Printed Editions of Andre Campra's L'Europe Galante

Printed Editions of Andre Campra's "L'Europe Galante"Author(s): James R. AnthonySource: The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Jan., 1970), pp. 54-73Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/741144 .

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PRINTED EDITIONS OF ANDRE CAMPRA'S L'EUROPE GALANTE

By JAMES R. ANTHONY

T HE recent publication of a facsimile of the 1724 full score (partition ge'ndrale) of Andre Campra's opera-ballet L'Europe galante

1

is a welcome addition to the flood of manuscripts, printed editions, and treatises now available to student and scholar in facsimile. This hand- some, folio-size score cannot be numbered among Robert Donington's "murky flow of reprints . . . better left in the natural oblivion to which their demerits brought them," 2 for it helps to rescue from unnatural oblivion a musical score of considerable charm.3 In addition, it is now

possible for the student of French classical opera to own a copy of an edition which was reprinted many times during the 18th century and which must be ranked among the most detailed scores of the prdramiste period.

It is evident from certain details to be described later that Jean Baptiste Christophe Ballard, "Seul Imprimeur du Roy pour la Musique," devoted much time to the preparation and execution of this printing in

spite of an earlier history of legal entanglements with the composer. To

1 L'Europe galante, partition generale (Paris: Jean Baptiste Christophe Ballard, 1724; Reprinted in 1967 by Gregg Press Limited). There is a 19th-century edition of L'Europe galante printed by Michaelis and edited by Theodore Lajarte as part of the Chefs d'Oeuvres classiques de l'opira franfais. This edition, published in 1879, is a reduction for piano and voice. In spite of Lajarte's statement on the title page, viz., "conforming to the copies and manuscripts in the Bibliothdque du Th6eatre de

l'Opera," this publication, when compared with the partition gnd'rale, is far from

complete. Occasionally the editor acknowledges his deletions; many of those left

unacknowledged occur in critical places and often result in a distortion of the com-

poser's intent. 2Notes, 2nd series, XXV (1968-69), 46. 3 For a discussion of the musical features of L'Europe galante see Lionel de La

Laurencie, "Notes sur la jeunesse d'Andre Campra," Sammelbdinde der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, X (1908-1909), 199-220, 247-58; Maurice Barthelemy, Andrd Campra (Paris, 1957), pp. 46-55; and the present author's "Thematic Repetition in the

Opira-Ballets of Andr6 Campra," The Musical Quarterly, LII (1966), 209-220.

54



Printed Editions of Andr6 Campra's L'Europe galante 55

be sure, the Ballard printing monopoly had little to risk in 1724 in choosing L'Europe galante for an edition de luxe. This op&ra-ballet, the first clearly representative of the new genre,4 had been consistently popular since its initial performance at the Acad6mie Royale de Musique on October 24, 1697. It had enjoyed successful revivals in 1706 and 1715, and it was performed again, beginning June 20, 1724.'

Lecerf de La Vieville carefully exempted L'Europe galante from his deprecatory remarks concerning post-Lully operas: "M. du Francine [the administrative director of the opera], who knows it well, will tell you that no opera, not even of Lully,

' , had more of a following than L'Europe galante." 6 After the performance of the summer and fall of 1724 the Mercure de France, its official ear to the ground, wrote that "Ce ballet est extremement gocite" (December, page 2624). At this time Campra was at the apogee of his success as a stage composer. He had overcome the failures of his continuous-action ballet Arethuse (1701) and his trag6die-lyrique Tilephe (1717). His final opera-ballet, Les Ages, had held the stage with no rivals in the fall of 1718 (October 9 to December 6) and had been revived in October, 1724. The popular op6ra-ballet Les Fetes venitiennes (first performed on June 17, 1710) had already enjoyed its third revival in 1721.

An accurate gauge of the "official" approbation accorded Campra during the years of the Regency of Philippe d'Orlians may be estab- lished through a reading of the pages of the Mercure de France. This journal, although directed by litte'rateurs, remained essentially a mirror of court opinion as well as an official organ of honn'tes hommes.' There are about 120 volumes devoted to the Regency (1715-1724). Signifi- cantly, there is no mention of Couperin in spite of the fact that the first three books of his Pieces de Clavecin and a collection of Concerts Royaux had appeared by 1722. In contrast, Campra is mentioned eleven times, a recognition which surpasses that of the sacrosanct Lully. Four

4 The French opera-ballet, it will be remembered, is characterized by an inde- pendent dramatic action for each entree (act) with some reference to a collective idea expressed in the title. See my article "The French Opera-Ballet in the Early 18th Century: Problems of Definition and Classification," Journal of the American Musicological Society, XVIII (1965), 197-206.

