layout, was a living city to which elites and non‐elites alike gave meaning, whether they were inhabitants of the capital, visitors, or merely knew Chang'an by reputation. In other words, we apply our understanding of the rich and growing material record relating to Western Han Chang'an to a systematic re‐reading of the historical sources. This, in turn, leads us to see Chang'an not only as the site from which the central court projected its authority, but as a city inhabited by individuals and households of varying socio‐economic status who navigated urban space, and in the process established complex relationships with one another and with the central court. Rather than survey the full life span of Western Chang'an (from its founding in 202 BCE until the time part of it was razed in 23 CE), our project focuses on life in the city during the three decades of Emperor Cheng's reign (33‐7 BCE), the last major reign before the collapse of Western Han, and a time by which Chang'an had fully matured into the administrative, economic, and cultural heart of the empire. Contributors to the panel will follow the movements of historical agents during this time period, both through the city and its environs, and in and out of the capital area. This will allow us to better understand the exchanges that took place between the capital and the outlying regions, and gauge how the physical layout of the city and the ideas associated with it contributed to the dynamic of the period. Michael Loewe Cambridge University, United Kingdom Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire As in other cultures, so in Han China (202 BCE to 220 CE) imposing buildings played a major role in satisfying religious beliefs and strengthening civil ties. Majestic palaces displayed the authority of the ruling house and attracted the loyalty of the population. Emperors worshipped at shrines designed to secure the blessings of the occult powers, and situated to accord either with traditional practice or with cosmological concepts. Hillocks that dominated the countryside surmounted the tombs of deceased emperors. Set in large parks they were accompanied by the halls where regular services ensured

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that the ancestors were not forgotten and that they were provided with all their needs. The erection of buildings of these types rested on three characteristics that were basic to the organisation of the Han empire; they served to re‐enforce the ties of kinship; they displayed the over‐riding importance of correct social behaviour (li); they asserted the essential hierarchies whereby the continuity of families was ensured and the demands of government were implemented. No remains of ritual buildings of the Han dynasty survive above ground. Archaeological work of he last fifty years has supplemented the references that are found to them in literature and to correct anachronisms introduced therein. It is possible to gain some idea of how these major buildings fitted into the plans of Chang’an, capital city of Western Han and the Xin dynasty, and Luoyang capital of Eastern Han. Characteristics seen in Han times re‐appear in the capitals of the later dynasties of China and possibly in Japan. Yijun Huang History Department, Minzu University of China, PR China Transformations of Chang'an's Burial Culture, in light of archaeology and cultural geography This essay will discuss the role of Chang'an, the capital of the Western Han (206 BCE‐8 CE), in the momentous changes in burial cultures that occurred during that time period. Chang'an was not only the locus where a distinctive Western Han burial culture gradually emerged (dubbed the "Core Han" culture in archaeological texts), as it incorporated and merged aspects of earlier burial customs associated with the pre‐unification kingdoms, particularly Qin and Chu. It was also the place from which this core culture rapidly spread outward after ca. 100 BCE, penetrating the rest of the empire quickly and thoroughly. To analyze the mechanisms by which this "Core Han" culture spread, I will examine, first, the role played by the officials who were sent across the empire from the capital‐‐they were often well trained in the classical learning that increasingly favored at court, and, second, the impact of the large‐scale population migrations to and from the capital region, especially in newly conquered territory in the North. Moreover, I will argue that this "Core Han" culture could not emerge and spread before the Western Han capital had eclipsed other major metropolitan areas as the most important cultural center. That, toward the very end of Western Han, innovations in burial culture seem to have come mostly from the Western Han empire's second most important metropolitan area around Luoyang, perhaps prefigures the important future role of Luoyang as the capital of Eastern Han (25‐220 CE).

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Michael Nylan Department of History, University of California at Berkeley, USA Western Han Chang'an and the Lives of Non‐elites In my paper, I will try to marshal all the available sources, from tombs as well as literary materials, that we have attesting non‐elite life in the greater metropolitan Western Han Chang'an area, which includes the city itself, the surrounding mausoleum towns, and various parks. If we wish to ascertain how the city functioned in antiquity, we will have to do far more than list or situate the main palaces. Two archaeologists in the People's Republic, Han Guohe and Zhang Xiangyu, have been excavating and analyzing non‐elite tombs, and their findings (only partially published to date), go a long way toward explaining the changing usages and artifacts in the city. We have estimates for the numbers of minor functionaries living within this area, as well as population registers. The received literary tradition also tells us something about Chang'an life outside the palaces, and the use of the major transportation arteries in to and out of the capital region. When we consider this body of available materials in light of comparable evidence culled from Roman history focusing on non‐elite life (most recently Robert Knapp's Invisible Romans and John Clarke's Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, we may hazard some tentative preliminary conclusions about the lives lived the environs of Chang'an by those whom the compilers of the standard histories for Western Han thought to merit only a passing mention or none at all. Griet Vankeerberghen Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Canada Geographical and Social Mobility in the Case of late Western Han Chang'an In my paper, I will try to marshal all the available sources, from tombs as well as literary materials, that we have attesting non‐elite life in the greater metropolitan Western Han Chang'an area, which includes the city itself, the surrounding mausoleum towns, and various parks. If we wish to ascertain how the city functioned in antiquity, we will have to do far more than list or situate the main palaces. Two archaeologists in the People's Republic, Han Guohe and Zhang Xiangyu, have been excavating and analyzing non‐elite tombs, and their findings (only partially published to date), go a long way toward explaining the changing usages and artifacts in the city. We have estimates for the numbers of minor functionaries living within this area, as well as population registers. The received literary tradition also tells us something about Chang'an life outside the palaces, and the use of the major transportation arteries in to and out of the capital region. When we consider this body of available materials in light of comparable evidence culled from Roman history focusing on non‐elite life (most recently Robert Knapp's Invisible Romans and John Clarke's Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, we may hazard some tentative preliminary conclusions about the lives lived the environs of Chang'an by those whom the compilers of the standard histories for Western Han thought to merit only a passing mention or none at all.

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ASIAN URBANISM THROUGH TIME IN CONTEXT: FACILITATING ANCIENT TO MODERN COMPARISONS Convenor and Chair: Benjamin Vis, School of Geography, University of Leeds, United Kingdom In April of this year IIAS and TU Delft organised a seminar on Asian Cities: Colonial to Global. This event studied the history and development of Asian urbanisation as it went through the transition of colonisation to growing into places of global relevance and character. Seizing the opportunity, this panel discussion aims to bring research on Asian urbanism full circle by stretching over its entire history to identify and integrate potential areas of mutual interest for future research. Facilitating ancient to modern comparative research engaging with early Asian urbanism, involves questioning what makes early Asian urbanism specific as well as what it shares with other worldwide urban traditions. To account for and better understand the variety of ancient urban traditions in Asia research would benefit from being placed within the context of wider, cross‐cultural considerations of urbanism. This panel will explore research themes and directions that form tenable foundations for creating a broad context for research on early Asian urbanism and placing it within social and global ecological discussions and on urban life. Within this panel the emphasis is on methods for characterising and studying patterns and features of urbanism on an intra‐city level, e.g. urban life and the meaning, function and inhabitation of forms of urban settlement, while references to (regional) systems of urban settlement are welcomed where appropriate. The panellists will lead the participants into a plenary discussion by briefly presenting a theme, question, or challenge, to assess opportunities for contextual and comparative research on early Asian urbanism and its relevance as a field. The panel will help to create a broad focus on what we want to know, the contributions of the field, and identify themes and directions for research on the differing forms of urbanism found. Question or discussion point The panellists will lead the participants into a plenary discussion by briefly presenting a theme, question, or challenge, to assess opportunities for contextual and comparative research on early Asian urbanism and its relevance as a field. The panel will help to create a broad focus on what we want to know, the contributions of the field, and identify themes and directions for research on the differing forms of urbanism found. Robin Coningham Department of Archaeology, Durham University, United Kingdom Akkelies Van Nes Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands Gregory Bracken International Institute for Asian Studies / Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands

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Amrit Gomperts independent scholar, the Netherlands, Arnoud Haag independent scholar, the Netherlands and Peter Carey Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia / University of Oxford, United Kingdom Medieval urbanism in Java: The court town of Majapahit The archaeological and historical record of pre‐modern Indonesian cities is scarce. Ma Huan’s Yingya Shenglan (1433) and Huang Xingzeng’s Xiyang Chaogong Dianlu (1520) list only four towns in 15th‐century Java, namely, the Majapahit court and the harbours of Tuban, Gresik, and Surabaya. Up to now, Majapahit is the only Indonesian city whose urban layout can be reconstructed to any reliable degree. On the eve of the Mongol‐Chinese invasion of Java in AD 1292‐3, King Wijaya (r. 1294‐1309) established his Majapahit royal palace in an area with mortuary monuments (candi) and Hindu and Buddhist religious settlements near the present‐day village of Trowulan in East Java. In his travelogue, the Shivaite pilgrim Bujangga Manik testified that Majapahit was still a vibrant town at the end of the 15th century. From the description in the Balinese historiography Kidung Pamancangah, we infer that the Majapahit site had already fallen into ruins before the early 18th century. Since the end of the Java War (1825‐30), the colonial exploitation of the area resulted in massive disturbance and destruction of sub‐surface brick structures, a process which continues until today. In 1921 and 1926, both the local Javanese regent, Kromo Djojo Adinegoro, and the archaeologist H. Maclaine Pont, produced maps of the archaeological remains as well as the original medieval brick structures of the Majapahit site which have vanished now. In 1941‐2, the archaeologist W.F. Stutterheim reconstructed the layout of the Majapahit royal palace on the basis of Prapanca’s description in the Nagarakertagama text (1365). Our recent rediscovery of the captain‐engineer J.W.B. Wardenaar’s 1815 archaeological Plan of Majapahit at the British Museum sheds new light on the urban structure of the court town. After six years of intensive research —textual interpretation, local interviewing, site surveying and GIS analyses of historical maps including satellite remote sensing— we are now able to present a revised and corrected version of Stutterheim’s reconstruction of the urban topography of the 14th‐century Majapahit capital, which focusses particularly on the communal, residential, ritual, and religious space and water management aspects of the court town. Kasper Jan Hanus Department of Archaeology, The University of Sydney, Australia / Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Poland City scan. Airborne Laser Scanning and its application in interpreting urbanism of Angkor. Angkor has puzzled European scholars since it was brought to widespread attention in 1861. Pioneering archaeologists focused their attention mostly on the temples and monumental architecture, but as the 20th century progressed researchers started to investigate the space between the temples to understand how Angkor functioned as a

74

city. This shift in focus has led to understanding Angkor as, both, a hydraulic city and low‐density urban complex. However, as the most extensive urban settlement of the pre‐industrial world, much of which is now overgrown with dense vegetation, the ground survey of archaeological features at Angkor has proven difficult both methodologically and logistically. Among the solutions to this problem for the archaeologist are airborne and space‐borne remote sensing tools, one of which is airborne laser scanning (ALS). Light detection and ranging (LiDAR) has been employed at Angkor, the Kulen hills and Koh Ker. The technology utilized by LiDAR is based on extreme dense laser beams that are able to penetrate a triple canopy forest and thus reveal the terrain hidden beneath. What is produces is a topographic map with a resolution of 15cm which clearly highlights all the anthropogenic modifications to the landscape such as channels, embankments and occupation mounds. In my presentation I would like to focus on the way in which these surface relief data are transformed into an archaeological outcome. The first step in this process is the visualization of the three‐dimensional data on two‐dimensional surfaces. Our experience in Cambodia indicates that there is no single, universal way to illustrate this type of data and that different research questions require different approaches to visualization. Another issue involves the advanced processing of data in geographic information system (GIS) software such as localized relief modeling, which has proven effective in mapping the network of past rice‐fields. This presentation illustrates the steps between engineering and archaeological interpretation, showing the ways in which ALS data are able to contribute to the discussion about prehistoric and historic urbanism. Hélène Njoto Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (lab: Centre Asie du Sud‐Est), France Re‐investigating 18th century Javanese Cities’ spatial arrangements: the cases of Surakarta and Yogyakarta in Central Java (Indonesia) This paper will take a new look at the spatial arrangements of the two major royal capitals of the Muslim Empire of Mataram: Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Both palaces (kraton) designed by Yogyakarta Sultan Mangkubumi show a symmetrical pattern evenly distributing courtyards and buildings in mirror images to the north and south of a sacred central courtyard (pelataran), an arrangement reputedly inspired by Hindu‐Javanese cosmology (Behrend 1983). An analysis of earlier urban patterns as well as buildings ordered by the sultans inside and outside the Yogyakarta palace may shed new light on the singularity of these arrangements. First, a comparison with other Javanese cities’ patterns (i.e. Trowulan, Gresik, Cirebon, Banten, Pleret and Kartasura) will allow us to expose the originality of the pattern designed by Mangkubumi. Second, the study of monumental and pioneering building projects in masonry ordered by the sultan and later by his son

75

Hamengkubuwana II inside and outside the palace of Yogyakarta helps to understand the reasons lying behind these new arrangements at this particular period in Javanese history when the Dutch Company settled in a fort at the gates of the palaces. The paper argues that the buildings show a willingness to reclaim foreign technical innovations while giving them a Javanese touch. These spatial arrangements at the start of the Dutch military presence would thus indicate a tendency to reaffirm the royal power centrality as well as a Javanese identity.

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DINNER AND RECEPTION

Please wear your badge at dinner and during the reception. Dinner – 11 November from 18.00 Reception – 13 November, 17.30 – 19.00 Address: Adress: Restaurant van der Werff (B) Grand Café Pakhuis (B) Steenstraat 2 Doelensteeg 8 Leiden Leiden

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ORGANISERS AND SPONSORS

The International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) is a research and exchange platform based in Leiden, the Netherlands. IIAS encourages the multi‐disciplinary and comparative study of Asia and promotes national and international cooperation, acting as an

interface between academic and non‐academic partners, including cultural, social and policy organisations. The main research foci are Asian cities, dynamics of cultural heritage, and the global projection of Asia. These themes are broadly framed so as to maximise interactions and collaborative initiatives. IIAS is also open to new ideas of research and policy‐related projects. In keeping with the Dutch tradition of transferring goods and ideas, IIAS works both as an academically informed think tank and as a clearinghouse of knowledge. It provides information services, builds networks and sets up cooperative programmes. Among IIAS’ activities are the organisation of seminars, workshops and conferences, outreach programmes for the general public, the publication of an internationally renowned newsletter, support of academic publication series, and maintaining a comprehensive database of researchers and Asian studies institutions. IIAS hosts the secretariats of the European Alliance for Asian Studies and the International Convention of Asian Scholars. In this way, IIAS functions as a window on Europe for non‐European scholars, contributing to the cultural rapprochement between Asia and Europe. Fore more information, please visit http://www.iias.nl/

The Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University is the only archaeology faculty in the Netherlands. This

independence makes it possible to pursue an efficient and stimulating policy in the fields of education and

research, and to take advantage of new developments. The faculty is located in the Reuvens Building on the Reuvensplaats. The ambition of the faculty is to develop into a prominent archaeological research and training centre at a European level. In European terms, the faculty is an averagely‐sized institute, with a wide range of specializations and several specialist (laboratory) facilities. Leiden can pride itself on a long archaeological tradition, going back to Professor Reuvens at the beginning of the 19th century. Apart from the traditionally strong Prehistory of Northwestern Europe and Classical Archaeology, Leiden offers (as the only university in the Netherlands) a specialization in the Palaeolithic, and in the archaeology of the civilizations of the Near East, Asia, and the Americas, as well as a number of archaeological sciences, such as pollen analysis, archaeozoology, computer applications, ceramology, and microwear analysis. The variety of non‐western language and culture studies within the Faculty of Arts (CNWS), and the presence in Leiden of the National Museums of Ethnology and Antiquities, as well as Naturalis, are also enhancing factors. A clearly social responsibility of archaeology is the care of the material heritage of past cultures. International treaties (for instance Valetta) state that archaeological

Faculty of Archaeology

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investigations should be carried out prior to large building projects. The faculty is active in this field via a commercial company. Hence, students get quickly involved in the practical side (traineeships) of archaeology, with attention to the managerial side of archaeological work. In addition, the faculty has agreements of cooperation with local archaeological services in the surroundings (Leiden, The Hague, Delft). At present, the faculty has a strong market position in the Netherlands. In the last few years, the faculty has been able to welcome more than 80 new students annually. At present, the total number of students amounts to about 350. For more information, please visit http://www.archeologie.leidenuniv.nl/

Area studies is an approach to knowledge that starts from the study of places in the human world from antiquity to the present, through the relevant source languages, with central regard for issues of positionality. It is a dynamic synthesis of area expertise and disciplines in the humanities and social science, relying on sensitivity to and critical reflection on the situatedness of scholarship, and foregrounding the areas studied as not just sources of data, but also

sources of theory and method that challenge disciplinary claims to universality. It should be inherently interdisciplinary, by testing the boundaries of the disciplines; and actively but carefully comparative, by treating the why, how, and what of comparison as anything but self‐evident. This vision draws on both tradition and innovation in scholarship. It is informed by the history of the field, and its ongoing development in a postcolonial, multi‐polar, globalizing world.

The Leiden University Institute for Area Studies (LIAS) has as its aim the advancement of this inclusive, globally conscious vision of area studies at Leiden University and in the wider academic community, focusing on Asia and the Middle East, and with emphatic attention to the relevance of education and research for society at large. To this end, it wants to be a meeting place of multiple fields of inquiry, theories and methods, historical periods, and areas, with the latter defined along geographical and/or cultural and/or linguistic and/or political lines. Area studies as an approach to knowledge that starts from the study of places in the human world is undergirded by deep linguistic and cultural knowledge, critical reflection on the notion of translation, engagement with the areas, effective multi‐ and interdisciplinarity, and engagement with the disciplines.

LIAS is comprised of the Schools of Asian Studies (SAS) and Middle Eastern Studies (SMES). Area specializations in SAS include Chinese, Japanese, Korean, South Asian and Southeast Asian Studies; in SMES, they include Arabic, Assyriology, Egyptology, Hebrew & Aramaic, Papyrology, Persian, and Turkish.

LIAS staff have disciplinary expertise in anthropology, archeology, art history, development studies, economics, film studies, history, international relations, language pedagogy, law, linguistics, literary studies, material culture studies, media studies, philology, philosophy, political science, religious studies, theater & performing arts studies, and sociology. For more information, please visit http://www.hum.leiden.edu/lias/

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The prime task of the Leiden University Fund (LUF) is to gather financial support and to make funds available for Leiden University. The LUF provides subsidies to projects conducted by faculties and researchers. But students, too, can apply to the LUF for support with activities which add value to their studies. In addition, the LUF is active in keeping Leiden University alumni involved with the university and with one another. Please visit www.luf.nl for more information.

The research profile ‘Asian Modernities and Traditions’ (AMT) aims to raise the strength and visibility of research, teaching and dissemination on Asian studies at Leiden

University. AMT focuses on those areas where there are clear strengths or exciting new developments ahead, bundled into five themes. In AMT ‘Asia’ includes all of East, Central, South and Southeast Asia. AMT does not conceive of Asia as a neatly bounded geographic region, and explicitly includes the increasingly prominent transnational presence of Asia across the globe, including flows of capital, culture, goods, ideas and people. Asia has become the new centre of growth for the world economy. Economic success not only breeds global power, but also an increasingly prominent role in the production and definition of what it is to be modern, economically, socially, politically and culturally. Despite their roots in global market capitalism, Asia’s modernities are not simple carbon‐copies of western modernity. Asia has spawned a highly diverse range of modernities rooted as much in local, regional and (trans)national cultures and traditions as in forms derived from the West, while the latter not only include capitalism, but also socialism, Christianity, secularism, nationalism and liberalism. Studying the proliferation, diversity and commonalities of these particular modernities is the key to knowledge about Asian cultures and societies that matters in the world today. Asia is growing, powerful, self‐confident, yet also riven by conflict and confrontation and alternative visions of its cultural heritage and modernity that escape the hegemonic grasp of political or cultural elites. More than half a century after decolonialization Asia has by no means arrived at a finished system of nations. The ‘nation’ in many Asian countries remains at best a work in progress. Many territories remain disputed or simply beyond or excluded from any single national community. Similarly, the ‘developmental’ state in Asia is often held up as an example of strength and efficiency to the ‘failed’ states of Africa and Latin America. Yet one does not even have to invoke the many examples of weak or destabilized states in Asia itself to see that the success of Asian state building is often more apparent than real. China’s massive state apparatus, for instance, still struggles to control local authorities, while large parts of India are ruled by Maoist groups that

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are beyond the control of federal or state governments. For more information, please visit http://www.research.leiden.edu/research‐profiles/amt/

The NSC Archaeology Unit (AU) pursues projects designed to foster collaborative research in the archaeology of civilization in

Southeast Asia, and its links with its neighbours in Asia. It is a part of the Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. The AU conducts excavations in Singapore, concentrating on the material culture of the period from 1300 to 1600, but also maintains an interest in the lives of Singapore’s inhabitants during the colonial period of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The AU also collaborates with institutions in the Asia and Pacific regions to conduct research and training, and to disseminate published and unpublished reports on archaeological research. The AU was formed in 2010, with Associate Professor John Miksic becoming its first head in July 2011. The AU was inaugurated by H.E. President S R Nathan in August 2011. For more information, please visit http://nscarchaeologyunit.wordpress.com/

Our world is here, there, and everywhere. If you want to go places – read, connect, visit, dig deeper – where do you start? Through LeidenGlobal, academic and cultural institutions connect with local communities, media, government, business, and NGOs. We want to raise the impact of scholarship across the board, from cultural events and public debate to government policy and education. We know about Africa, Asia & Oceania, Europe, Latin

America & the Caribbean, the Middle East, North America, Russia & the Caucasus, and the Circumpolar Regions. LeidenGlobal is a meeting place built for people interested in places around the world, and the dynamics between them, their histories, and their cultures. From the Pyramids to the Great Firewall, from language to warfare, from religion to finance, from politics to poetry, from earthquakes to elections. Come and meet us! Partners: African Studies Centre; International Institute for Asian Studies; Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies; Netherlands Institute for the Near East; National Museum of Antiquities; National Museum of Ethnology; Roosevelt Study Center; Leiden University For more information, please visit LeidenGlobal.org


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GENERAL INFORMATION

CONFERENCE INFORMATION Badge After you collected your conference badge at the registration

desk, you will need it for admission to all conference sessions and activities. Please make sure that it is visible at all times.

Certificate You may collect a certificate of participation at the

registration desk on Tuesday or Wednesday. Emergencies For medical emergencies, please dial the national emergency

number 112.

Internet The museum has free wifi. No special access code is needed.

Lunch/dinner Lunch is provided from 11‐13 November at the National Museum of Antiquities. Please wear your conference badge at all times. It is required to wear it to obtain lunch. IIAS organises a welcome dinner on Monday 11 November 2013.

Museum visit Participants are allowed to visit the museum on Monday

between 11:30 – 12:30 for free. If you would like to visit the museum on other times, please buy a ticket at a group discount (€ 7,50) at the museum counter.

Pharmacy Medicines that have been prescribed by your doctor can be

obtained from the pharmacy (apotheek). Non‐prescription medicines can be bought at most drugstores (drogist e.g. Kruidvat or Etos).

Presentation Presentations at the conference should be no more than

twenty minutes in length.

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COLOPHON

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR ASIAN STUDIES

Visiting address:

Rapenburg 59

2311 GJ Leiden

Postal address:

P.O. Box 9500

2300 RA Leiden

the Netherlands

P: +31-(0)71-527 2227

F: +31-(0)71-527 4162

E: [email protected]

W: www.iias.nl

CONFERENCE VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities

Rapenburg 28

2311 EW Leiden

the Netherlands

Conference

Patterns of Early Asian Urbanism

11‐13 November 2013

Leiden, the Netherlands

PROGRAMME & BOOK OF ABSTRACTS

VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities, Rapenburg 28, Leiden

ORGANISERS & SPONSORS

Asian Modernities and Traditions Faculty of Archaeology


CONTENTS

Conference Venue 5 Conference Programme 8

Programme schedule 8

Detailed conference programme 11

Abstracts 20

Abstracts keynote lectures 20


9.00 – 10.30 22

11.00 – 12.30 30

13.30 – 15.30 36

16.00 – 17.30 46


9.00 – 10.30 52

11.00 – 12.30 57

13.30 – 15.30 63

16.00 – 17.30 72 Dinner and Reception 76 Organisers and Sponsors 77 General Information 82

Conference information 82 Notes 83 Colophon 88

5

CONFERENCE VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities Rapenburg 28 Leiden CONFERENCE ROOMS: Tempelzaal – 11 November Location: Central Entrance Hall of the Museum

6

Trajanuszaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the ground floor, left of the main entrance Leemanszaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the ground floor behind the Tempelzaal

Nehallenniazaal – 12 and 13 November Location: On the second floor

7

FLOOR PLAN ‐ NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ANTIQUITIES

Main entrance

8

PROGRAMME SCHEDULE

Monday 11 November 2013 ‐ Tempelzaal

08.45‐09.30 Registration and coffee/tea 09.30‐09.45 Welcome by Philippe Peycam 09.45‐10.00 Welcome by Pieter ter Keurs 10.00‐11.00 Keynote address by John Miksic 11.00‐11.30 Introduction by Lucas Petit to the current museum exhibition 11.30‐12.30 Viewing of exhibition 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐14.30 Keynote address by John Bintliff 14.30‐15.30 Keynote address: Norman Yoffee 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.00 Keynote address: Roland Fletcher 18.00 Dinner at Restaurant van der Werff

Tuesday 12 November 2013

09.00‐10.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 10.30‐11.00 Coffee/tea 11.00‐12.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal

12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐15.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal

9

Wednesday 13 November 2013

09.00‐10.30 Two parallel sessions in Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 10.30‐11.00 Coffee/tea 11.00‐12.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐15.30 Three parallel sessions in Trajanuszaal, Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.30 Two parallel sessions in Leemanszaal and Nehalenniazaal 17.30 – 19.00 Reception at Grand Café Pakhuis

10

11

PROGRAMME

Monday 11 November – Tempelzaal 08.45‐09.30 Registration and coffee/tea 09.30‐09.45 Welcome by Philippe Peycam, Director International Institute for Asian Studies 09.45‐10 00 Welcome by Pieter ter Keurs, Head of Collections and Research Department, National Museum of Antiquities 10.00‐11.00 First keynote address: John Miksic, “Convergent pathways to urbanism in Southeast Asia” 11.00‐11.30 Introduction by Lucas Petit, Curator collection Ancient Near East, to the current museum exhibition: "Petra. Wonder in the Desert" 11.30‐12.30 Viewing of exhibition 12.30‐13.30 Lunch 13.30‐14.30 Second keynote address: John Bintliff, “Urban origins, social composition and economic change in cities of the pre‐modern Mediterranean and Europe” 14.30‐15.30 Third keynote address: Norman Yoffee, “Early cities and the evolution of history” 15.30‐16.00 Coffee/tea 16.00‐17.00 Fourth keynote address: Roland Fletcher, “Tropical forest urbanism and the significance of Angkor” 18.00 Dinner at Restaurant van der Werff, Steenstraat 2, Leiden

Tuesday 12 November


9.00 – 10.30




Johan Elverskog Landesque capital and Asian urbanization

Vera Domingues and Walter Rossa Portuguese urbanistic expressions in early Asian cities

Xiguang Li, Qiyao Qian and Tiancheng Cao From Gandhara to Niya: the Great Buddhist Route to China

Ranjusri Ghosh Emergence of cities. City life and the urban decline in a most prosperous sub‐region of Early Bengal

José Manuel Fernandes Early urbanism of pre‐modern Asian cities. Portuguese cities in Asia, since the early 16th century

Angelo Andrea di Castro and Marika Vicziany Urban centres and agriculture in the Kashgar oasis

Sara Mondini A widespread taste for the macabre or apotropaic marks? Urbanism, landscapes and funerary architecture in the Indian Sultanate

Nuno Grancho Lost in translation? Diu as an early Asian urban settlement

Amanda Buster Strengthen the trunk, weaken the branches: the mausoleum town policy of the Western Han


12


11.00 – 12.30



Chair: John Miksic

Vijayakumaar Babu Avadhaanula Urbanization in early and medieval Andhra, India: A study of Baapatla

Hanna Stöger Ostia, home to all: a long‐term view on the integrative capacity of a Roman port‐town

Hang Lin From closed capital to open metropolis: City transformation in Tang and Song China

Danika Parikh Influence, interactions and identity: ceramic production in the hinterland of Indus cities and towns (3200‐1600 BC)

Paulo Pinto A backdoor access to China: Macau in the 16th‐17th centuries

Gwen Bennett History from the ground up: Liao administrative and production centers in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia, China

Cameron Petrie (Lecture presented by Danika Parikh) Land, water and settlement: landscapes of urbanism in Northwest India

Naoko Fukami Medieval port‐cities in Gujarat: India through Muslim monuments

Wenyi Huang Frontier crossers in the Northern Wei capital cities: With a discussion of capital city planning of Luoyang

12.30 – 13.30 Lunch

1

3


13.30 – 15.30

Sanskrit poetry in and out of the city

Chair and Convenor: Adheesh Sathaye



Daud Ali Literature and City Life in Early Medieval India

Truong Giang Do Nagara Vijaya (Champa) in regional and global perspectives (12th‐15th centuries CE)

Lung‐hsing CHU A meeting point of the West and East: The social networks underlying the cityscapes of Nagasaki during the Edo period

Jesse Knutson


Thuy Lan Do Thi From court city to commercial center: Thăng Long in the Tonkin River system in 17th‐18th century Northern Vietnam

Radu Alexandru Leca Urban paradise: Prostitute quarters as key factors in the urban development of 17th century Japan

Adheesh Sathaye In and around the Cosmopolis: Poetic Excavations of Tenth‐Century Kannauj

William Southworth Walled city enclosures in the Champa culture

Carla Tronu Sacred space and the urban formation of Nagasaki in the late 16th and early 17th centuries

Deven Patel The Twin Careers of Poet and City in Narratives of Twelfth‐century Kanauj

Liem Vu Duc Cities on the move: Seventeenth century Vietnamese littoral urbanization in the context of local and global competition

Ellen van Goethem Adopting and adapting the paradigm: Gridiron cities in Japan


14


16.00 – 17.30


Chair: John Miksic


Jason Hawkes Early medieval urbanism in South Asia: decay or floruit?

Geok Yian Goh An anomaly or a standard? Bagan and Myanmar urbanism

Yinyin Liu The dualism of the Ancient Chinese city: The conflicts and coexistence of Confucianism and Taoism in space

Aloka Parasher Sen Ancient cities and Buddhism in hinterland societies of the Deccan Plateau, India

Mai Lin Tjoa‐Bonatz Archaeological identification of models of change: New data on early settlement patterns of highland West Sumatra

Ghani‐ur‐Rahman Traces of the Buddhist Period towns in the district of Shangla (Ancient Gandhara), Pakistan

Chotima Chaturawong Architecture and Urbanization of the Chettiars

Yun Lu Trade, migration, religion: A glance at urban life in Quanzhou in the 11th‐14th centuries

1

5

Wednesday 13 November


9.00 – 10.30



Tilman Frasch Expanding a field of merit: Monastic complexes, foreign relations and urban development in Pagan (Burma), c. 1000‐1300 CE

Jakub Maršálek Shifting capitals, movable states: some aspects of statehood in Early China

Taylor Easum Defining and defiling the 'New City': Chiang Mai's sacred spaces from the 13th to 19th centuries

Pauline Sebillaud Ancient connections? Networks during the transition from the end of the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in the Central Plain.

Christophe Pottier Angkorian urbanism: beyond the frames

Haicheng Wang The urban village and state factory in Early China


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11.00 – 12.30



Chair: John Miksic

Catherine B. Asher A tale of two Indian cities: Shahjahanabad and Jaipur

Andreas Gruschke and Cirenyangzong (Tsering Yangdzom) Early foundations for urban development in Tibetan areas ‐ The examples of Lhasa and Yushu (Jyekundo)

Ari Levine Early Modern Chinese cities as memory maps: Diasporic nostalgia for Northern Song Kaifeng

Eva Becker Karakorum ‐ A multicultural city of the steppe: Ancient Central Asian urban traditions and their influence on the foundation of Karakorum

Yi Wang Romantic encounters and urban space

Elena Paskaleva The Kosh pattern in the urban development of Samarqand (11th‐17th centuries)

Maria Riep Urbanism and nomadic empires – 7th century Syr Darya cities and the Turkic Khanate

Ping Wang The talented and beautiful: An examination of the cultural milieu of urbanization in Song China (960‐1279)

12.30 – 13.30 Lunch

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13.30 – 15.30

Royal cities of South and Southeast Asia in the first millennium CE

Rethinking Western Han Chang’an


Chair and Convenor: Janice Stargardt

Chair and Convenor: Griet Vankeerberghen Discussant: Michael Loewe

Aparna Balachandran From city‐state to territory: The case of early colonial Madras

Michael Willis Urban decline in early medieval India: archaeological realities vs. historiographical illusions

Michael Loewe Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire

Cezary Galewicz A memory‐sick palimpsest of an Asian City: Calicut – how to write urban history

Osmund Bopeararchchi Anuradhapura, the royal capital of Sri Lanka

Yijun Huang Transformations of Chang'an's Burial Culture, in light of archaeology and cultural geography

Tsukasa Mizushima Patterns of urban formation in Early Modern South India

Janice Stargardt Sri Ksetra, a Pyu royal city of Burma in the first millennium

Michael Nylan Western Han Chang'an and the Lives of Non‐elites

Anuththaradevi Widyalankara Heterogeneous cities of pre‐modern Ceylon as discovered through indigenous sources

Wannasarn Noonsuk Early Urban Centers in Tambralinga (Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, Peninsular Siam)

Griet Vankeerberghen Geographical and Social Mobility in the Case of late Western Han Chang'an


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16.00 – 17.30

Asian urbanism through time in context: Facilitating ancient to modern

comparisons

Chair and Convenor: Benjamin Vis


Amrit Gomperts, Arnoud Haag and Peter Carey Medieval urbanism in Java: The court town of Majapahit

Kasper Jan Hanus City scan. Airborne Laser Scanning and its application in interpreting urbanism of Angkor

Panellists: Robin Coningham Akkelies Van Nes Gregory Bracken

Hélène Njoto Re‐investigating 18th century Javanese Cities’ spatial arrangements: the cases of Surakarta and Yogyakarta in Central Java (Indonesia)

17.30 – 19.00 Reception at Grand Café Pakhuis, Doelensteeg 8, Leiden

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ABSTRACTS

ABSTRACTS OF THE KEYNOTE LECTURES Professor John Miksic, Head Archaeology Unit, Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore Convergent pathways to urbanism in Southeast Asia Three sets of concepts need to be understood to discuss early Southeast Asian cities meaningfully. These concepts revolve around the dichotomies of monothetic‐polythetic, unilinear‐multilinear, and analogy‐homology. The point of this is quite simple: cities in various parts of Southeast Asia evolved from different roots in a process of convergence. Angkor, Kota Cina, Trowulan, Singapore, Melaka, and Banten all evolved superficially similar urban features between 1000 and 1600, but through very different pathways. We will focus on remains of temples, palaces, and markets in order to highlight the different roles the institutions associated with such sites played in these societies. *** Professor John Bintliff, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, the Netherlands Urban origins, social composition and economic change in cities of the pre‐Modern Mediterranean and Europe Cities, where over half the world's modern population now dwells, are far more varied in history and prehistory than our modern concept of global urbanism leads us to expect. This leads us to rethink what makes a city and the various ways in which they have arisen. This lecture will discuss some of the parameters which can be observed from urban and settlement theory, and from examples in Europe, the Mediterranean and the Near East dating from the earliest farmer towns to those of the European Middle Ages. *** Professor Norman Yoffee, Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York, USA Early cities and the evolution of history Volume 3 in a new 9‐volume Cambridge World History is titled, “Early Cities and Comparative History.” In this edited volume authors consider aspects of the “social fabric” of early cities: early cities as arenas of performance, information technology in early cities, the internal landscapes of early cities as well as the transformations in the countryside as early cities developed, the distribution of power in early cities, as well as other topics. In this lecture I review some of these topics and also discuss the

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history of the study of early cities as well as the meaning of early cities in the past and present. *** Professor Roland Fletcher, Department of Archaeology, The University of Sydney, Australia Tropical forest urbanism and the significance of Angkor Extensive, low‐density, dispersed, agrarian urbanism developed in lowland Central America, northern Sri Lanka and Mainland SE Asia primarily during the first millennium CE. By the late 9th century when the Classic Maya cities of Central America were fading away the Sinhalese capital of Anuradhapura had already spread over several hundred square kilometres and the Khmer capital of Angkor on the north shore of the Tonle Sap was beginning its massive expansion. As Greater Angkor reached its peak extent of about 1000 square kilometres in the 12th and 13th centuries ‐ by far the largest low density city before the rise of industrial urbanism ‐ Anuradhapura was fading, to be followed by Pollonaruwa a century later. Greater Angkor had become dependent on massive infrastructure, large scale land clearance and an extensive dispersed urban landscape. In the 14th century it was hit by extreme climatic instability and by the end of the 16th century the Khmer state had shifted far to the southeast end of the Tonle Sap. In the process an urban diaspora occurred. The low‐density urban system was gone and more compact towns began to develop around the periphery of the former metropolitan heartland. Disturbingly, despite very different socio‐political and economic characteristics the same phenomenon of urban diaspora followed the impact of climatic change in lowland Central America and the demise of the great expansive cities of north central Sri Lanka. Low‐density, dispersed urbanism in the tropics displays a vulnerability to change which can drastically transform urban landscapes with considerable historical implications for entire regions.