5 Six subsequent revivals at the Acad6mie Royale de Musique are recorded up to 1775.

6 Comparaison de la musique italienne et de la musique fran?oise, 2nd ed. (Brus- sels, 1705), p. 97.

7 For the statistical information found in the text, I wish to acknowledge Nicole Wild's informative thesis, La Vie musicale en France sous le Re'gence d'apris le Mercure (1961), copy in the Bibliotheque de l'Op'ra (B. 778).



56 The Musical Quarterly

years after the death of the Regent the Mercure continued to comment on the "great reputation which he [Campra] has acquired over a long period of time of being one of the greatest masters of his Art" (March, 1727, page 566).

By 1724 L'Europe galante had already been through four printed editions. The first three, those of 1697, 1698, and 1699, had been printed in Paris by Ballard and are hereafter referred to as Ballard I, II, and III. They were printed in quarto and in the reduced score (partition re'duite) so typical of the period.8 The title page of these editions may be found in Lionel de La Laurencie's pioneering article in the Sam- melbdinde der internationalen Musikgesellschaft (X, 207). This redoubt- able French scholar, so important for his contributions to an understanding of French music of this period, was in error in his title page for Ballard III and therefore in his comment that the "first two editions of L'Europe galante are anonymous; the third, that of 1699, carries the indication 'par Mr. Campra' " (page 205). The title page of this edition (B.N. Vm2 146) reads as follows:

L'EUROPE / GALANTE, / Ballet / En Musique / Troisieme 6dition, Reviie et corrig6e /

[Printer's mark] / A Paris, / Chez Christophe Ballard, seul Imprimeur du Roy pour la Musique, /

Rue, Jean de Beauvais, au Mont-Parnasse / M DC XCIX. / Avec Privilege de Sa Majest6.

It will be noted that this edition also is anonymous.

La Laurencie mentioned an undated fourth edition published in Amsterdam by Le Cane, which he conjectured to have been printed "about 1700" (page 207). This is the fourth edition found at the Biblio-

theque de l'Opera (A.45c) whose title page follows:

8 In preparing a reduced score, the general practice seems to have been to elim- inate the inner voices (parties de remplissage). However, this principle was far from universally applied. Vocal and instrumental extracts written in trio texture were usually printed in full. Thus the ubiquitous "trio des hautbois" (two oboes and bassoon) contained three printed parts, whereas the dance it served as a "trio" was printed with only melody and bass. There is considerable variation not only from one reduced score to another but even within the same score. The 1716 Ballard reduced score of Monteclair's Les Festes de l'te' includes a magnificent double choir "As- semblons-nous" (3rd entree, scene 6, pp. 108-117), which happily was printed with all choral and instrumental parts intact; the chorus "Que l'Astre qui donne le jour," which concludes the prologue of the same work, was printed with melody and bass only.



Printed Editions of Andrd Campra's L'Europe galante 57

L'EUROPE / GALANTE, / Ballet, / Mis en Musique / Par Monsieur Campra / Quatrieme Edition

Revile, Corrig6e, & Augmentee de Plusieurs Airs Italiens / [Printer's mark] / A Amsterdam /

Chez Michel Charles Le Cene, Librairie, chez qui l'on trouve / un assortiment g6ndral de Livres de Musique Vocale & Instrumentale.

Michel Charles Le Cene (died 1743) was the son-in-law of the famous Amsterdam music printer Estienne Roger. His name appeared together with Roger's on editions printed from 1717 to 1721. It appeared alone for the first time at the end of 1722 after the death of Roger the same

year. Therefore, the fourth edition of L'Europe galante could not have

appeared before this date.9 To complicate matters further, there is another fourth edition appar-

ently unknown to La Laurencie (B.N. X.95) which does carry a date closer to the one he prognosticated. The title page follows:

L'EUROPE / GALANTE / Ballet / Mis en Musique / Par Monsieur xxxxxx / Quatrieme Edition Revile, Corrigee, & Augmentee de Plusieurs Airs Italiens /

[Printer's mark] / A Amsterdam / Chez Pierre Mortier Librairie,/ qui vend toutes sortes de Musique, les plus belles & Correctes qu'il y /

ait du Monde. Et il donnera toutes les Operas de Mr. Lully, / de la

mlne Grandeur & Beaut6 que cet Ouvrage. / M DCC IX.