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Johan Elverskog Rühr Universität Bochum, Germany Landesque capital and Asian urbanization The linkages between Buddhism, its prosperity theology, and India’s second urbanization are now common knowledge. Indeed, the connections between the Dharma, iron age technologies, monetization, trade and the tandem growth of cities in relation to state consolidation have been amply commented upon. Yet, while this has certainly been the case, and indeed, there is really no reason to question this historical narrative, at the same time, it also seems to be quite another thing to explain how it actually played out on the ground. To wit, how did it actually work? This paper attempts to answer this question by paralleling Buddhist agrarianization with that of the Roman empire, especially in terms of irrigation technology and slavery. Ranjusri Ghosh Counsellor, Indira Gandhi National Open University, India Emergence of cities. City life and the urban decline in a most prosperous sub‐region of Early Bengal The area under study is a part of old Bengal including present West Bengal of India and

Bangladesh. It was known as Puṇḍravardhana and later as Varendra during the ancient and early medieval periods (early medieval is equal to the time bracket of 6th‐12/13th century CE) respectively. It covers roughly the northern part of undivided Bengal. Two of its excavated sites, viz. Mahasthangarh and Bangarh, yielded occupation remains from the 5th/4th centuries BCE. Urban features in both of them are recorded from the 3rd century BCE. They remained under continuous occupation up to the 15/16th centuries. These two core sites, therefore, provide us with an index for the study of urbanisation as well as the society and economy at different chronological stages. This geo‐cultural unit of ancient Bengal is recorded with the maximum number of habitation sites, inscriptions and sculptures. The whole range of finds leave behind all other units of Bengal with a great margin. The objects unearthed at both sites confirm its uninterrupted link with Magadha until the 6th century CE. The western link, however, was not lost even when political uncertainties loomed large over many areas of Bengal after the fall of Gupta rule. Early features of pan‐Indian nature in cultural and economic activities gave way to new elements and that is visible in its urban sphere as well. Urban features in both the core sites were set in a declining phase from the 13th century. Previously, emphasis has been given on the change of the course of the river Tista, the main artery which fed the Karatoya, Punarbhava and Atreyi rivers, the three most important channels of ancient North Bengal. But it was certainly a much later phenomenon. Our study revealed that the importance of these sites declined because

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new areas were found on the east and west respectively as being more viable for trade and political set ups. Change in the river course must have been an important factor but that is not related with the Tista but with the Ganga. Certain other factors might have also been at work simultaneously for the decline of these two great centres of North Bengal which remained as a linkage between two geo‐cultural blocks, viz. the Ganga valley on the one hand and the north‐eastern hilly terrain on the other. Sara Mondini Ca' Foscari University, Venice, Italy A widespread taste for the macabre or apotropaic marks? Urbanism, landscapes and funerary architecture in the Indian Sultanate Recent researches carried out on the urban development of the capital of Gulbarga (1347‐1422 ca.) have demonstrated how the different symbolic meanings and importance attributed to given edifices determined their location, thus influencing the urban layout of the city. The hypothesis formulated so far on the pattern of development would suggest the crucial importance of the sacred buildings, in particular mausoleums and dargahs that probably exercised a protective and in a way spiritual function. It is nonetheless difficult to draw any definite conclusions concerning their disposition, particularly given the state of disrepair of the buildings. What remains certain is the fact that the arrangement of these buildings within the urban context was nothing casual: that it was rather based on specific and symbolically charged principles, dictated by the different rulers who acted as patrons for architecture, by the relations between temporal power and the Sufi tariqas present in the city, and finally by the complex make‐up of the local social fabric, and its influences in the architectural sphere. An attempt has been made to show how the establishment of Sufism in the region indirectly played a primary role in influencing the commissioning of buildings, leading to an extraordinary blossoming of funerary architecture, and hence the very development of the city. Based on these considerations, an attempt might be made to apply the research model used for Gulbarga to the solving of those doubts that still surround dynastic building projects elsewhere – such as those carried out, for instance, by the Delhi Sultanate or by the Gujarat sultans. The purpose of the paper is thus to present a tentative comparative study of the development of some Islamic capitals between the XIVth to the XVIth centuries, focousing on the ‐ still enigmatic ‐ role of the religious and funerary architecture.

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Vera Domingues Centro de Estudos Sociais / Instituto de Investigação Interdisciplinar – Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal (CES/III – Universidade de Coimbra). Grant holder at Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal Walter Rossa, Centro de Estudos Sociais / Instituto de Investigação Interdisciplinar – Universidade de Coimbra, Portugal Portuguese urbanistic expressions in early Asian cities The emergence and development of cities on the Asian coasts linked to the Portuguese presence, since the XVI century often depended on a set of social interactions. Whether the settlement process was based on conquest, negotiation or representation, in the earlier times the Portuguese always settled on and made use of preexisting structures, slowly modifying them, but also absorbing local specificities. So it is not surprising that from Diu to Nagasaki, passing through Insulindia’s archipelago, from the urbanistic point of view, the cities reflected several models necessarily different. Despite some efforts, we still know very little about the materiality and landscape expressions of these earlier cities, and even less so about their specificity, either from the Portuguese point of view, or from the local one. It is difficult to understand the influence of each active social and political group, what they had in common and what remains of each contribution. In this paper we intend to present and discuss some methodological lines to advance on what we already know about former Portuguese cities, regarding the adoption of Portuguese urbanistic patterns in their formal and functional expressions. The methodology we propose is based on the relationship between the city programme (the functional contents, equipment, etc.) and its urbanism, meaning its cityscape and structure. We explore the concrete results of the urbanization process. But we also study the relationship between the geographic location and the topography, and we refer to the influence of the related territories on the cityscape. José Manuel Fernandes Faculty of Architecture, Technical University of Lisbon, Portugal ´Early urbanism’ of pre‐modern Asian cities. Portuguese cities in Asia, since the early 16th century It is a singular fact, yet still to be profoundly and widely studied by international historiography, that the first urban experiences following European overseas expansion in early Modern Age emerged as an initiative of a small, poor and peripheral country of South Europe ‐ Portugal, defined as a nation only since the mid 12th century. Even more “special”, is the fact that those experiences, started and developed almost half a millennium ago, in the early 1500s, structured and took an important

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role, as a whole of small harbor cities, spread all along the Asian coastal lines, in the fast constitution of an intercontinental commerce network, for the first time in history connecting southern and northern European cities with the various Asian ones. Portuguese development of that commercial system lasted for almost one century, until the modern appearance of Dutch private overseas companies, that since the mid 1600s disputed and took over the same role in those same regions. Little is known, for instance, about certain basic themes, as for instance the medieval‐renaissance European material character of city structures and their potential – an aspect that turned them to be very much unique as they were soon transplanted into the new and completely different contexts of Asian areas. Another aspect less well known is the compliance of the new Asian cities to a common and same “Portuguese” pattern of location, of urban form and built ambiance, as their structural elements were largely repetitive and constant, from one new city to the next new city, in a deliberate, traditional manner. And it would be significant to know more about the previous urban experience of Portuguese settlers, who since the early 1400s were already building new places outside Europe, cities in the North Atlantic islands, from Madera to the Azores, from Cape Verde to equatorial Saint Thomas – and then from Morocco to Guinea's coastal lines, and next to Angola and Mozambique. Such previous endeavours allowed the so‐called pattern or model to be perfected and to gain stronger potential for success. Finally, little is known about the material permanence of those various and disseminated Portuguese‐Asian cities during the succeeding centuries ‐ long after Portuguese dominion was lost ‐ as a qualified Cultural Heritage to be faced and cherished in present days. The scoop of this paper is to deepen the above theme of Portuguese pre‐modern generated cities in Asia, trying to characterize their material and cultural main aspects. Nuno Grancho University of Coimbra (III‐UC and CES‐UC) and Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT), Portugal Lost in translation? Diu as an early Asian urban settlement Urban space is constituted and defined (among other things) by physical and symbolic borders. The architectures of exclusion and inclusion in cities ‐ gated and ghettoised communities, urban places, streets and walls ‐ and their correspondent translation in the functional organisation of urban societies affects the way in which the city is experienced, represented and socialized. Traditionally, cities built in imperial contexts have been interpreted as being more or less derivative in relation to its European counterparts and consequently almost unfailingly retardataire. Recently, critical revision of transfer models, and closer

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attention paid to local dynamics have shown that often architectural choices were made not as mere reactions to changes in European architecture but rather as responses to local circumstances engendered by the colonial order as it developed. Diu's territory is situated in a borderland, at the end of the peninsula of Kathiawar, province of the ancient kingdom of Cambay, India. Diu emerged from the sultanate of Gujarat as a Portuguese protectorate in 1509. After a strong pre‐modern Islamic urban presence, Diu became a Portuguese colonial urban settlement on the coast of India, a region dominated for centuries by European powers. The set of buildings in colonial Diu, while still owing to European architectural tradition, is probably better understood in the context of local circumstances than within the framework of the global transfer of architectural forms. The paper will examine cities in colonial geographical contexts, addressing issues such as responses to political and economic structures pre‐dating the arrival of the Europeans or created by European presence, adjustments to local religious practices and beliefs, or adaptations to specific cultural or social phenomena that emerge from the colonial framework. If such early Asian cities (such as Diu) were not quite Indian (nor were they middle‐eastern, African or European), then what are (were) they?

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Xiguang Li, Qiyao Qian and Tiancheng Cao Tsinghua University International Center for Communication Studies, China From Gandhara to Niya: the Great Buddhist Route to China Gandhara flourished under Buddhism and many Chinese Buddhists traveled there for

Buddhist studies. Niya, which was recorded as "Jingjue Kingdom(精绝国)" in China's

Han Dynasty, was a Buddhist city state along the ancient Silk Road. In 1993, the author followed a Sino‐Japanese expedition team of archaeologists into the desert of Xinjiang in search of the sand‐buried Niya. 1300 years ago, Chinese great Buddhist traveler

Xuan Zang(玄奘) stopped at Niya in his pilgrimage to Gandhara (犍陀罗). The

fascinating findings at Niya were the Greek‐style furniture and documents written in the long‐dead Kharoshti language, a language used in the Henlenistic culture of Gandhara. The most exciting excavations in Niya were the discovery of the tomb of the king and queen of Jingjue State and the gorgeous embroidered blue brocade. As the brocade was lifted, the mummies of a Caucasian man and a Caucasian woman were

revealed. Inside the coffin，the greatest discovery was a color‐embroidered brocade

with lavish patterns that have eight Chinese characters (五星出东方利中国), which

literally means "China will rise when the five stars appear together in the East." Around the stupa lay 13 skeletons, on the surface of the sand. The findings suggest these people were from Gandhara by close inspection of the bodies. High noses, narrow faces, long heads and yellow or brown hair persuaded the research team that the dead were in some way related to people of Indo‐European ancestry. In a broken painted pottery jar, archaeologists found 28 tablets written in Kharoshiti. Kharoshiti dates back to the fifth century BC in Kandarara and was used as a common language as well as Buddhist teaching language in city states along the Silk Roads along the Taklimakan desert for nearly 800 years. Angelo Andrea di Castro Monash University – SOPHIS, Australia Marika Vicziany Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, Australia Urban centres and agriculture in the Kashgar oasis The strategic position of the Kashgar oasis in a major transition zone for long distance trade points toward the long term prosperity of the oasis towns. According to Chinese sources the population of the kingdom of Kashgar in around 200 CE appears to have remained at about 21,000 families and 20,000 soldiers. During the 5th century the Hephthalites migrated to the western regions and settled in the Tarim, Bactria and Sogdia, and in the early 6th century CE the Kingdom of Kashgar regained, to a certain extent, independent sovereignty under the western Turks.

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The aim of this paper is to discuss the kind of economy that was needed to support a large population of religious, military and political elites, local and international traders and a significant number of permanent residents in the first half of the first millennium CE. The fragmented nature of the records (historical and archaeological) poses a challenge to an appreciation of the urban development of the Kashgar oasis and the economic strategies that were implemented throughout the centuries. An investigation of the infrastructures such as the irrigation canals and the religious monuments of the oasis can assist in reconstructing the dynamics that characterised the urban centres and the surrounding rural areas. Looking at evidence from Dunhuang it is possible to infer that monks were involved in managing agricultural operations and busy recruiting labourers and younger novices. The construction and management of buildings and supporting irrigation systems would have required many labourers working long hours. In considering land and water usage, we also need to ask what kind of socio‐economic contracts existed between the monasteries of Kashgar and the local farmers, merchants and kings, and whether the monastic landlordism described by Shaw (2009) for the Great Stupa at Sanchi in India, could have applied to Kashgar. Amanda Buster University of California, Berkeley, United States Strengthen the trunk, weaken the branches: the mausoleum town policy of the Western Han

At the start of the Western Han dynasty 西漢 (206 BCE – 9 CE), the new capital at

Chang’an 長安 had yet to establish itself as a political, economic, or cultural center.

The early stages of growth of the capital region were heavily influenced by a policy of

relocations to “mausoleum towns lingyi 陵邑” or “mausoleum counties lingxian 陵縣”

that were created near the imperial mausolea, located to the north and southeast of the capital. These relocations were not optional, but did often include economic incentives, such as grants of land and cash and tax exemptions. They targeted people in one or more

of the following three categories: 1) officials of 2,000 shi 石 rank and higher, including

chancellors, ministers, and other high officials; 2) households whose assets exceeded an amount specified in orders to relocate; or 3) people who had accumulated personal power or monopolies. The policy was modeled after a Qin dynasty precedent, but the Western Han court, from the outset, used these relocations of wealthy or powerful households as a tool to facilitate political and economic control of its territories while also building a strong capital region. Indeed, when advisors urged an emperor to order a relocation, they advised him that it was necessary to “strengthen the trunk, and weaken the branches

強幹弱支”.

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My research seeks to understand how the policy of relocations to the capital region influenced the development of Chang’an, and how these relocated populations interacted both with the administration that sought to control them, and with each other. Drawing from biographies, accounts of disorder and difficulties in controlling the populations, and recent archaeological evidence, it is possible to sketch a portrait of these towns and their role in shaping the creation and development of Chang’an.

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Vijayakumaar Babu Avadhaanula Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Osmania University, Hyderabad, India Urbanization in early and medieval Andhra, India. A study of Baapatla. Urbanization, the process of clustering neighbouring hamlets and villages under one administrative unit, has since the chalcolithic period (c. 4000 BC) been identified with the Indus Valley Civilization. Economy and the exchange of goods and products played a vital role. These developments gave rise to new technologies. This process can be seen, from the 5th‐6th centuries AD, in mid‐coastal Andhra, India, where a small hamlet slowly grew into a prosperous cultural and economic center. That is Baapatla.

Baapatla (15°53′20″N 80°28′12″E15.8889°N 80.47E), is the corrupt form of Bhaavapattana/ Bhaavapuri, named after the principal deity Lord Bhaavanaarayana. In its maiden stage it was called Premappli or Perumballi, a small village near Motupalli port (Guntur district), near the town of Masulipatnam (Krishna district), on the coast of the Bay of Bengal. Archaeological evidence, in the form of stone tools, iron implements, sculptures, epigraphical records, attest to early urban development. The earliest inscriptions found at the site date to Pinamalli Deva, of the Konidena branch of the Telugu Chodas, from AD 1026, and this text stands testimony to nearly 1000 years of continued urbanization in mid‐coastal Andhra. Since then, as epigraphcial records speak, Baapatla slowly emerged to be one of the most important and powerful centers in the region. This presentation will be supported with digitalized statistical data, based on epigraphical records. Danika Parikh Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Influence, interactions and identity: ceramic production in the hinterland of Indus cities and towns (3200‐1600 BC) The Indus Civilisation of northwestern South Asia (3200‐1600 BC) had well‐developed craft industries and a wide network for the procurement of natural resources. While many Indus crafts such as beads and bangles were centrally produced in cities or specialised factory sites, ceramic production appears spatially diffuse, carried out across the landscape at sites of varying sizes and functions. While the centrally produced artefacts tend to be homogeneous in style and production, the ceramics demonstrate regional differences in technology, ceramic types and iconographic motifs. Physiological and decorative differences can also be observed when comparing the ceramics produced in urban and rural contexts. The Indus ceramics thus offer a unique opportunity to study the relationship between urban and rural settlements in terms of material culture. This paper examines the evidence from rural sites in northwestern India in the hinterland of the sites of Rakhigarhi, Banawali and

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Kalibangan, to draw conclusions about urban influence, trade and the socioeconomic relationship between the urban and rural populations. Cameron Petrie (Lecture presented by Danika Parikh) University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Land, water and settlement: landscapes of urbanism in Northwest India Archaeologists, geographers and the general public continue to be fascinated by the possibility that the growth and collapse of early civilisations might be related to episodes of climatic and environmental change. There were two major phases of early urban civilisation in South Asia: the first, known as the Indus Civilisation, flourished from c.2600 to 1900 BC; while the second, known as the Early Historic period, flourished between c. 500 BC and AD 500. In many ways, our knowledge of these two periods is refined, but the decline of Indus urbanism and the rise of the Early Historic cities remain two of the most poorly understood transformations in the archaeology of ancient South Asia. The Land, Water & Settlement project has been investigating the nature of human subsistence and settlement across Northwest India between c. 3000 and 300 BC, and provides insight into both major phases of early urban civilisation in South Asia. The plains of Northwest India were subjected to several phases of climate change during the Holocene, typically involving shifts in monsoon rainfall. Today this region is facing a range of human induced stresses because of intensive farming policies, which are producing new types of water stress that pose grave threats to food security for all of India, coupled with almost completely untrammelled urban and rural development, which is seeing the destruction of dozens if not hundreds of archaeological sites and thus the erasure of the region’s cultural heritage.

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Hanna Stöger Department of Archaeology, Leiden University, the Netherlands Ostia, home to all: a long‐term view on the integrative capacity of a Roman port‐town The proposed paper is focused on Ostia, the harbour‐town of Rome and its coastal territory, and investigates the settlement’s capacity to integrate a continuous influx of newcomers. The study will examine the role of newcomers in relation to the city’s development from the early beginnings as a Roman castrum until the city’s gradual decline in the 4th and 5th centuries AD. The foundation of Ostia’s so‐called castrum has been associated with the establishment of a number of coloniae maritimae which Rome placed along the Tyrrhenian coast. Although located on the Italian homeland these early foundations were not unlike other Roman colonies implanted into conquered foreign territories. In this sense it was newcomers who formed Ostia’s initial population. During periods of growth in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, Ostia’s urban population levels were maintained through a continuous inflow of newcomers, while at the height of the city’s development incoming people even eclipsed the local urban population. The booming harbour economy of Rome’s principal port attracted an influx of new people from all areas of the Mediterranean and the wider Roman Empire. Next to Ostia’s resident population the city also had to accommodate a considerable amount of transient people who were seeking seasonal occupation connected to harbour activities. Drawing on the built environment and a considerable body of inscriptions, this study will trace the dynamics between the pre‐existing environments and urban formation processes which were stimulated by varied levels of population pressure and related infrastructural demands. Aspects to be examined are the built environment (the change from domus architecture to multi‐functional apartment blocks) and the transformation of the street system over time. The physical environment offering both a maritime entrepôt and a river port seems to have proven favourable in sustaining the urban development of Ostia over the period of a millennium. Human agency might have played an equally important role, linking Ostia to the fate of Rome and to imperial presence. The combination of both, natural factors and human agency, make Ostia a perfect case for the study of human settlement in Mediterranean areas. Paulo Pinto Research Centre for Communication and Culture ‐ Catholic University of Portugal, Portugal A backdoor access to China – Macau in the 16th‐17th centuries Following a period of exclusion, the Portuguese were eventually allowed to access China in the middle 16th century, not through episodic licenses of trade but by means of a settlement in the Pearl River Delta. The foundation of Macau marks the success of

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a pragmatic approach of Ming China to external trade and foreign contacts, being an odd urban settlement with an indefinite legal status. Unlike other apparently similar port‐cities in Maritime Asia, ‐ namely the Malay sultanates ‐ , it was not a cosmopolitan centre destined to attract diversified trade communities and to provide extensive supplies of foreign commodities to mainland China; on the contrary, a strict control was kept by the Ming provincial authorities on who and what arrived in the port, under the general rules of official haijin – the “sea ban” regime of Ming China. However, what was supposed to be a ephemeral settlement became a prosperous city, thanks to the mutual interests and a delicate balance between the several powers involved, both Portuguese and Chinese, in what has been called the “Macao Formula” – a successful experience of informal practices and activities able to permeate the rigid framework that regulated the contacts of China with the outside world. Naoko Fukami Organization for Islamic Area Studies, Waseda University, Japan Medieval port‐cities in Gujarat. India through Muslim monuments I want to deal with the history of port‐cities from a multicultural perspective. There are Muslim monuments constructed in middle of the 12th century at Bhadreshwar in Kutch, as reported by Shokoohy. Our Project Gujarat team discovered, after the earthquake in 2001, the medieval city‐wall of Bhadreshwar. It was enclosed a quadrangular city, with the Vasai Jain Temple located at the center. Two mosques and a dargah were located in the western part of the city. Bhadreshwar was a flourishing port‐city around that time. There were some muslim communities under the Jain monarch, coexisting with a Hindu population. In Kathiawar, there are some Muslim monuments constructed between the end of the 13th century and the early 15th century. They are found in Mangrol, Somnath‐Patan and Veraval. Some of them were reported by Cousens and Shokoohy. In my study, which compares their architectural styles and the inscriptions, other monuments are mentioned, constructed during the same period. Somnath‐Patan is a famous Hindu holy place. It was attacked by Mahmud from Afghanistan in themearly 11th century. The Khaljis from Dehli conquered Gujarat in the early 14th century. And in middle of the 14th century, the local Muslim governor constructed the Great Mosque at Somnath‐Patan and another mosque at Veraval at the center of the city. The Great Mosque of Mangrol was located in the western part of the city, but the governor built the Ravali Masjid at the center of the city. Through these examples, dating to between 1159 to 1550, I want to consider the port cities and muslim monuments from the viewpoint of the monarch and the people. In Kutch and Kathiawar, there were historical muslim communities dating to before the Khaljis established complete control over the port cities. And they originated from Persia or Arab lands. However, they intermarried with local peoples and they absorbed aspects of local cultures. I want to consider the urban morphology through the location of monuments.

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Hang Lin Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures, University of Hamburg, Germany From closed capital to open metropolis: City transformation in Tang and Song China Three and a half centuries separated Tang (630‐907) Chang’an at the height of its glory in the mid‐eighth century and Song (960‐1127) Kaifeng on the eve of the Jurchen invasion in 1126 AD. The Tang and the Song capitals represent two major stages in the development of the city in early China. In contrast to Chang’an, a semi‐autonomous walled “urban village” separated by a wide expanse of transitory space, Kaifeng was a dense city criss‐crossed by ad hoc commercial streets filled with a variety of urban activities during day and night. Indeed, during this period, a number of significant changes took place: the tearing down of ward walls within the city, the cancellation of curfew, the boom of commercial and recreational activities spread all over the city. All these helped to erode the Tang urban structure and to give birth to a new one in which the closed walled city transformed into an open market city. Based primarily on contemporary Song written and visual records, in particular the Meng Yuanlao’s memoir "Dongjing menghua lu" (Record of Dreams of Splendor at the Eastern Capital) and Zhang Zeduan’s scroll "Qingming shanghe tu" (Up the River at the Qingming Festival), this paper outlines the characteristics of the layout and structure of the two cities and examines various aspects of the daily life in both cities. On the base of that, efforts are made to explore the unique pattern of transformation of cities in medieval China. Gwen Bennett McGill University, Departments of East Asian Studies and Anthropology, Canada History from the ground up: Liao administrative and production centers in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia, China The Kitans ranged around modern China’s Great Wall and across Mongolia, established the Liao Empire in 907, and controlled a continental scale realm until they were conquered in 1125. Their political, economic and religious influence lasted for centuries across a vast territory, but we know very little about their society and ways of life. The Kitans themselves left few records, and the Chinese records focus on elite political and military events. Elite life is materially documented by rich tombs, pagodas and walled cities located across the northern landscape, but we know almost nothing about the majority of society that did not lead archaeologically and historically visible lives, nor about the multiple processes of development that occurred within the complex socio‐economic‐political web from which the Kitans emerged as an entity. This paper will present preliminary results from the first year of a new five‐year archaeological survey project that will start during the summer of 2013 in Chifeng, Inner Mongolia. This first season will focus on the sites of Songshanzhou and Gangwayao, and the region that surrounds them. Gangwayao was Liao’s largest ceramic production center and produced both official wares for the Liao court and

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commercial wares that have been found across North China and Inner Asia. Songshanzhou, a lower level administrative center mentioned in the Liao History, likely also served as its market town. Work at the site of Songshanzhou will attempt to identify its bureaucratic, residential, market, religious, and workshop quarters; roads; defenses; and the nature of its relations with the network of hamlets and villages outside the city’s walls. Survey of the region connecting Songshanzhou and Gangwayao will also help us place both centers in a regional perspective and investigate them as related entities that may have had an interacting developmental trajectory. This work will give us insight on the development and life of administrative and production centers in a different cultural setting from better known ones south of the Great Wall, as well as a better understanding of the commoners and lower level administrators who are otherwise nearly invisible in the historical record. Wenyi Huang Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Canada Frontier crossers in the Northern Wei capital cities: With a discussion of capital city planning of Luoyang For nearly 200 years of tension, a frontier, both geographically and politically, separated the Northern Wei regime (386‐534 CE) in the north from a succession of regimes in southern China. While migration and mutual trade had been greatly restricted due to continuing conflicts between both sides, a significant number of people still risked their lives crossing the frontier, including smugglers, traders, religious specialists, envoys and defectors. To help understanding the importance of frontier crossers in the Northern Wei society, this paper focuses on how the Northern Wei adopted specific policies‐ especially spatial segregation and zoning‐ to deal with problems of frontier crossers, and how this fits within the general spatial policies of the Northern Wei regime. By using largely the dynastic histories, mural inscriptions and Luoyang qielan ji (Record of the monasteries of Luoyang), I will provide a sketch of the urban planning of the Northern Wei capital cities, especially Luoyang, and point out how the Northern Wei government allocated people of different social status, occupations, and ethnic backgrounds. I will then look deeper into the settlement arrangement of frontier crossers and analyze how the policies developed over the course of the Northern Wei dynasty, including where they lived, how long they were allowed to live in the particular residential areas where the state assigned foreigners, when the Northern Wei government built the residential areas for these crossers as well as those who were in charge of these places.

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SANSKRIT POETRY IN AND OUT OF THE CITY

Convenor and Chair: Adheesh Sathaye, Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Canada The city has been a crucial spatial imaginary concept in Sanskrit literary culture from its inception. Yet until recently the relationship of Sanskrit literature to urban life has hardly been considered, partly no doubt because urban settlements and ‘urbanism’ were seen by an earlier generation of historians to have sunk into decline during precisely the period of the high water mark of Sanskrit court poetry, which itself was seen as the preserve of a feudal aristocratic class rooted in rural exploitation. These antinomies, derived from European historical experience, need to be considered more carefully in light of recent approaches to Sanskrit literature and power, whether ‘courtly’ or ‘cosmopolitan’. Sanskrit kāvya has a complex relationship to the city—on the one hand the city was evoked as a locus of harmonious order and was certainly the place where urbane and cultured people who often (but not always) formed its subject and audience were thought to reside; but on the other hand, the cities of Sanskrit kāvya, like their characters, were often cast in highly conventionalized fashion and set in an ‘antique’ past somehow removed from the present. The present panel seeks to explore these complex cultural figurations via some key case studies. The North Indian city of Kanauj, for example, is an exemplar of a literary town, to

which the greatest Sanskrit poets gravitated (Bāṇa, Bhavabhūti, Rājaśekhara, Śrīharṣa, to name but a few), and where multiple historical strata thus stand to be revealed. Although the early medieval period (c. 600‐1200 CE) was an age of multiple political and cultural centers in South Asia, this city was a center among centers—an axis, or ‘orient’—that every major regional power sought to control, and that gained an international reputation as a site of great economic, political, and religious importance. It was in Kanauj – and a handful of other places like it across the subcontinent – that the sublime universal register of Sanskrit was historically situated and condensed into a mini megalopolis, pregnant with local nuances and contradictions. Papers thus stand to cast light on the translation of urban space into cultural form and vice versa: the mutually meditating relationship of poetry and city in early medieval South Asia. Daud Ali Dept. of South Asia Studies, University of Pennsylvania, USA Literature and City Life in Early Medieval India Recent work has drawn our attention to the role of cities and city life in classical Sanskrit literary culture from the early centuries of the Christian Era. This work has challenged the long held assumption that this literature was a hackneyed conventional discourse that accompanied the decline of cities throughout the subcontinent. In this

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formulation, classical Sanskrit poetry tended to be the reserve of a feudal aristocratic class with its roots in the countryside. This paper seeks to revisit this discussion with more complex models of social change and literary representation. The paper will analyze urban representations in Sanskrit literary representation in the context of what we know of contemporary political realities from inscriptions as well as archaeological remains of both early historical and early medieval urban sites. It seeks to make sense of enduring literary tropes and conventions that were tied to the representations of specific cities and kingdoms that formed both a venerated ideal as well as an obsolete and antique urban geography, The paper will then consider the tensions and imbrications of early medieval elite culture, fixed in most formulations as either ‘urbane’ or ‘courtly’, to ask whether our evidence gives us reason to suggest another approach to the problem of cities and culture in early medieval India. Jesse Knutson College of Humanities, Seoul National University, South Korea


The rise to prominence of king Harṣa early in the 7th century represented a watershed in North Indian politics and political representation, demonstrating a radical personalization of rule that could be seen as analogous to that of the Mauryan emperor Aśoka (3rd century B.C.E.). From his extensive prose poem biography by

Bāṇa, the Harṣacarita, to his own autograph [svahasta] included in various seals and inscriptions, to his own substantial literary output, Harṣa was both emperor and man; he set the stage for a new literary representation of political actors that would become hegemonic by the beginning of the second millennium. He also sought to extend the political logic of classical India into medieval times, forging a far‐flung eastward‐looking empire doomed to destruction soon after his death. The eastward looking city of Kānyabubja (modern Kannauj) became the jewel in the crown; this was the start of the city’s career as a figure for north Indian imperium.

Yet in Harṣa’s dramas, Kannauj is never mentioned even if significant cities and suburban spaces abound. In Ratnāvalī, the city of Kauśāmbhī, described as virtually made of gold (1.10) (from which king Vatsa rules and conquers the northerly kingdom of Kosala) may figuratively represent the capital. The drama traces the king’s desire for a young temptress. After the queen in a jealous rage locks the girl in a dungeon, it comes to light that the king’s minister had contrived to make him fall for her, since she

is the daughter of the royal house of Siṃhala (Shri Lanka) and it has been prophesized that whoever weds her shall become ‘sovereign of the entire earth’ [sārvabhauma]. In

the drama Priyadarśikā, conquering the eastern region of Kaliṅga holds the fortunes of the king’s love affair with another young temptress. The paper examines how Harṣa’s plays allegorically weave political affairs into amorous conquests, reading this as both

an aspect Harṣa’s broader personalization, as well as indicating a strategy of displacement in tune with imperial adventurism.

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Adheesh Sathaye Dept. of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia, Canada In and around the Cosmopolis: Poetic Excavations of Tenth‐Century Kannauj Kannauj today is a small market town along the Ganges, famous for its perfumes and little else. This city was, however, quite a different place in the past, when for nearly six hundred years (c. 600‐1200), this thriving metropolis served as an epicenter for the production of high Sanskrit literature. Some of the most celebrated Sanskrit poets and playwrights lived and worked here, making it a key node within a larger, millennium‐long intellectual and aesthetic imaginary that Sheldon Pollock has called the “Sanskrit Cosmopolis.” In the absence of extensive archaeological work, these Sanskrit literary works—alongside copious inscriptions, travelogues, and documentary accounts—remain the most effective means of appreciating urban life in this premodern Asian city. Crucial evidence for the cosmopolitanism of Kannauj comes from the poet and poetician Rājaśekhara Yāyāvarīya, who moved here from the Deccan in the late 800s to

write in the imperial court of the Gurjara‐Pratīhāras. Rājaśekhara’s Kāvyamīmāṃsā (“Dissertation on Poetry”) includes a lengthy cultural gazetteer detailing the rich diversity of regional modes, customs, styles and conventions across the Indian

subcontinent. Pollock has suggested that the Kāvyamīmāṃsā evokes a ‘geo‐cultural matrix’ through which Sanskrit poets, no matter where and when they actually lived, could make themselves seem timeless and placeless—and thereby be appreciated anywhere and everywhere. I would like to show, however, that Rājaśekhara’s map of Sanskrit India is firmly centered on Kannauj, and that he was writing explicitly for and about the diverse inhabitants of this city. Through a close, excavative reading of the

Kāvyamīmāṃsā and other works, this paper investigates how Rājaśekhara’s vision depended on the urban cosmopolitanism of Kannauj and how his own work, in turn, contributed to this city’s continuing role as a leading center for Sanskrit literary production in early medieval India. Deven Patel Dept. of South Asia Studies, University of Pennsylvania, USA The Twin Careers of Poet and City in Narratives of Twelfth‐century Kanauj. The Gahadwal era of Kanauj – spanning the entire twelfth century – was a remarkable period in Indian history for many reasons, not the least of which were the literary transformations it witnessed. New literary cultures emerged alongside new genres and new ways of engaging with inherited models of classic works in Sanskrit. Later accounts of the city as a center for this literary activity are varied and, perhaps, in need of clearer presentation. During this century, there was no greater literary figure in Kanauj than the polymath Sriharsa. This paper speaks to two aspects. First it treats the historical representations of Sriharsa as a member of the Gahadwal courts in the prefaces of Sanskrit commentaries (13th to 15th centuries) on his magnum opus, The Naisadhiyacarita, and his appearance in later narrative works (both 15th century) such

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as the Prabandhakosa and the Purusapariksa. The ways in which Kanauj’s social and political culture is remembered in these accounts has not received the attention it deserves and, therefore, this paper attempts to foreground the city’s role in the narratives. Second, based on these representations and the historical knowledge we have of Kanauj during this era, the paper speculates on what Kanauj may have meant for Sriharsa as a context for composing his great work and the ways in which his career intermingles with the career of the city’s social and political life during the twelfth century.

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Truong Giang Do National University of Singapore (NUS), Singapore Nagara Vijaya (Champa) in regional and global perspectives (12th‐15th centuries CE) During the period from the late twelfth century CE to the year 1471 CE, the nagara Vijaya not only served as the primary and long‐term political center but also as an economic and religious center for the entire mandala Champa (located in present‐day central Vietnam). In this paper, the author attempts to examine the historical process of nagara Vijaya in regional and global perspectives, with special focus on studying the internal and external commercial exchange networks that contributed to the development and prosperity of nagara Vijaya. This study aims to answer two key questions: Firstly, in what historical circumstance did the polity of Vijaya emerge as a predominant political and economic center on the coast of Champa; and secondly, how did nagara Vijaya maintain its connection with major regional and international centers? These objectives could be attained by re‐examining Chinese and Sino‐Vietnamese historical records in combination with new evidence from recent archaeological findings in the Central and Central Highland/Tay Nguyen regions of Vietnam as well as in Vijaya’s adjacent kingdoms. My study also aims to re‐examine the “riverine exchange network” model proposed by Bennet Bronson. I will challenge this model by proving that Bronson’s model cannot describe comprehensively and accurately the political development and economic activities that took place in the ancient nagara Vijaya of Champa (as well as other coastal nagaras/polities of Champa). New discoveries in the archaeology of the Central Highland of Vietnam as well as ethnographic study in the border region of modern Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia lead to new perspectives which recognize the active role of upland communities in organizing, managing and operating the exchange networks in the highland region and show how they played a key role in connecting the coastal polity of Vijaya with the Angkor Empire in mainland Southeast Asia. Thuy Lan Do Thi Faculty of History, VNU ‐ University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam From court city to commercial center: Thăng Long in the Tonkin River system in 17th‐18th century Northern Vietnam Based on a variety of historical materials, including Western maps and documents from the 17th‐18th centuries, Vietnamese historical sources including data in Sinoscript and archaeological research results, using the geo‐historical/cultural approach method, this study aims to discuss the function of ancient Hanoi, named Thăng Long (Ascend Dragon). It asks the question whether it played merely a role as court city, a capital of the kingdom, as suggested by Vietnamese historians until recently, or whether its prosperity during the 17th and 18th centuries derived from internal developments, as Anthony Reid argued in his book in 1993. To answer the

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question, my paper presents some important historical features of Thăng Long, since its foundation prior the 17th century (namely its citadel complex and its location along the river, its position along commercial networks in Vietnam and East Asia); the Tonkin River and the formation of the three‐port‐city system in the 17th ‐ 18th centuries:

Thăng Long, Phố Hiến and Domea; and finally, the role and function of Thăng Long ‐

Kẻ Chợ in the River system during the time. My study has led to the following conclusions: (1) throughout history, Thăng Long

played a considerable role in trading networks of Great Việt, in addition to its primary function as a court city; (2) However, it is only when Thăng Long was attached to the Tonkin River system, the key water route connecting the Red river delta with East Asia,

that the city started to flourish. Within the system, Phố Hiến played the role of intermediate port, while coastal Domea was an anchoring place for foreign vessels. Kẻ Chợ could be seen as the main commercial center of Tonkin and Great Việt. William Southworth Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, the Netherlands Walled city enclosures in the Champa culture The existence and appearance of defensive walled city enclosures in central Vietnam can be reconstructed from Chinese historical sources dating from the 5th and 6th centuries CE. These descriptions correspond well with a number of surviving walled sites associated with the Champa culture, most notably near Hue and at Tra Kieu. This paper will summarize the limited archaeological evidence extracted from these sites and discuss what kind of settlement patterns may have existed in their interior. Two distinct types of walled enclosure can be differentiated from the surviving plans and surrounding landscape features. The paper will argue that this differentiation is chronological and suggests that city design in Champa was directly influenced by the construction of Angkor Thom in around 1200. It is hoped that this paper will correspond well with that proposed by Do Truong Giang regarding the city in Vijaya. Liem Vu Duc Faculty of History, Hanoi National University of Education, Vietnam Cities on the move: Seventeenth century Vietnamese littoral urbanization in the context of local and global competition Urbanization in early modern Southeast Asia was largely considered as a result of international trade and the regional context of the commercial age (Shigeru Ikuta 1991, Reid 1988/1993, Momoki Shiro 1998, Li Tana 2006, Charles Wheeler 2006, Geoff Wade 2009, Wade and Sun Laichen 2010, Claudine Ang 2012). However, with a new geopolitical approach to spatial structure of urban networks in seventeenth century littoral Vietnam, an alternative pattern of the country’s traditional urbanization can be suggested. This paper argues that the processes of urban development and changes in early modern Vietnam were part of the geopolitical negotiation between local and

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global competition, including regional conflict and international contest for trade in the South China Sea. Local contention and international involvement (Chinese and Europeans in particular) are factors that explain the foundation and development of cities, their move in space, rise and decline. They provide a better understanding of the ‘rise and fall’ of those littoral cities such as Van Don, Hoi An, Pho Hien, Thanh Ha, Nuoc Man, My Tho, Dong Nai, and Ha Tien with wider explanatory frameworks. For all elements of their urban features, the model of traditional religious and elite ‘top‐down’ no longer holds; even their secrets of success and failure can be strategically read as consequences of local and global interaction. By examining the way seventeenth century urban networks were distributed in space, it is clear that there is no contrasted perspective of global and local features of the Vietnamese urban growth, but profound connection between regional and international economic and power dynamics. This is a new way to look at Vietnamese urban tradition, through both a local and global perspective, and to relocate the space of present‐day Vietnam in the context of global history.