This printer was none other than the Pierre Mortier whose technique apparently was to counterfeit the editions of Roger and sell them at a reduced price,'0 Judging from the dedication to his niece Agata Amelia Cocquis, the edition of L'Europe galante appears to be one of his first efforts: "I dedicate this work to you. It is the first that I have brought out which is worthy of your study... I hope to publish all the most beautiful pieces of music and principally those by Monsieur de Lully. I will present these to you after they are printed." In partial vindication of Mortier, I can find no Roger edition of L'Europe galante of which this is a counterfeit copy. In fact, it is the most beautifully printed of all

9 For information on Roger and Le Cene see Marc Pincherle, "Notes sur Estienne Roger et Michel-Charles Le Cene," Revue belge de musicologie, I (1946-47), 82-92. Also Arend Koole's article in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. XI, cols. 630-32. These sources correct the "fort peu exacte" information (Pincherle) found in Alphonse Goovaerts, Histoire et biographie de la typographie musicale dans les Pays-Bas (Anvers, 1880), p. 169.

10 See Francois Lesure, "Estienne Roger et Pierre Mortier. Un episode de la guerre des contrefagons ' Amsterdam," Revue de musicologie, XXXVIII (1956), 35-48.




the editions of this opera-ballet, thus illustrating the printer's pompous intentions found on the title page. Unfortunately, the copy in the Biblio- thique Nationale is mutilated with pages 253-254 (the beginning of scene 4 of the final entrie) missing. After a careful examination and collation of the Mortier edition with Ballard I, II, and III, I conclude that the former most closely resembles Ballard III. Mortier, if indeed he was responsible for the preparation of the edition, took pains to correct some of the errors found in Ballard III." Curiously, he retained from Ballard I the "Par Monsieur xxxxxx" of the title page as well as certain textual variants found only in that edition. In determining who "bor- rowed" from whom, it is worth noting that the Le Cane fourth edition seems to be based closely on that of Mortier.

In order to appreciate the scope and uniqueness of the 1724 full score of L'Europe galante it is important to summarize briefly the earlier Ballard editions 12 and to explore the often stormy relationship of publisher and composer in the twenty-five years that separate Ballard III from the full score. The question of the Ballard anonymous editions of L'Europe galante and the contiguous problem of the fake attribution of Campra's early stage works to his brother Joseph must be clarified. Simply stated, none of the Ballard editions anterior to the full score of 1724 carry the name of the composer on the title page; indeed, it is not until the publication of the tragedie-lyrique Hesione (1700) that the somewhat equivocal "Par Monsieur Campra" appears. The score of the divertissement Venus, feste galante, published by Ballard in 1698, is anonymous, anrid the continuous-action ballet Le Carnaval de Venise, published by Ballard in 1699, carries the legend "par M. Campra le Cadet" on its title page.13

11 But there is some evidence of carelessness, not uncommon at this time, in Mortier's figuring of the continuo.

12 In addition to the Ballard, Mortier, and Le Cane editions there are also extant two manuscript copies of L'Europe galante dating from the early 18th century. The B.N. (MS frg. Vm2 145) in reduced score seems based on Ballard III, and that of the Bibl. de l'Opera (A.45e) on the 1724 full score.

13 The myth that two operas by Campra bore the name of his younger brother as composer may be traced back at least to the brothers Parfaict and to La Borde. The latter wrote, "... il donna ses deux premiers operas sous le nom de son frere" (Essai sur la musique ancienne et moderne [Paris, 1780], III, 401); it was perpetu- ated by Fitis who insisted that L'Europe galante appeared "sous le nom de son frre" (Biographie universelle des musiciens [Paris, 1861], II, 170) and sustained by Slo- nimsky, ".. . the production of two operas under his brother's name" (Baker's Bio- graphical Dictionary of Musicians, 5th ed. [New York, 1958], p. 248).

Andr6's brother, Joseph Campra (1662-1744), was not, as described by the brothers Parfaict, a "fort honnete homme" who never knew a note of music (His-



Printed Editions of Andre Campra's L'Europe galante 59

Campra in 1694 had replaced Jean Mignon as "maitre de musique" at Notre Dame, and in 1696 he had been appointed a canon at Saint Jean le Rond. Given the repressive climate of the court at Versailles, which under the puritanical aegis of Mme. de Maintenon took on the "demeanor of a convent,""14 and given the opposition to opera on moral grounds expressed by Boileau,1" the conservative clergy, and the Sor- bonne, it is not surprising that Campra would try to mask any success as a stage composer. However, as evidenced by the following extract from a 1697 chanson, the anonymity of the composer of L'Europe galante was a poorly guarded secret:

Quand notre Archeveque sgaura L'Auteur du nouvel Opera, De sa Cathedrale Campra D campera.16

Campra left Notre Dame on October 13, 1700, and the Ballard score of Hisione carrying the composer's name appeared in time for the first performance of this tragedie-lyrique in December of the same year.