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Lung‐hsing CHU National Palace Museum, Taiwan A meeting point of the West and East: The social networks underlying the cityscapes of Nagasaki during the Edo period Compared with the Dutch cityscapes that were purchased and prized by the proud citizens during the golden age, the city images of Nagasaki were produced for such reasons as observing foreigners (Chinese and Dutch) through works by official painters, or for commercial profit earned from selling them to tourists as souvenirs during the Edo period (1615‐1868). In exploring the significance of the cityscapes of Nagasaki, this paper poses the following question: how did the images of Nagasaki City reveal the influences of social factors during the Edo period? For more than 200 years, Japan’s trading relations were restricted to Holland and China, beginning in Nagasaki in 1639. To manage the foreigners efficiently, the government moved the Dutchmen to a fan‐shaped artificial island and confined the Chinese to a walled compound. The combined area of these two foreign residences was far less than one tenth of the total area of Nagasaki, although the paintings or prints often portray the Chinese and Dutch residences in ways indicating that they constituted the main part of the city’s image in the minds of the people. Clearly, commercial profits and the city’s political policy made Nagasaki exceptional among the cities of the world. An exploration of internal and external factors comprises the principle structure of this paper. With regard to the internal factors, the cityscapes can be categorized according to the intended patrons, government, and private publishers. Circulation of the city images among administrators and the public reflects a diffusion of the class divisions that constitute one of Nagasaki’s unique characteristics among cities in Japan. As for the external factors, not only were the styles of the cityscapes influenced by Chinese and Dutch artworks, but also the people and materials from overseas became symbols within the cityscapes. Through analysis of the cityscapes produced during the Edo period, this paper illustrates the role that the Chinese and Dutch played in the creation of the images of Nagasaki from the 17th to the 19th centuries. Radu Alexandru Leca SOAS, University of London, United Kingdom Urban paradise: Prostitute quarters as key factors in the urban development of 17th century Japan In my paper, I analyse the establishment and evolution of licensed prostitute quarters in the city of Nagasaki and the capital Edo, seeing them as essential elements of the city plan throughout the 17th century. The pleasure quarters in both cities were situated in a south‐eastern direction at the urban periphery, close to the sea shore. I consider the symbolic significance of this liminal position, and that of the cardinal

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direction in which they were placed. I explore links with beliefs in water deities and paradisiacal islands beyond the sea. I focus on the Island of Women, a feminine utopia at the periphery of Japanese territory whose spatial symbolism is transferred to the prostitution quarters at the urban periphery. Edo’s prostitution quarter, Yoshiwara, relocated after being destroyed by fire in 1657, is a most suitable example of urban development in Japan after the middle of the 17th century. The space of this ‘New Yoshiwara’ figured prominently in travel guides to the city, popular prints and paintings, constituting a major element in the emerging identity of Edo. I argue that the space of the pleasure quarters was not merely one of entertainment, but also one of auspicious inversion and thus confirmation of the urban order. Throughout this analysis, I refer to the characteristics of the prostitution quarters of late Ming China, which provided the model for their Japanese counterparts. However, my focus is on specifically Japanese characteristics of the space of the quarters. My paper thus provides a study case for the general process of urban formation in 16th‐17th century East Asia. I therefore engage both with the theme of urban development and that of the social fabric of the city as it is shaped by gender relations and directional beliefs. Carla Tronu Japan Research Centre, SOAS, University of London, United Kingdom Sacred space and the urban formation of Nagasaki in the late 16th and early 17th centuries The Nagasaki port town was founded in 1571, but there are few reliable Japanese data available before 1663, due to a fire that destroyed most of its streets including the residence of the bugyō where official documents, maps and census reports were kept. Nevertheless, since the Portuguese missionaries and merchants were involved in the founding of the city, it is possible to trace back its urban formation through extant contemporary missionary reports and later local sources. A study of the foundation of the city of Nagasaki in 1571 and its rapid urban growth allows us to raise questions on the close relationship between the effort the Jesuits under Portuguese patronage first and the mendicant orders under Spanish patronage later put to Christianize the city and the complex internal organization of Nagasaki. Nagasaki is often referred to as seventeenth‐century Japan’s ‘Christian city’. In this paper, I argue that what actually organized Nagasaki as a self‐consciously Christian city was the implementation of the Christian calendar and the parish system at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the latter having interesting connections with the urban development. It is very significant, for instance, that Bishop Luis Cerqueira only implemented the parish system fully after inner and outer town were merged into a single administration unit in 1605. Although traditionally the agency of the Japanese local elites and the foreign clergy were emphasised, recent scholarship has started to claim the importance of the role of the common citizens. Following this trend, this

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paper shows how the citizens’ involvement with their local parish church and the ritual celebrated in there were crucial to consolidate Nagasaki as a Christian city. The production of Christian space and time went hand in hand in Nagasaki, and structured the social dynamics of the city. Ellen van Goethem Kyushu University, Japan Adopting and adapting the paradigm: Gridiron cities in Japan Using the example of capital cities, this paper will address the issue of cultural borrowing and the subsequent modification of imported ideas in ancient Japan. It is common knowledge that during the early centuries CE the ruling elites of the Japanese archipelago were heavily dependent on Chinese archetypes and prototypes for the formation of the early state. Unquestionably, one of the most visually striking and impressive examples of this process of cultural borrowing was the establishment of large, semi‐permanent urban centers. Laid out on a gridiron pattern with a clearly delineated space reserved for the ruler’s residential quarters as well as for the apparatus of government—itself also mostly newly introduced—these cities symbolized the power of the ruler and the political, social and cultural center of the recently emerged state. In order to explain how the Chinese archetype was adopted and adapted, this paper will briefly trace the evolution of gridiron cities. Then it will address the process of selecting a suitable site for the establishment of these cities. This process is commonly addressed only briefly by referring to lofty ideals and/or to esoteric practices but has received little scholarly attention so far.

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Jason Hawkes Institute of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Denmark Early medieval urbanism in South Asia: decay or floruit? Central to the established history of urban development in South Asia is a supposed decline in urban centres during the ‘early medieval’ period (c. AD 600‐1200). A number of historical theories have been put forward to explain this change. Yet, what they all share in common is the idea that earlier ancient cities declined, which has become one of the main bases for defining the transition from the ancient to the medieval in South Asia. What underpins this idea of urban decline is the archaeological evidence from a number of sites located throughout the subcontinent. Specifically, a perceived absence of archaeological remains dating to the early medieval period from these sites has been interpreted as reflecting a cessation of economic activities, and a general abandonment of towns and cities as part of a general shift towards a more agrarian‐based economy. However, when one looks closely at the archaeological basis of these arguments, a number of methodological and theoretical concerns soon become apparent that bring into question many of the interpretations that have been made. This paper will review these concerns, and demonstrate that far from being a phase of urban decay, the early medieval period may not have witnessed a decline of urban centres at all. Aloka Parasher Sen Department of History, University of Hyderabad, India Ancient cities and Buddhism in hinterland societies of the Deccan Plateau, India In this paper I shall describe two settlements, often described as ‘cities’, that have been excavated on the Deccan Plateau in southern India highlighting their character and the nature of their close links with the spread of Buddhism during the early centuries of the Christian era. The data collected from the two centres of Kondapur and Phanigiri reveal complex structural remains along with artifacts, coins and other material remains that defy the application of convenient labels, which mark the early historic period in South India. However, clearly they can be seen as having created, nurtured and dialogued with a complex cultural and religious world of this period. Their economic sustenance and political linkages too hinge on questions of a complex network of resources and power that were controlled in different ways. The difference and diversity of settlement patterns in hinterland societies compel us to re‐think issues around the unraveling of their permanence and totality as absolute centres of centralization. Rather, it is pertinent to discuss how they were integrated in the local economy on the one hand and the external/global on the other, that is, to the

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markets in the rest of India and those of the Mediterranean region. Using these ‘cities’ we endeavor to stress that any definition of the ‘urban’ in the ancient world would have to be contextually located. Each of them provides a different set of factors that defines their character and survival. While the role Buddhism played seems central to both, one develops to become a cosmopolitan centre while the other remains locally rooted, only occasionally providing a window to the outside world. Ghani‐ur‐Rahman Quaid‐i‐Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan Traces of the Buddhist Period towns in the district of Shangla (Ancient Gandhara), Pakistan The land of Pakistan, particularly its northern part, has been the center of cultural activity throughout the ages. But many of the areas still need thorough documentation and conservation. The Shangla district is one of those neglected areas which have been the center of Buddhist cultural activity during the beginning of the Christian era. The present researcher took the responsibility of documenting the cultural heritage of this district in 2012 and until now has documented about 80 sites of the Buddhist (approximately 1st to 7th century) and Islamic (after the 11th century) periods. Thus, some selected Buddhist period religious and secular remains will be the focus of this research paper which have recently been documented for the first time. These remains show clear traces of the development and decline of the Buddhist period towns in that area. The towns under discussion were part of the famous Gandhara Civilization, which was the center of cultural, commercial and, above all, Buddhist religious activities. It was this land where, besides many travellers, the famous Chinese pilgrims, such as Xuan Zang and Fa‐Xian, came for learning. This is the land from where the famous trade caravans between the East and the West passed while trading along the Silk Routes. These activities led to the spread of culture and the introduction of Buddhism from this region to Central and Eastern Asia. The paper will, thus, also elaborate upon the significance of these towns in the spread of culture, trade and religion.

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Geok Yian Goh History Major Programme, Nanyang Technological University and Archaeology Unit, Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore An anomaly or a standard? Bagan and Myanmar urbanism Previous studies devoted to Myanmar settlement analysis and urbanization focus on the relative sizes of the settlements examined and their distribution within the modern nation‐state’s boundary. These studies emphasize the importance of architectural remains, especially the area bounded by the walls and the presence of built forms, but few pay much attention to the artifacts such as pottery. While walls can demonstrate the extent of a site, it does not provide sufficient evidence for population density, an important consideration, albeit not the only factor in the definition of urbanism. Pottery, on the other hand, remains an underrated but potentially useful dataset indicator for density. This paper seeks to further explore the definition of Bagan as an urban site along the continuum between two possible models: orthogenetic and heterogenetic cities, an issue first introduced by John Miksic in the 1999 special issue on Myanmar. In this specific presentation, the distribution of pottery (imported and indigenous) across the Bagan site will be examined to determine whether specific patterns of site usage emerge, especially with relation to temple architecture and the “city” wall. Mai Lin Tjoa‐Bonatz Freie Universität Berlin, Germany Archaeological identification of models of change: New data on early settlement patterns of highland West Sumatra Since 2010 an archaeological project of the Freie Universität Berlin has undertaken field research in Tanah Datar, a valley of West Sumatra in the heartland of the Minangkabau community. It is suggested that this area was the core area of the realm of Sumatra’s last Hindu‐Buddhist king, Ādityavarman (c. 1343–1375). An increasing socio‐political integration, mentioned in his inscriptions, is marked by ceremonial architecture, changes of land use and the establishment of an administration. Surveys and excavations at four sites have yielded new archaeological evidence that changes in settlement and socio‐cultural patterns occurred. New technology—metallurgy and an irrigation system—emerged. From the 14th century a territorial consolidation and increasing socio‐economic complexity are evidenced, which initiate an incipient urbanization process in this highland region. A fruitful paradigm for the archaeological study of cultures’ complexity must provide for the comparative study of settlement patterns. The adjacent sites of Bukit Gombak and Bukit Kincir, connected by a burial ground, reveal distinctive characteristics, including artifact types and proportions, during the 14th and 17th centuries. They are strategically located in a fertile plain and give access to the rich, mountainous

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hinterland, where forest products were collected and gold was exploited. A detailed analysis of spatial use in the 1463 m2 excavated settlement area of the two sites will be performed by focusing mainly on the earthenware types. By examining the distribution of different categories of artifacts, a settlement hierarchy can be identified during the time that socio‐economic relations existed between their inhabitants. The archaeological material mainly adds information on changing trading patterns, the consumption of imported luxury goods, social stratification and a differentiated economy. Excavations undertaken at other sites, Ponggongan and Tanah Lua, have identified more ancient settlements in the region. Chotima Chaturawong Faculty of Architecture, Silpakorn University, Thailand Architecture and Urbanization of the Chettiars Chettiar was the name of a trading group and it probably has its roots in Sanskrit shresta, meaning superior. It was the root of Sanskrit shresthi, which is equivalent to the Pali terms setthi or sethji, meaning a financial banker, wealthy trader or a city man. At present the term chetty orhettiar is used as a title by many castes of different ethnic origins in India; however, the most important one is Nattukottai Chettiar in Tamil Nadu. The paper focuses on the architecture and urbanization of the Nattukottai Chettiars, who prefer to refer to themselves as Nagarathars, “those who live in towns.” Nattukottai means land‐fort, as they built their houses like mansions or fort‐like mansions. Nattukottai Chettiars have been a rich merchant community since their early history. They were ship chandlers as well as salt and gem traders during the Chola Period and were involved with commerce and banking in South and Southeast Asia during the 19th to 20th centuries, for instance in Sri Lanka, Burma, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and Vietnam. With their wealth gained abroad, the Chettiars sent money back home to India for industrial investment and large‐scale philanthropy. They built well‐organized settlements and large houses in their hometowns. Their towns and villages were built in a form of a grid rather than developing organically. They were well planned with reservoirs to store and supply water. The architecture of their houses also reflected characteristics of houses of urbanized people which mixed indigenous traditional Indian architecture with European styles. They were built with brick and architectural materials from abroad, for example satin wood from Ceylon; teaks from Burma; tiles from Europe and Japan; steel from England; and marble and granite from Italy. Their architecture and urbanized settlements also influenced those of the people in Burma, as seventy percent of their wealth was invested in that country.

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Yinyin Liu Independent researcher, the Netherlands The dualism of the Ancient Chinese city: The conflicts and coexistence of Confucianism and Taoism in space The ancient Chinese cities were set in a landscape while the landscape infiltrated into the city. Therefore both formal and formless patterns shaped the ancient Chinese cities, as well as Chinese values, personalities and life styles: ordered and disordered, regulated and free, socially‐involved and secluded. These two opposites have been in conflict but also coexisted for centuries, and came to Chinese spaces as a dualism. The squares‐pattern of the city was formulated in ancient China since the Zhou Dynasty (10th BC) as an ideal city model. This pattern continued impacting on the city until the collapse of Feudalism, and it led to many great cities and imperial cities, e.g. Chang'an and Beijing. It illustrates form, order, realism, ceremony, the sacred and authority which Confucianism advocated. These values emerged in the ordinary dwelling‐complex as well. In contrast, the formless landscape surrounded the city and inside the city presented another side of Chinese culture: the pursuits of belonging to nature, being free, disordered and detached. All these qualities come from Taoism, which focusses on metaphysics and animistic patterns. Evidence can be found in both the patterns of landscape‐adaptive cities (e.g Shangqiu) and Chinese gardens mixed with an architectural complex. As a formal pattern of city, the squares‐pattern has been well known as the regulated model of the Chinese city. However, its conflicts and coexistence with the values of Taoism are seldom noticed due to the formlessness of the Taoist aspects of the city. These dual‐phenomena appear not only in the patterns of ancient Chinese cities and spaces, but also in Chinese life that one lived together with the reigning regime and in seclusion at the same time, and switched back and forth between the subtle influences of Confucianism and Taoism. Yun Lu Fujian Academy of Social Sciences, China Trade, migration, religion. A glance at urban life in Quanzhou in the 11th‐14th centuries Quanzhou is a city in Fujian province. Its northern latitude is 24°22’—25°56’. The eastern longitude is 117°34’—119°05’. Quanzhou was an important harbour in the 11th‐14th centuries. Many foreigns came there for maritime trade, especially Muslim merchants. Later they came to live in Quanzhou, and they married with Chinese women. Their descendants still live in Quanzhou. Many of their tombs found in Quanzhou reveal their religion, their homeland and so on. They affected urban life in Quanzhou. For example, Islam and Christianity spread into Quanzhou. Some of the newcomers built mosques or churches. Although Islam and Christianity came from

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outside, they developed in their own way. Islam had its high tide and its low tide, but it still exists in the city, since some Muslims adopted Chinese culture. Christianity died away in the 14th century or earlier, because Christians were few in Quanzhou. it should be noted however, Christianity spread into Quanzhou again in the 17th century. As said, some of the foreigners and their descendants were influenced by Chinese culture. They named themselves with Chinese names, and studied Chinese culture , including confucianism. In the end, one of them could write Chinese poems, even passed the government’s test, and became a government official. Urban life in Quanzhou is diversified. Quanzhou people enjoy,conducting business and international contacts, including to migration.

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Tilman Frasch Dept of History, Politics and Philosophy, Manchester Metropolitan University, United Kingdom Expanding a field of merit: Monastic complexes, foreign relations and urban development in Pagan (Burma), c. 1000‐1300 CE Between c. 1050 and 1300 CE, Pagan (or Bagan in revised spelling) was the capital of a kingdom which covered most of what is modern‐day Myanmar (Burma). During this period, some 2500 religious monuments – mostly Buddhist temples, stupas and monasteries – were constructed in and around the city, covering an area of around 50 sq km. For a good number of these monuments, a dedicatory inscription has come down to us, which provides further information concerning the year(s) of construction, the name of the donor and his motivation, the endowments with serfs, land or articles of daily use and the like. However, despite this epigraphic data, the settlement history of the city is still rather patchy. A “master plan” for the construction of the major royal monuments, as claimed by Russian architect Oshegov, doesn’t seem to have existed, nor can a similar kind of planned, ‘cosmological’ layout as found in later Burmese capitals from Ava to Mandalay be detected. Pagan seems to have been as much “orthogenetic” as it was “heterogenetic” (Miksic). With systematic architectural and art historical surveys of the monuments also missing, the most that can be said about Pagan’s settlement history at this point is that religious construction initially concentrated on sites around the citadel and along the river banks. At the end of the 12th century, two new major building areas were opened up away from the river and the citadel, of which one apparently emerged around a royal monument (King Narapati’s Dhammarajika stupa, 1196‐8 CE), while the other one (Minnanthu) shows no such obvious royal involvement. Instead, this area is dominated by large monastic complexes, which form a marked contrast to the small monastic establishments typical for the rest of the Pagan cityscape. This paper will address the issue of urban development and the making of new ‘fields of merit’ at Pagan from a new vantage point, putting religious developments in the foreground. Both sites mentioned above display a certain degree of foreign influence, mainly from Sri Lanka, with which the Buddhists of Pagan had been in close contact throughout the 12th and 13th centuries. On at least two occasions, monks from Lanka were involved in a re‐ordination of the Pagan monks’ order, and the presence of Sinhalese monks in various monasteries near the Dhammarajika stupa is well attested for most of the 13th century. In addition, two new inscriptions have come to light from this area recently, which normally indicate the involvement of non‐Burmese monks. Did therefore Sinhalese monks introduce their notions of living and dwelling – forest monasteries instead of inner‐city residences, communalism instead of individualism, etc – to Pagan? Did they succeed or, as Burmese tradition has it, fail despite receiving

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royal support? These (and other) questions will form the basis for a fresh look at Pagan as an example for a capital of a “classical” Southeast Asian state. Taylor Easum New York University, United States Defining and defiling the 'New City': Chiang Mai's sacred spaces from the 13th to 19th centuries Research on most modern Asian cities either ignores the pre‐modern past, or at best describes it in perfunctory or idealized terms. Likewise, historical research often focuses on Asia’s large capitals or ‘global cities’; in Thailand, for example, urban history remains focused on Bangkok and its predecessor Ayutthaya at the expense of other related but distinct urban traditions. This essay attempts to redress the balance by examining the rise and decline of Chiang Mai, Thailand’s so‐called ‘second city’, and one of the most important city‐states in the inland region of mainland Southeast Asia. Chiang Mai, whose name translates as ‘New City’, was founded and flourished as a combination of urban traditions and populations, anchored in a matrix of sacred urban spaces, including temples, city walls, shrines, and the overall layout of the city. Local chronicles and histories of the founding and florescence of Chiang Mai emphasize the role of sacred space in defining not only the city’s location and morphogenesis, but also in shaping its social structure, and in maintaining the political legitimacy of its Tai‐Yuan ruling class. However, many narratives of this urban history were written in and reflect the concerns of the nineteenth century and beyond, imagining the pre‐modern city both as a template for urban renewal, and as a cautionary tale of urban decline. Therefore, in addition to discussing the role of sacred space in pre‐modern Chiang Mai’s early history, this essay also argues for the relevance of this pre‐modern history to nineteenth century and even contemporary Chiang Mai, where issues of historical and cultural preservation of sacred spaces continue to provoke debate and conflict in the city center. In short, the long arc of urban history works both ways, as the pre‐modern shapes the modern, and contemporary concerns shape our perceptions of Asia’s early urban past. Christophe Pottier Ecole francaise d’Extreme‐Orient (EFEO) – Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology centr, Bangkok, Thailand Angkorian urbanism: beyond the frames Angkor has often been seen in South East Asia as the paradigm of an urbanism strongly mirroring the strict geometry of its great religious monuments. And it is still widely recognized as the flagship of the agrarian city concept centred on its complex of walled temples surrounded by rice paddy fields. Assimilated to its last capital ‐Angkor Thom ‐ and its geometrically ‘perfect’ walled layout built in the late 12th century, Angkor was interpreted as the quasi perfect expression of a huge Mandala, as much for its socio‐economical and political organization as for its spatial organisation, thus formal.

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Beyond the prevailing reference to Angkor Thom and its strong influence over the development of the urban studies since the 1920s, this presentation will focus on the urban tradition in Angkor over the centuries. It will start with the poorly known origin of the urban settlements in the region of Angkor itself, instead of looking backwards from the late walled city of Angkor Thom. Based on the author’s recent extensive archaeological excavations and the anylisis of a new Lidar survey, the presentation will investigate the various steps of the genesis of the Angkorian urbanism, which help to reconsider various key concepts i.e. hierarchy, geometry, limits, territory integration... The reassessment of the earlier capitals shows the existence of a real urban tradition in Angkor, beyond the common formal understanding of urbanism in Angkor. It directly challenges the accepted vision of a palimpsest made of walled cities, and argues for an integrated development into a vast and structured territory.

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Jakub Maršálek Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Shifting capitals, movable states: some aspects of statehood in Early China For long, scholars have been puzzled by the fact that many characteristics of Early Chinese states do not fit general cultural‐anthropological classification. This also applies to the discussion of the very basic character of those states, using general terms such as city state versus territorial state, segmentary state etc. It seems that one of the important features of Early Chinese states – and their capitals as well ‐ was their relatively great mobility: capitals often shifted, and – mainly in the case of the smaller fief states of the Spring and Autumn period (770‐451 B.C.) – it was possible to shift the whole state. Various explanations for this phenomenon were suggested, including exhaustion of strategic resources, regular shifts of capitals as an evidence of a territorial character of some Early Chinese states etc. While those explanations can apply for concrete cases, it generally seems that the ability to be shifted was one of the inherent features of early Chinese cities or even states. In my paper, I will consider this problem mainly on the basis of the written sources concerning the Spring and Autumn period (770‐451 BC), and I will argue that mobility of states and their capitals in Early China was closely associated with the kin‐based political organization, which was reflected also in the ritual paraphernalia used in the state cults and central to the functioning of the capitals, one of the main characteristics of those paraphernalia being their movability. Pauline Sebillaud Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, France / Jilin University, China Ancient connections? Networks during the transition from the end of the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in the Central Plain In the Central Plains, the classical core area of Chinese studies, archaeological data have been compiled for more than eighty years. These data have contributed to a deeper understanding of the transition between the Late Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age, comprising significant social, economic, and political processes. However, settlement spatial organization, a crucial source of data for understanding this Chinese Protohistorical period, has yet to be intensively investigated in China. This paper introduces the dataset, database and GIS created for a comprehensive study of settlement patterns in the Central Plains. These allow us to review the various types of resources that appear in the archaeological record and to draw a map of the settlements linked by exchanges and communication roads for the Longshan (ca. 2500‐2000 B.C.), Erlitou (ca. 1900‐1600 B.C.) and Shang (ca. 1600‐1050 B.C.) periods. The nodes, or “centers”, in this network become apparent for each period when several criteria (environmental criteria: ores, clay, water systems, and archaeological criteria: presence of walls, large buildings, workshops, prestige items, etc.) are

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considered. Through this dataset, we can also analyze the characteristics and formation processes of these nodes. Such archaeological documentation allows us to reconstitute ancient networks and to define the role of these “centers” as catalysts, essential in the dispersion and transmission of ideas, techniques, etc. Finally, with a macro‐historical perspective on the longue durée, we can map the evolution of these networks and describe the main axes that structured the landscape during each period. Haicheng Wang University of Washington, United States The urban village and state factory in Early China Taking the better documented and more systematically excavated site of Amarna as a comparison, this presentation will use Yinxu, the site of the last capital of the Shang dynasty, as a case study to examine the life cycle of capital cities in Early Bronze Age China. It will suggest that in both China and Egypt the founding, growth, and decline of cities combined royal acts with myriad communal decisions not necessarily premeditated by the king. At the same time it will point out that in scale and organization the economies of the two cities differed fundamentally. Comparing the loosely structured cottage industries of Amarna with the centrally directed factories of Yinxu, it will suggest reasons for the precocious development of minute division of labor and factory organization in China.

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Catherine B. Asher University of Minnesota, United States A tale of two Indian cities: Shahjahanabad and Jaipur I wish to focus on two pre‐modern South Asian cities, Shahjahanabad (Delhi) and Jaipur, both in north India. Shahjahanabad, founded by the Mughal emperor, Shah Jahan, in 1739, was a walled urban enclave with two main avenues each leading to the royal palace. In both scholarly and popular literature Shahjahanabad is considered an “Islamic city.” By contrast Jaipur, founded in 1727 as a grid‐plan city with the palace at the center, is usually considered a “Hindu city,” built by a Hindu ruler, Sawai Jai Singh Kachhwaha, for his Hindu subjects. I will argue that these sectarian designations do not hold up under scrutiny of these two cities themselves. While mosques predominate in much of Shahjahanabad’s cityscape, fewer religious institutions are readily apparent in Jaipur, although hundreds of Hindu and Jain temples and somewhat fewer mosques do exist. Is the common designation of Shahjahanabad as a Muslim city and Jaipur as a Hindu city in any way accurate? To explore this, I will probe the issue of use. Why, for example, are temples, in both cities, largely tucked away in inner gullies and lanes, while mosques are more visible? In addition I will consider the Mughals’ and Kachhwahas’ concepts of state, a key to each city’s layout and appearance and their seeming sectarian character. Shah Jahan and Sawai Jai Singh shared similar visions for their state, not surprising since Jai Singh was not only a ruler of his own ancestral lands but also a very high ranking officer under the Mughals. Both rulers were guided by a policy initiated by the Mughal ruler, Akbar (r. 1556‐1605), of universal toleration. By considering appearance, plan, use and state policy, I will show how each city was conceived as an urban setting designed to showcase the king as a semi‐divine ruler presiding over a multi‐cultural, multi‐religious society. Elena Paskaleva International Institute for Asian Studies / Leiden University Institute for Area Studies / Leiden University Research Profile Asian Modernities and Traditions, the Netherlands The Kosh pattern in the urban development of Samarqand (11th‐17th centuries) The kosh pattern consists of two or three large buildings facing each other with a square between them. The kosh has two main characteristics: location and scale. The location was of primary importance as it represented the significance of the building defined by its position within the urban fabric ‐ mostly at the heart of the shahristan or aligned with a holy mausoleum. Since most of the kosh ensembles emerged throughout the span of several centuries, a key factor was to build across an already existing building erected by a famous ruler or dynasty. The location of the kosh legitimised the patron, his power and financial means. In the case of Samarqand, the royal Qarakhanid Madrasa of Tabghach Bughra Khan from 1066 was built across the holiest site of the city – the mausoleum of Qutham b. ‘Abbas at the Shah‐i Zinda necropolis. The second characteristic of the kosh, the scale, served to legitimise the

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power of the patron. By erecting a broader façade or a larger and higher entrance iwan, the new patron, commissioning the second kosh building, showed off with their financial might and capacity to attract better and more skilful builders. From the fifteenth century onwards, the kosh was erected along the major urban axes formed by the new market routes. These routes were essential for the economy of the city and were seen as the main representational arena of the political relations between the local ruling dynasties and the Sufi shaykhs. The kosh was a political statement, acknowledging the religious power of orthodox Islam and the arising economic and political power of Sufism. The aim of this paper is to show that the kosh is an important architectural medium reflecting power aspirations and religious affiliations in Samarqand, one of the oldest commercial and political hubs along the Silk Road.

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Andreas Gruschke, Sichuan University, China and Cirenyangzong (Tsering Yangdzom), Tibet University, China Early foundations for urban development in Tibetan areas ‐ The examples of Lhasa and Yushu (Jyekundo) Until the mid‐20th century, Tibetan inhabited areas have preserved a predominantly rural character. Cities or even larger towns were no typical feature of Tibet. The few settlements with a somewhat urban character have ordinarily been represented by the large monastic centres and a few trade marts. Except Lhasa, however, even those had still preserved a rather rural imprint. Yet, the characteristic way of interaction of inhabitants of those towns and their environment, both near and far, and the resulting structure of daily life, power relationship and the organisation of administration were the basis for later urban networks and thus clear features of non‐rural development and urbanisation. Lhasa in central Tibet and Yushu (Jyekundo) in present‐day’s southern Qinghai province of China are taken as examples to demonstrate the development from small regional settlements to urban focuses. The first one being the major pilgrimage centre and power focus of the Tibetan Buddhist world, located in agricultural areas, the latter represents a supraregional trade mart in the heart of true pastoral regions. The paper will lay out how the historical functions and networks of these two places established the foundations for the modern urban development. Eva Becker Independent scholar, Germany Karakorum ‐ A multicultural city of the steppe. Ancient Central Asian urban traditions and their influence on the foundation of Karakorum. Conventional scientific consensus presumes that the ancient Mongolian capital Karakorum, founded in the Middle Ages, was based on a Chinese city layout. But there is evidence which suggests that Karakorum was constructed according to the blue‐print of Central Asian cities and fortresses. Not only the historical sources but also the special relation between Mongols and Uyghurs in the 13th century point to this hypothesis. Also the description by the eyewitness Wilhelm Rubruk allows the assumption that Dschingis Khan's descendants followed not so much the tradition of the sedentary Chinese, rather than the tradition of the nomadic peoples of Central Asia. Not until the conquest of China by Khubilai Khan and the installation of the Yuan dynasty on the Chinese throne did a sinisization of the Mongol rulers take place. The almost certain probability of a Central Asian city layout of Karakorum, composed of an ark and sharistan, has never been considered by archaeologists and historians.

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The first excavator of Karakorum (Bukinic) already pointed out in 1932 that the deserted area north of the Buddhist monastery Erdene Zuu is not congruent with a city layout. Further research is needed, since its layout copied in all likelihood from existing cities, settlements or fortresses of Central Asia. I argue in favour of the statements by the 19th century scholars (Jadrincev, Pozdneev, Heikel). In my opinion the actual area of Karakorum is the area of today's monastery. Therefore the deserted area north of the monastery must be a suburb. Furthermore historical eyewitnesses (Rubruk, Juvaini) corroborate the assumption of strong Central Asian influences during Ogodai's and Möngke Khan's time, since it was founded for administration, trade and handicraft of the multicultural Mongol Empire. Maria Riep Leiden University Institute for Area Studies, the Netherlands Urbanism and nomadic empires – 7th century Syr Darya cities and the Turkic Khanate In the first half of the seventh century AD, the kingdoms along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya acknowledged Turkic authority. These kingdoms consisted of several dozens to a hundred cities, each governed by their own ruler. A frequent historical interpretation sketches the Turkic nomadic conquest of urbanized oases. Geographically, the Syr Darya is considered the frontier between the steppe and the sown. The cities along the upper and middle Syr Darya and those to the north of the Tian Shan, from where the Syr Darya and its tributaries sprang, however, played a pivotal role and were the stimulus for many events which took place in this era. These cities were not just responding to Turkic nomadic attacks, nor were the Turks without cities. This paper will explore the role of cities in the interaction between the Turkic Khanate and the kingdoms along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya and the resulting changes in urbanism in these kingdoms. The paper will give a short overview of the main cities to the north of the Tian Shan and those along the Syr Darya. It will discuss their character as centers (as capital of the Turks and as local centers) and how the cities’ agency (geographically, economically and socially) can be observed both in material culture and in historical sources. Finally the paper will present the changes which took place in the cities along the upper and middle course of the Syr Darya during the seventh century and question the cause of these changes.

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Ari Levine University of Georgia, United States Early Modern Chinese cities as memory maps: Diasporic nostalgia for Northern Song Kaifeng Kaifeng, the capital of the Northern Song dynasty (960‐1127), was the most populous city in the early medieval world. Because the city’s physical destruction and geographical inaccessibility were central to its reproduction in cultural memory, the collective commemoration of Kaifeng’s sites was suffused with nostalgia for a glorious past that lingered after the city fell to Jurchen invaders in 1127. We do not know how many millions of northerners fled to South China thereafter, but they constituted the largest diaspora in premodern Eurasian history. For three generations of literati living in exile in the South (until roughly 1200), textual descriptions of Kaifeng’s memory‐sites were suffused with nostalgia for a vanishing past and lost territories. As remembered by diasporic literati, Kaifeng’s urban spaces became social constructions of the pre‐conquest past, shaped by the concerns of the post‐conquest present. Few Southern Song literati were able to return to Kaifeng after it fell, but many more virtually revisited the city as it existed in their individual memories — and for later generations who had no direct experience of it — collective memory. Refugees and their descendants carried with them a shared sense of the past that overlaid, augmented, and overrode their visual perceptions and remembered experiences of the city. The corpora of pre‐ and post‐conquest urban literature will yield new light when we examine them as mental maps of how Southern Song literati remembered urban spaces, and how they wanted their present and future readership to commemorate them. For cultural historians, reconstructing memories of trauma and collapse will require us to rigorously reconstruct historical epistemologies: the native categories and culturally‐embedded metaphors for how the mind remembers. Yi Wang Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, China Romantic encounters and urban space Romantic encounters of young lovers were important scenarios of romance, which was a very important literary style during ancient China. From Han dynasty, when the earliest romance had been recorded, through Six dynasties to Sui and Tang, when the romances became flourishing, to South Song dynasty, when the romance became an important genre of citizen literature, the encountering locales changed from the wild land to transportation service places to public space in metropoles, we can trace the steps of urbanization during the early and middle ages to imperial China.