The three Ballard editions of L'Europe galante show composer and publisher obviously working closely together. Each edition subsequent to that of 1697 corrects, refines, and supplements the work in the light of actual performances. Thus pieces found only in the Supplement of Bal- lard I are carefully integrated into the score in Ballard II. In Ballard II and III "Dom Pedro" and "Dom Carlos" replace the "Premier Cava- lier" and "Second Cavalier" (Entree II, "L'Espagne") of Ballard I and the latter's "Seigneur Venitien" and "Dame Ve'nitienne" are identified in the later editions as "Octavio" and "Olimpia." Both Ballard II and III add an alphabetical "Table des Airs qui peuvent se detacher," which, although not all-inclusive, is handy for quick reference. Ballard III,

toire de l'Acade'mie Royale de Musique, B.N. MS fr?. n.a. 6532, p. 115). At the time of the first performance of L'Europe galante Joseph was a violist in the opera or- chestra. See Ren'e Girardon, "Andre Campra," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegen- wart, Vol. II, col. 740.

14 See Etienne Gros, Philippe Quinault (Paris, 1926), p. 142. 15 Boileau's famous Satire X with its attack against the operas of Lully - "Et

tous ces lieux communs de Morale lubrique,/Que Lully rechauffa des sons de sa Mu- sique?" - appeared first in 1694 (Paris, chez D. Thierry).

16 Found in a collection of songs from the year 1697 (Vol. IX of the Chanson- nier de Maurepas, B.N. MS frc. 12624) with the following remark: "Sur

l'oplra de

L'Europe galante auquel le Sr. Campra, Provencal, Maistre de la Musique de Notre Dame de Paris avoit travaill&."




although it commits one bad error (in the bass line of the air "El es- perar"), corrects a few shoddy examples of part-writing found in the two earlier editions. Ex. 1 shows two such corrections, the first from "L'Italie," scene 1, the second from "La Turquie," scene 1.

Ex. la. L'Italie, Scene I

Octavio A +

som - mes-nous seuls en des lieux Ballard I and II

'

_ _

__'

Ballard III _

Ex. lb. La Turquie, Scene I

A ZaYde + + op

IRI

(Souve) rain que ja - dore au - jour d'huy;

Ballard I and II l

Ballard III _ _ _ _ _

After Ballard III, Campra and Ballard entered a contractual relationship which soon led to an open break between composer and publisher. This rupture, although healed long before the full score of 1724, is worth a brief recounting, if only because of the light it throws on the often tenuous and difficult relations between early 18th-century com-

posers and the Ballard printing monopoly. "7 On November 27, 1700, twenty-four days before the first performance of his He'sione, Campra signed a contract with Ballard, which stated in part that the composer

17 There are many lacunae in the general history of music-printing in France and on the critical role of the Ballard family in particular. It has been more than sixty years since Michel Brenet observed that the "histoire de la dynastie des Ballard n'a pas encore 'te crite; elle serait d'une grande utilit6 pour l'histoire de la musique frangaise" ("La Librairie musicale en France de 1653 a 1790," Sammelbainde der internationalen Musikgesellschaft, VIII [1906-1907], p. 405, note). It has been

twenty years since Vladimir Fedorov promised us his Histoire de l'imprimerie musicale en France ("Ballard," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. I, col. 1157). It has been fourteen years since Cecil Hopkinson avoided any discussion concerning "this most important family (Ballard) in view of the fact that a history and bibliography of their publications is now being completed in France" (A Dictionary of Parisian Music Publishers, 1700-1950 [London, 1954], p. 6).




would cede all claims to the opera Hisione."8 In return, Ballard would

print, sell, and distribute the opera as many times as he thought fit ("autant de fois que bon luy sembleroit"). Campra agreed to examine the proofs of this and all subsequent operas in order to be sure that the score conformed to the actual performance. Ballard insisted that he be

given the manuscript in time to have it printed and ready for sale "seven or eight days before the first performance." He agreed to pay Campra the sum of 2000 livres for each opera printed.

Ballard I, II, and III had been the happy results of a close working arrangement between Campra and his publisher. This arrangement, now

given legal sanction, was strained to a breaking point in 1703. The

opera-ballet Les Muses was first performed on October 20 of this year. According to the contract the music had been printed and made available to the public before the first performance. After the fifth performance the work was withdrawn, and several critical changes were made by the

composer and the librettist, Antoine de Clement Danchet, before it was returned to the stage on November 15.1 Ballard insisted that Campra had neglected to furnish him with the alterations as stipulated in their contract. He refused to pay the composer, claiming with justification that the public could hardly be expected to buy a score that no longer conformed to the performance.