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This paper is going to briefly review the romances of written literature from Han to South Song dynasties, and catalogue their locales. We shall then discuss a scenario of a single love story, which has been adapted hundreds of time during the period in question. We might see how a well‐known story has been adapted and applied to a new life style in new urban spaces. Ping Wang The University of New South Wales, Australia The talented and beautiful: An examination of the cultural milieu of urbanization in Song China (960‐1279) The Song Dynasty ‐ divided into the Northern Song (960‐1126) and the Southern Song (1127‐1279) ‐ is marked by an unprecedented growth in commerce and urbanization in earlier Chinese history, and arguably, even in the world history. Marco Polo had this to say about the magnificent Hangzhou, capital of the Southern Song: “The city is beyond dispute the finest and the noblest in the world.” Indeed, the metropolitan Hangzhou with a population of more than 2 million at the time boasted a vibrant urban life that has influenced Chinese cultural orientation and aesthetic taste up till now. The urban living with adequate infrastructure in the Song Dynasty provided city residents with bustling markets and entertainment services. The outdoor activities of previous dynasties were gradually being replaced by distinctive urban and domestic leisure: entertainment quarters, theatres, tea houses, singing girl houses, and lavish gardens, extending to as far as distant inns /lodges built along ancient post roads where the scholar officials often sojourned on their way to official posts or to exiles. Businesses thrived upon the huge crowds attracted to these places. The affluent urban elite also formed social clubs, such as Poetry Club, The Tea Society, the Refined Music Society. These social activities with close interaction between the entertainees and entertainers in turn not only stimulated art and literature, but also cultivated an unique literati culture where among other things, romances flourished between the talented scholar‐officials and the beautiful singing girls. This paper attempts to explore how the cultural vision and romantic lifestyle of the literati were shaped by the urban milieu, and how they in turn dominated the political, economic, and cultural life of the cities, and how this cultural ambience is still felt today.

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Aparna Balachandran Department of History, University of Delhi, India From city‐state to territory: The case of early colonial Madras My paper looks at the shifts in the ideology and practices of rule as the port city of Madras was transformed from a mercantilist city state to the territorial capital of the East India Company's southern Indian empire. It is possible to draw similarities between the ways in which this urban space with its racially and socially heterogeneous population was governed in the late 17th and 18th centuries, and the visions and forms of rule in other global commercial hubs including those of other European powers. I am particularly interested in the central role of religion ‐ Protestantism in particular ‐ in the constitution of this understanding of urban space and its governance. In contrast to its avowed secular self‐image, the Madras government was deeply embedded in and motivated by the values of Protestant Christianity that envisioned the city with its multi‐racial and multi‐religious population as a "New Jerusalem" over which it exercised a benevolent jurisdiction. By the late 18th century, however, a new conception of empire that was specifically linked to territory would fundamentally transform notions of space and governance which were far more socially and racially exclusivist in character. How did the subaltern inhabitants of the city ‐ communities of urban labourers ‐ experience and negotiate the city and its new legal and political regime? I suggest that it would be simplistic to describe this encounter as either emancipatory or disempowering. Instead, I argue that this process at the crucial transformative period would allow these groups to articulate an understanding of themselves as entitled subjects of the East India Company, even as they were being physically and ideologically erased from the space of the city. Cezary Galewicz Jagiellonian University, Krakow, Poland A memory‐sick palimpsest of an Asian City: Calicut – how to write urban history Twenty hours south by train from Bombay and off the beaten touristic tracts, the thriving commercial city of Calicut could boast of a history more glorious than that visible in its monuments. Should this history be written, the question remains: for whom and from whose vantage point? Its citizens betray growing anxiety with a need for shared urban past and identity. Developing new urban spaces proves a complex process in the environment that for centuries favored a co‐existence of distinct ethnic and religious communities. Though their relationship stemmed from the dynamics of constant status negotiation, its dominant flavor derived from a particular openness to the wide sea at hand. This gave rise to a legend of a cosmopolitan meeting point of several ancient cultures feeding on the phenomenon called Indian Ocean trade. It owes part of its narrative to a kingly figure of Zamorin, or the King of the Ocean ‐ a

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connecting link between rival communities of traders, Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Jews, Gujaratis, Parsis or Chinese, who make the city’s texture. The legend has its conflicting narratives, Portuguese reports, travelers’ accounts, folk tales. In a vision by a contemporary Indian writer, the medieval pax malabarica remains as much irretrievably lost as urgently needed to be recollected. The newcomers, Portuguese, Dutch, neglected at first, emerged as supreme powers bringing change and obliteration of the past. They too had to give way to more skilful outsiders lured by the scent of the spices of Malabar. What sort of pattern could be drawn for Calicut’s pre‐modern urbanity before foreign patterns were introduced from Portuguese Goa and Dutch Cochin, and its heart in the shape of the royal palace ended up in ashes by the 18th c.? What remained and how does it fuel the contemporary need for urban identity? Tsukasa Mizushima Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology, Tokyo University, Japan Patterns of urban formation in Early Modern South India Studies on urban development in early modern South India have focused upon colonial port towns such as Madras and Pondicherry. Instead, this paper studies around two thousand hamlets in the area surrounding Madras in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and examine, by using GIS, the patterns of urban development in the hinterland of colonial port cities. The emergence of European colonial port cities in Asia in the early modern period is thought to have greatly transformed the pre‐existing linkages of towns and villages. The actual processes are, however, not clear yet. The period observed, in the case of South India, witnessed a great development of textile export and, probably, urbanization facilitated by commercial economy. Did it actually promote urbanization outside the colonial port cities or did it work to the contrary? By using village‐level information on population and occupation of around two thousand hamlets between the 1770s and 1801, this paper will investigate and clarify the conspicuous features of urban development and discuss the impact of global economy upon Indian and Asian societies. Anuththaradevi Widyalankara Department of History, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka Heterogeneous cities of pre‐modern Ceylon as discovered through indigenous sources A polythetic definition of urbanization recognizes two distinct forms of its morphology. The first is the orthogenesis of the city that unravels the gradual evolution of the urban space. The other is the heterogeneity of the urban space. The literature on pre‐modern cities of Sri Lanka in the period from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries is focused on the heterogeneity of their sites. The pre‐modern

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cities grew not so much due to natural growth of its people but due to the many inducements it offered to attract more people from outside. The dynamics of human interactions across port cities of Asia and human interaction between coastal areas and the hinterland became agencies of the early urbanism in Sri Lanka. This paper hypothesizes that the models of city formation should be based on polythetic criteria that can explain the historiography of pre‐modern cities independent of western phenomena such as colonial conquest and ‘true’ replication of urban practices of medieval Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present literary data to explain the heterogeneousness of cities in pre‐modern Sri Lanka and their influence in developing cosmopolitism in the pre‐modern urban space. The study will explore the growing commercial activities in the littoral urban enclaves and the relations between the coast and the hinterland. Evidence is gathered extensively from indigenous sources such as message and pilgrim verses, chronicles, historical writings and epigraphic sources belonging to the period under survey. Findings of the study will serve to demonstrate how the pervasive commercialization of port cities over the first millennium and the first half of the second facilitated the European expansionists to establish an economic foothold in Ceylon by the sixteenth century.

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ROYAL CITIES OF SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM CE

Convenor and Chair: Janice Stargardt, Professorial Research Fellow, Sidney Sussex College, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom Michael Willis Senior Curator in the Department of Asia, The British Museum, United Kingdom Urban decline in early medieval India: archaeological realities vs. historiographical illusions That urban centres in South Asia declined after the 3rd century CE is a commonplace in Indian history. The decline is generally characterized by a contraction of the centres themselves, an erosion of the monetized economy and a collapse of international trade. This was accompanied by a burgeoning of land grants to priestly elites by the royalty and a corresponding weakening of centralized power. In place of the state, power became localized and rested with powerful temples and other religious institutions. Although historians have argued about definitions, contested aspects of this depiction, or attempted to add a degree of nuance to it, the general picture that prevails is one of a republic of villages, a segmental state, and, to use Nick Dirks’s words, ‘a hollow crown’. The degree to which the evidence can be marshaled to support this interpretation is shown by the recent book by Giovanni Verardi, Hardhsips and Downfall of Buddhism, published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore, an organization that has played a significant role in this conference. The purpose of this paper to show that this theory, although coherent, logical and seemingly compelling, is unsustainable in its entirety. The archaeology and inscriptions of south Asia show that land‐grants did not erode the power of king and state, that monetization has been misunderstood, and that, central to the concerns of this conference, there were large cities and towns in the early and mature medieval India. Osmund Bopeararchchi Professor of Asian Studies, Department of Classics, Ecole Normale Superieure, Paris Anuradhapura, the royal capital of Sri Lanka Founded in the fourth century BCE by King Pandukabhaya, Anuradhapura remained as the capital of the island for almost fifteen centuries, making it one of the most stable and long‐lived political and urban centres of South and South‐East Asia. As recent archaeological findings have shown, Anuradhapura became a flourishing inland capital thanks to its being situated by the Aruvi Ari River (Malvatu Oya) which linked it to Manthai, the most active port in ancient Sri Lanka. The ancient site of Anuradhapura and its surrounding monastic complexes covers an area of over forty square kilometres. There has been much controversy over the focal point of the urban centre.

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For some historians, the Mahavihara, with the scared Bodhi‐Tree and the Ruawanvalimahasaye, was the centre of the city, and for others, the fortified citadel was the axis. The sacred section, composed of monastic establishments with impressive monuments, was much larger than the citadel where the royal place and the centre of administration were presumably situated. Several archaeological missions have been carried out in the citadel, and, to the surprise of many, well‐laid out city and its suburbs described in the Mahavamsa, the great chronicle of the island, were not so far found. Apart from the palace built by King Vijayabhau I (circa 1055‐1110 CE), neither the ancient palaces of renowned kings such as Dutthagamini (circa 161‐137 BCE), Mahasena (circa 277‐303 CE), and Dhatusena (circa 459‐477 CE), nor administrative buildings have been discovered in the city limits. In contrast, the Buddhist monastic complexes of Maha Vihara, Jetavana Vihara, Abhayagiri Vihara, Dakkhina Vihara and Mirisvati Vihara surrounding the citadel are covered with imposing stupas, bodhighara (bhodi shrines), patimagharas (image houses), sannipatasalas (assembly halls) danasalas (alms halls) and panchavasas (residences of the monks). This paper discusses the reasons behind contradictions leading to fundamental questions of the nature of the physical growth of the city, its legitimacy and authority and the discrepancies between the archaeological reality and literary sources. Janice Stargardt Professorial Research Fellow in Asian Historical Archaeology, McDonald Institute of Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge Sri Ksetra, a Pyu royal city of Burma in the first millennium By the 2nd century BCE, the cluster of Iron Age villages on the site of the future city, Sri Ksetra, began to exhibit features of social and economic complexity. These were a mastery of water control and iron working. As their development continued in the early centuries CE man‐made channels and tanks of water became important signposts to delineate the main habitation areas. This paper will trace distinguishing phases of urban development up to the middle of the first millennium, by which time a very large urban area was surrounded by water and brick fortifications. A fully hierarchical society was implanted in this urban space, leaving permanent traces of itself in a royal inner city, brick monuments, the adoption of Buddhism, Sanskritic royal names or titles, and literacy in Pali, Sanskrit and a written form for the Pyu language. In these features Sri Ksetra, together with two other Pyu cities, Halin and Beikthano, pioneered patterns of early urbanisation that would soon after emerge in Thailand, Laos and Cambodia. Wannasarn Noonsuk Lecturer and Head of the PhD Program in Asian Studies, Walailak University, Thailand Early Urban Centers in Tambralinga (Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, Peninsular Siam) Located on the east coast of Peninsular Siam, an isthmian tract between the South China Sea and the Bay of Bengal, Tambralinga had the cosmopolitan openness

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associated with islands to trade and cultural influences. It involved in the maritime exchange since the late centuries BCE and its heartland, in coastal Nakhon Si Thammarat Province, had the highest densities of Bronze Drums, early Vishnu images, lingas, Hindu shrines, and stone inscriptions in Peninsular Siam. Based on the studies of the distributions of late prehistoric sites and early Hindu shrines in relation to geography using data from GIS‐based studies and archaeological surveys and excavations, and ethnographic interviews, the results of this research demonstrate that the landscape of Tambralinga was vital to its urban development. Its heartland opened out to the South China Sea, where the intensive maritime trade took place, and had the mountains in its backyard, which were the source of forest products and tin, valued highly by foreign merchants. The flood plain between the shores and the mountains produced rice and cattle for the population in the kingdom. Tambralinga had beach ridges, running in the north‐south direction, as the core of its landscape which facilitated the communications among the clusters of communities. Rivers and walking trails provided passageways between various ecological zones and connected the kingdom to the west coast of the isthmus as well. This research has identified 5 clusters of brick shrines dated to around the 5th to 11th centuries CE, in which the cluster on the flood plain between the Tha Khwai and Tha Thon Rivers in Si Chon District has the highest density of sites in a relatively small area, suggesting perhaps the existence of an urban center, although there is no moat around it. In the 12th to 13th centuries, the urban center of Tambralinga seems to be shifted to the southern part of the ancient eastern beach ridge where the capital city of Nakhon Si Thammarat Kingdom was founded according to the local chronicle and it still remains the administrative center of the province until today. The development of this city in this time period is also detected in the archaeological record.

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RETHINKING WESTERN HAN CHANG'AN

Convenor and Chair: Griet Vankeerberghen, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Canada Discussant: Michael Loewe, Cambridge University, United Kingdom Our panel will introduce the results of several years of collaborative research on Western Han Chang'an, a city that ranks besides Rome among the greatest of the classical world. The distinctive contribution of our project lies in showing how Western Han Chang'an, much more than its physical layout, was a living city to which elites and non‐elites alike gave meaning, whether they were inhabitants of the capital, visitors, or merely knew Chang'an by reputation. In other words, we apply our understanding of the rich and growing material record relating to Western Han Chang'an to a systematic re‐reading of the historical sources. This, in turn, leads us to see Chang'an not only as the site from which the central court projected its authority, but as a city inhabited by individuals and households of varying socio‐economic status who navigated urban space, and in the process established complex relationships with one another and with the central court. Rather than survey the full life span of Western Chang'an (from its founding in 202 BCE until the time part of it was razed in 23 CE), our project focuses on life in the city during the three decades of Emperor Cheng's reign (33‐7 BCE), the last major reign before the collapse of Western Han, and a time by which Chang'an had fully matured into the administrative, economic, and cultural heart of the empire. Contributors to the panel will follow the movements of historical agents during this time period, both through the city and its environs, and in and out of the capital area. This will allow us to better understand the exchanges that took place between the capital and the outlying regions, and gauge how the physical layout of the city and the ideas associated with it contributed to the dynamic of the period. Michael Loewe Cambridge University, United Kingdom Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire Ritual buildings in Chang’an and Luoyang, capital cities of the Han empire As in other cultures, so in Han China (202 BCE to 220 CE) imposing buildings played a major role in satisfying religious beliefs and strengthening civil ties. Majestic palaces displayed the authority of the ruling house and attracted the loyalty of the population. Emperors worshipped at shrines designed to secure the blessings of the occult powers, and situated to accord either with traditional practice or with cosmological concepts. Hillocks that dominated the countryside surmounted the tombs of deceased emperors. Set in large parks they were accompanied by the halls where regular services ensured

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that the ancestors were not forgotten and that they were provided with all their needs. The erection of buildings of these types rested on three characteristics that were basic to the organisation of the Han empire; they served to re‐enforce the ties of kinship; they displayed the over‐riding importance of correct social behaviour (li); they asserted the essential hierarchies whereby the continuity of families was ensured and the demands of government were implemented. No remains of ritual buildings of the Han dynasty survive above ground. Archaeological work of he last fifty years has supplemented the references that are found to them in literature and to correct anachronisms introduced therein. It is possible to gain some idea of how these major buildings fitted into the plans of Chang’an, capital city of Western Han and the Xin dynasty, and Luoyang capital of Eastern Han. Characteristics seen in Han times re‐appear in the capitals of the later dynasties of China and possibly in Japan. Yijun Huang History Department, Minzu University of China, PR China Transformations of Chang'an's Burial Culture, in light of archaeology and cultural geography This essay will discuss the role of Chang'an, the capital of the Western Han (206 BCE‐8 CE), in the momentous changes in burial cultures that occurred during that time period. Chang'an was not only the locus where a distinctive Western Han burial culture gradually emerged (dubbed the "Core Han" culture in archaeological texts), as it incorporated and merged aspects of earlier burial customs associated with the pre‐unification kingdoms, particularly Qin and Chu. It was also the place from which this core culture rapidly spread outward after ca. 100 BCE, penetrating the rest of the empire quickly and thoroughly. To analyze the mechanisms by which this "Core Han" culture spread, I will examine, first, the role played by the officials who were sent across the empire from the capital‐‐they were often well trained in the classical learning that increasingly favored at court, and, second, the impact of the large‐scale population migrations to and from the capital region, especially in newly conquered territory in the North. Moreover, I will argue that this "Core Han" culture could not emerge and spread before the Western Han capital had eclipsed other major metropolitan areas as the most important cultural center. That, toward the very end of Western Han, innovations in burial culture seem to have come mostly from the Western Han empire's second most important metropolitan area around Luoyang, perhaps prefigures the important future role of Luoyang as the capital of Eastern Han (25‐220 CE).

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Michael Nylan Department of History, University of California at Berkeley, USA Western Han Chang'an and the Lives of Non‐elites In my paper, I will try to marshal all the available sources, from tombs as well as literary materials, that we have attesting non‐elite life in the greater metropolitan Western Han Chang'an area, which includes the city itself, the surrounding mausoleum towns, and various parks. If we wish to ascertain how the city functioned in antiquity, we will have to do far more than list or situate the main palaces. Two archaeologists in the People's Republic, Han Guohe and Zhang Xiangyu, have been excavating and analyzing non‐elite tombs, and their findings (only partially published to date), go a long way toward explaining the changing usages and artifacts in the city. We have estimates for the numbers of minor functionaries living within this area, as well as population registers. The received literary tradition also tells us something about Chang'an life outside the palaces, and the use of the major transportation arteries in to and out of the capital region. When we consider this body of available materials in light of comparable evidence culled from Roman history focusing on non‐elite life (most recently Robert Knapp's Invisible Romans and John Clarke's Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, we may hazard some tentative preliminary conclusions about the lives lived the environs of Chang'an by those whom the compilers of the standard histories for Western Han thought to merit only a passing mention or none at all. Griet Vankeerberghen Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University, Canada Geographical and Social Mobility in the Case of late Western Han Chang'an In my paper, I will try to marshal all the available sources, from tombs as well as literary materials, that we have attesting non‐elite life in the greater metropolitan Western Han Chang'an area, which includes the city itself, the surrounding mausoleum towns, and various parks. If we wish to ascertain how the city functioned in antiquity, we will have to do far more than list or situate the main palaces. Two archaeologists in the People's Republic, Han Guohe and Zhang Xiangyu, have been excavating and analyzing non‐elite tombs, and their findings (only partially published to date), go a long way toward explaining the changing usages and artifacts in the city. We have estimates for the numbers of minor functionaries living within this area, as well as population registers. The received literary tradition also tells us something about Chang'an life outside the palaces, and the use of the major transportation arteries in to and out of the capital region. When we consider this body of available materials in light of comparable evidence culled from Roman history focusing on non‐elite life (most recently Robert Knapp's Invisible Romans and John Clarke's Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, we may hazard some tentative preliminary conclusions about the lives lived the environs of Chang'an by those whom the compilers of the standard histories for Western Han thought to merit only a passing mention or none at all.

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ASIAN URBANISM THROUGH TIME IN CONTEXT: FACILITATING ANCIENT TO MODERN COMPARISONS Convenor and Chair: Benjamin Vis, School of Geography, University of Leeds, United Kingdom In April of this year IIAS and TU Delft organised a seminar on Asian Cities: Colonial to Global. This event studied the history and development of Asian urbanisation as it went through the transition of colonisation to growing into places of global relevance and character. Seizing the opportunity, this panel discussion aims to bring research on Asian urbanism full circle by stretching over its entire history to identify and integrate potential areas of mutual interest for future research. Facilitating ancient to modern comparative research engaging with early Asian urbanism, involves questioning what makes early Asian urbanism specific as well as what it shares with other worldwide urban traditions. To account for and better understand the variety of ancient urban traditions in Asia research would benefit from being placed within the context of wider, cross‐cultural considerations of urbanism. This panel will explore research themes and directions that form tenable foundations for creating a broad context for research on early Asian urbanism and placing it within social and global ecological discussions and on urban life. Within this panel the emphasis is on methods for characterising and studying patterns and features of urbanism on an intra‐city level, e.g. urban life and the meaning, function and inhabitation of forms of urban settlement, while references to (regional) systems of urban settlement are welcomed where appropriate. The panellists will lead the participants into a plenary discussion by briefly presenting a theme, question, or challenge, to assess opportunities for contextual and comparative research on early Asian urbanism and its relevance as a field. The panel will help to create a broad focus on what we want to know, the contributions of the field, and identify themes and directions for research on the differing forms of urbanism found. Question or discussion point The panellists will lead the participants into a plenary discussion by briefly presenting a theme, question, or challenge, to assess opportunities for contextual and comparative research on early Asian urbanism and its relevance as a field. The panel will help to create a broad focus on what we want to know, the contributions of the field, and identify themes and directions for research on the differing forms of urbanism found. Robin Coningham Department of Archaeology, Durham University, United Kingdom Akkelies Van Nes Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands Gregory Bracken International Institute for Asian Studies / Delft University of Technology, the Netherlands

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Amrit Gomperts independent scholar, the Netherlands, Arnoud Haag independent scholar, the Netherlands and Peter Carey Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia / University of Oxford, United Kingdom Medieval urbanism in Java: The court town of Majapahit The archaeological and historical record of pre‐modern Indonesian cities is scarce. Ma Huan’s Yingya Shenglan (1433) and Huang Xingzeng’s Xiyang Chaogong Dianlu (1520) list only four towns in 15th‐century Java, namely, the Majapahit court and the harbours of Tuban, Gresik, and Surabaya. Up to now, Majapahit is the only Indonesian city whose urban layout can be reconstructed to any reliable degree. On the eve of the Mongol‐Chinese invasion of Java in AD 1292‐3, King Wijaya (r. 1294‐1309) established his Majapahit royal palace in an area with mortuary monuments (candi) and Hindu and Buddhist religious settlements near the present‐day village of Trowulan in East Java. In his travelogue, the Shivaite pilgrim Bujangga Manik testified that Majapahit was still a vibrant town at the end of the 15th century. From the description in the Balinese historiography Kidung Pamancangah, we infer that the Majapahit site had already fallen into ruins before the early 18th century. Since the end of the Java War (1825‐30), the colonial exploitation of the area resulted in massive disturbance and destruction of sub‐surface brick structures, a process which continues until today. In 1921 and 1926, both the local Javanese regent, Kromo Djojo Adinegoro, and the archaeologist H. Maclaine Pont, produced maps of the archaeological remains as well as the original medieval brick structures of the Majapahit site which have vanished now. In 1941‐2, the archaeologist W.F. Stutterheim reconstructed the layout of the Majapahit royal palace on the basis of Prapanca’s description in the Nagarakertagama text (1365). Our recent rediscovery of the captain‐engineer J.W.B. Wardenaar’s 1815 archaeological Plan of Majapahit at the British Museum sheds new light on the urban structure of the court town. After six years of intensive research —textual interpretation, local interviewing, site surveying and GIS analyses of historical maps including satellite remote sensing— we are now able to present a revised and corrected version of Stutterheim’s reconstruction of the urban topography of the 14th‐century Majapahit capital, which focusses particularly on the communal, residential, ritual, and religious space and water management aspects of the court town. Kasper Jan Hanus Department of Archaeology, The University of Sydney, Australia / Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Poland City scan. Airborne Laser Scanning and its application in interpreting urbanism of Angkor. Angkor has puzzled European scholars since it was brought to widespread attention in 1861. Pioneering archaeologists focused their attention mostly on the temples and monumental architecture, but as the 20th century progressed researchers started to investigate the space between the temples to understand how Angkor functioned as a

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city. This shift in focus has led to understanding Angkor as, both, a hydraulic city and low‐density urban complex. However, as the most extensive urban settlement of the pre‐industrial world, much of which is now overgrown with dense vegetation, the ground survey of archaeological features at Angkor has proven difficult both methodologically and logistically. Among the solutions to this problem for the archaeologist are airborne and space‐borne remote sensing tools, one of which is airborne laser scanning (ALS). Light detection and ranging (LiDAR) has been employed at Angkor, the Kulen hills and Koh Ker. The technology utilized by LiDAR is based on extreme dense laser beams that are able to penetrate a triple canopy forest and thus reveal the terrain hidden beneath. What is produces is a topographic map with a resolution of 15cm which clearly highlights all the anthropogenic modifications to the landscape such as channels, embankments and occupation mounds. In my presentation I would like to focus on the way in which these surface relief data are transformed into an archaeological outcome. The first step in this process is the visualization of the three‐dimensional data on two‐dimensional surfaces. Our experience in Cambodia indicates that there is no single, universal way to illustrate this type of data and that different research questions require different approaches to visualization. Another issue involves the advanced processing of data in geographic information system (GIS) software such as localized relief modeling, which has proven effective in mapping the network of past rice‐fields. This presentation illustrates the steps between engineering and archaeological interpretation, showing the ways in which ALS data are able to contribute to the discussion about prehistoric and historic urbanism. Hélène Njoto Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (lab: Centre Asie du Sud‐Est), France Re‐investigating 18th century Javanese Cities’ spatial arrangements: the cases of Surakarta and Yogyakarta in Central Java (Indonesia) This paper will take a new look at the spatial arrangements of the two major royal capitals of the Muslim Empire of Mataram: Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Both palaces (kraton) designed by Yogyakarta Sultan Mangkubumi show a symmetrical pattern evenly distributing courtyards and buildings in mirror images to the north and south of a sacred central courtyard (pelataran), an arrangement reputedly inspired by Hindu‐Javanese cosmology (Behrend 1983). An analysis of earlier urban patterns as well as buildings ordered by the sultans inside and outside the Yogyakarta palace may shed new light on the singularity of these arrangements. First, a comparison with other Javanese cities’ patterns (i.e. Trowulan, Gresik, Cirebon, Banten, Pleret and Kartasura) will allow us to expose the originality of the pattern designed by Mangkubumi. Second, the study of monumental and pioneering building projects in masonry ordered by the sultan and later by his son

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Hamengkubuwana II inside and outside the palace of Yogyakarta helps to understand the reasons lying behind these new arrangements at this particular period in Javanese history when the Dutch Company settled in a fort at the gates of the palaces. The paper argues that the buildings show a willingness to reclaim foreign technical innovations while giving them a Javanese touch. These spatial arrangements at the start of the Dutch military presence would thus indicate a tendency to reaffirm the royal power centrality as well as a Javanese identity.

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DINNER AND RECEPTION

Please wear your badge at dinner and during the reception. Dinner – 11 November from 18.00 Reception – 13 November, 17.30 – 19.00 Address: Adress: Restaurant van der Werff (B) Grand Café Pakhuis (B) Steenstraat 2 Doelensteeg 8 Leiden Leiden

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ORGANISERS AND SPONSORS

The International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) is a research and exchange platform based in Leiden, the Netherlands. IIAS encourages the multi‐disciplinary and comparative study of Asia and promotes national and international cooperation, acting as an

interface between academic and non‐academic partners, including cultural, social and policy organisations. The main research foci are Asian cities, dynamics of cultural heritage, and the global projection of Asia. These themes are broadly framed so as to maximise interactions and collaborative initiatives. IIAS is also open to new ideas of research and policy‐related projects. In keeping with the Dutch tradition of transferring goods and ideas, IIAS works both as an academically informed think tank and as a clearinghouse of knowledge. It provides information services, builds networks and sets up cooperative programmes. Among IIAS’ activities are the organisation of seminars, workshops and conferences, outreach programmes for the general public, the publication of an internationally renowned newsletter, support of academic publication series, and maintaining a comprehensive database of researchers and Asian studies institutions. IIAS hosts the secretariats of the European Alliance for Asian Studies and the International Convention of Asian Scholars. In this way, IIAS functions as a window on Europe for non‐European scholars, contributing to the cultural rapprochement between Asia and Europe. Fore more information, please visit http://www.iias.nl/

The Faculty of Archaeology of Leiden University is the only archaeology faculty in the Netherlands. This

independence makes it possible to pursue an efficient and stimulating policy in the fields of education and

research, and to take advantage of new developments. The faculty is located in the Reuvens Building on the Reuvensplaats. The ambition of the faculty is to develop into a prominent archaeological research and training centre at a European level. In European terms, the faculty is an averagely‐sized institute, with a wide range of specializations and several specialist (laboratory) facilities. Leiden can pride itself on a long archaeological tradition, going back to Professor Reuvens at the beginning of the 19th century. Apart from the traditionally strong Prehistory of Northwestern Europe and Classical Archaeology, Leiden offers (as the only university in the Netherlands) a specialization in the Palaeolithic, and in the archaeology of the civilizations of the Near East, Asia, and the Americas, as well as a number of archaeological sciences, such as pollen analysis, archaeozoology, computer applications, ceramology, and microwear analysis. The variety of non‐western language and culture studies within the Faculty of Arts (CNWS), and the presence in Leiden of the National Museums of Ethnology and Antiquities, as well as Naturalis, are also enhancing factors. A clearly social responsibility of archaeology is the care of the material heritage of past cultures. International treaties (for instance Valetta) state that archaeological

Faculty of Archaeology

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investigations should be carried out prior to large building projects. The faculty is active in this field via a commercial company. Hence, students get quickly involved in the practical side (traineeships) of archaeology, with attention to the managerial side of archaeological work. In addition, the faculty has agreements of cooperation with local archaeological services in the surroundings (Leiden, The Hague, Delft). At present, the faculty has a strong market position in the Netherlands. In the last few years, the faculty has been able to welcome more than 80 new students annually. At present, the total number of students amounts to about 350. For more information, please visit http://www.archeologie.leidenuniv.nl/

Area studies is an approach to knowledge that starts from the study of places in the human world from antiquity to the present, through the relevant source languages, with central regard for issues of positionality. It is a dynamic synthesis of area expertise and disciplines in the humanities and social science, relying on sensitivity to and critical reflection on the situatedness of scholarship, and foregrounding the areas studied as not just sources of data, but also

sources of theory and method that challenge disciplinary claims to universality. It should be inherently interdisciplinary, by testing the boundaries of the disciplines; and actively but carefully comparative, by treating the why, how, and what of comparison as anything but self‐evident. This vision draws on both tradition and innovation in scholarship. It is informed by the history of the field, and its ongoing development in a postcolonial, multi‐polar, globalizing world.

The Leiden University Institute for Area Studies (LIAS) has as its aim the advancement of this inclusive, globally conscious vision of area studies at Leiden University and in the wider academic community, focusing on Asia and the Middle East, and with emphatic attention to the relevance of education and research for society at large. To this end, it wants to be a meeting place of multiple fields of inquiry, theories and methods, historical periods, and areas, with the latter defined along geographical and/or cultural and/or linguistic and/or political lines. Area studies as an approach to knowledge that starts from the study of places in the human world is undergirded by deep linguistic and cultural knowledge, critical reflection on the notion of translation, engagement with the areas, effective multi‐ and interdisciplinarity, and engagement with the disciplines.

LIAS is comprised of the Schools of Asian Studies (SAS) and Middle Eastern Studies (SMES). Area specializations in SAS include Chinese, Japanese, Korean, South Asian and Southeast Asian Studies; in SMES, they include Arabic, Assyriology, Egyptology, Hebrew & Aramaic, Papyrology, Persian, and Turkish.

LIAS staff have disciplinary expertise in anthropology, archeology, art history, development studies, economics, film studies, history, international relations, language pedagogy, law, linguistics, literary studies, material culture studies, media studies, philology, philosophy, political science, religious studies, theater & performing arts studies, and sociology. For more information, please visit http://www.hum.leiden.edu/lias/

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The prime task of the Leiden University Fund (LUF) is to gather financial support and to make funds available for Leiden University. The LUF provides subsidies to projects conducted by faculties and researchers. But students, too, can apply to the LUF for support with activities which add value to their studies. In addition, the LUF is active in keeping Leiden University alumni involved with the university and with one another. Please visit www.luf.nl for more information.

The research profile ‘Asian Modernities and Traditions’ (AMT) aims to raise the strength and visibility of research, teaching and dissemination on Asian studies at Leiden

University. AMT focuses on those areas where there are clear strengths or exciting new developments ahead, bundled into five themes. In AMT ‘Asia’ includes all of East, Central, South and Southeast Asia. AMT does not conceive of Asia as a neatly bounded geographic region, and explicitly includes the increasingly prominent transnational presence of Asia across the globe, including flows of capital, culture, goods, ideas and people. Asia has become the new centre of growth for the world economy. Economic success not only breeds global power, but also an increasingly prominent role in the production and definition of what it is to be modern, economically, socially, politically and culturally. Despite their roots in global market capitalism, Asia’s modernities are not simple carbon‐copies of western modernity. Asia has spawned a highly diverse range of modernities rooted as much in local, regional and (trans)national cultures and traditions as in forms derived from the West, while the latter not only include capitalism, but also socialism, Christianity, secularism, nationalism and liberalism. Studying the proliferation, diversity and commonalities of these particular modernities is the key to knowledge about Asian cultures and societies that matters in the world today. Asia is growing, powerful, self‐confident, yet also riven by conflict and confrontation and alternative visions of its cultural heritage and modernity that escape the hegemonic grasp of political or cultural elites. More than half a century after decolonialization Asia has by no means arrived at a finished system of nations. The ‘nation’ in many Asian countries remains at best a work in progress. Many territories remain disputed or simply beyond or excluded from any single national community. Similarly, the ‘developmental’ state in Asia is often held up as an example of strength and efficiency to the ‘failed’ states of Africa and Latin America. Yet one does not even have to invoke the many examples of weak or destabilized states in Asia itself to see that the success of Asian state building is often more apparent than real. China’s massive state apparatus, for instance, still struggles to control local authorities, while large parts of India are ruled by Maoist groups that

Asian Modernities and Traditions

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are beyond the control of federal or state governments. For more information, please visit http://www.research.leiden.edu/research‐profiles/amt/

The NSC Archaeology Unit (AU) pursues projects designed to foster collaborative research in the archaeology of civilization in

Southeast Asia, and its links with its neighbours in Asia. It is a part of the Nalanda‐Sriwijaya Centre, at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore. The AU conducts excavations in Singapore, concentrating on the material culture of the period from 1300 to 1600, but also maintains an interest in the lives of Singapore’s inhabitants during the colonial period of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The AU also collaborates with institutions in the Asia and Pacific regions to conduct research and training, and to disseminate published and unpublished reports on archaeological research. The AU was formed in 2010, with Associate Professor John Miksic becoming its first head in July 2011. The AU was inaugurated by H.E. President S R Nathan in August 2011. For more information, please visit http://nscarchaeologyunit.wordpress.com/

Our world is here, there, and everywhere. If you want to go places – read, connect, visit, dig deeper – where do you start? Through LeidenGlobal, academic and cultural institutions connect with local communities, media, government, business, and NGOs. We want to raise the impact of scholarship across the board, from cultural events and public debate to government policy and education. We know about Africa, Asia & Oceania, Europe, Latin

America & the Caribbean, the Middle East, North America, Russia & the Caucasus, and the Circumpolar Regions. LeidenGlobal is a meeting place built for people interested in places around the world, and the dynamics between them, their histories, and their cultures. From the Pyramids to the Great Firewall, from language to warfare, from religion to finance, from politics to poetry, from earthquakes to elections. Come and meet us! Partners: African Studies Centre; International Institute for Asian Studies; Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies; Netherlands Institute for the Near East; National Museum of Antiquities; National Museum of Ethnology; Roosevelt Study Center; Leiden University For more information, please visit LeidenGlobal.org


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GENERAL INFORMATION

CONFERENCE INFORMATION Badge After you collected your conference badge at the registration

desk, you will need it for admission to all conference sessions and activities. Please make sure that it is visible at all times.

Certificate You may collect a certificate of participation at the

registration desk on Tuesday or Wednesday. Emergencies For medical emergencies, please dial the national emergency

number 112.

Internet The museum has free wifi. No special access code is needed.

Lunch/dinner Lunch is provided from 11‐13 November at the National Museum of Antiquities. Please wear your conference badge at all times. It is required to wear it to obtain lunch. IIAS organises a welcome dinner on Monday 11 November 2013.

Museum visit Participants are allowed to visit the museum on Monday

between 11:30 – 12:30 for free. If you would like to visit the museum on other times, please buy a ticket at a group discount (€ 7,50) at the museum counter.

Pharmacy Medicines that have been prescribed by your doctor can be

obtained from the pharmacy (apotheek). Non‐prescription medicines can be bought at most drugstores (drogist e.g. Kruidvat or Etos).

Presentation Presentations at the conference should be no more than

twenty minutes in length.

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COLOPHON

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR ASIAN STUDIES

Visiting address:

Rapenburg 59

2311 GJ Leiden

Postal address:

P.O. Box 9500

2300 RA Leiden

the Netherlands

P: +31-(0)71-527 2227

F: +31-(0)71-527 4162

E: [email protected]

W: www.iias.nl

CONFERENCE VENUE

National Museum of Antiquities

Rapenburg 28

2311 EW Leiden

the Netherlands

Documents

Programme and Book of Abstracts PEAU conference