Yet Barthelemy was not accurate to claim that Ballard "ceased all business with Campra until 1708." 20 In 1704 he printed in reduced score an Extrait de l'ope'ra d'Iphiginie,21 which includes an oblique reference to the legal difficulties perhaps only recently resolved, it is as- sumed, in Ballard's favor. Pertinent extracts from its Avis follow:

By stimulating the partisans of good music, the success of the opera Iphiginie has

18 Extracts from this contract and from the legal records pertinent to the Ballard- Campra confrontation are found in an article by Constant Pierre, "L'Editeur Ballard contre Campra," L'Art musicale, December, 1893, pp. 105-6, 113-14. The quotations found in the text above are taken from this article.

19 According to Ballard's lawyer, "The Prologue had displeased the public; they substituted a new one. 'La Pastorale' (1st entree) had failed; they replaced it with another one. 'La Comedie' (4th entree) was attacked; it was almost completely redone."

20 Andre Campra, p. 25. 21 This first opera to be based on the Euripides tragedy was left unfinished by

Henri Desmarets and his librettist, J. F. Duch6. This most talented of Lully's students had been exiled from France for the abduction of Mlle. de Saint-Gobert, daughter of the director of taxation for the Senlis district. Campra and Danchet took on the task of completing and revising the trag6die-lyrique, which was first performed on May 6, 1704.




also renewed the zeal I have always had to satisfy their curiosity. I would have

willingly taken the necessary measures to print this work in its entirety, as I have others, if I could have predicted its success; but I was apprehensive, on this occasion, to take the risk that one ordinarily runs when he prints an opera too soon or too late [italics added].

By 1708, their legal difficulties at an end, Campra and Ballard re- sumed full cooperation, and Campra no longer felt that he must try to circumvent the publisher's monopoly by making use of the engraving plates of Henri De Baussen, a former Ballard employee.22

In examining Ballard's printed scores of stage works from Ballard III to his 1724 full score of L'Europe galante, one is struck by the pau- city of full scores in folio editions. There are, to be sure, the ten printed editions in full score and the nine engraved editions in reduced score of the stage works of Lully. Seven of the engraved scores use the original plates of De Baussen engravings made between 1708 and 1711 of Lully's operas." Ballard printed only reduced scores in quarto of such popular opera-ballets as Campra's Les Fe^tes venitienne (1710) and Mouret's Les Fetes de Thalie (1714). In contrast, two of the works that were printed in full score folio editions were artistic and financial disasters; the choice of such a format can only be explained by the information found on the title pages of both editions: "Imprimee aux d6pens de l'Academie

Royale de Musique."24 In considering the 1724 full score of L'Europe galante, there are two

questions to pose: first, why was such an elaborate and expensive edition

printed, and, second, is it unique or are there other editions of similar

quality? In answer to the first question, it is quite possible that Ballard, despite his monopoly, wished to counter the growing opposition to his stubborn refusal to adopt new and improved methods of music printing. The same movable type invented in the 1550s by Guillaume Le Be, father-in-law of the firm's founder, Robert Ballard, was still being used

22 After the rupture with Ballard, Campra had turned to De Baussen for the

engraving of his Alcine (trag6die-lyrique, De Baussen engraving, 1705). In order to assure the dissemination of his opera he carefully included his privilege of May 4, 1704, which permitted him to "engrave, print, sell and distribute anywhere in our Realm, all pieces of Music of his composition in one or several volumes." This .privilege was renewed Sept. 7, 1720 and Nov. 23, 1736. See Brenet, op. cit., p. 419.

23 It must be emphasized that these Ballard editions are the original De Baussen

engravings. The score of Phaeton (De Baussen, 1709; Ballard, 1721) reveals very clearly the note "De Baussen sculptait" on the final page of both editions.

24 These works are Collasse's trag6die-lyrique Polyxene et Pyrrhus, fir.st performed on Oct. 21, 1706, and never revived, and Bouvard's and Bertin dr La Doue's tra-

g'die-lyrique Cassandre, performed only twelve times in the summer of 1706.




by the Ballard family in the 18th century. The weakness of this kind of printing with its diamond-shaped notes and short stems lay in its "clum- siness and lack of flexibility when used for printing chords and florid music." 25 It had already been superseded by the use of engraved copper plates, which in addition to using the round note heads of the period were also particularly well adapted to a clear reproduction of a more rhythmically complex and more highly ornamented music.26

If the title page of the 1724 full score is examined (see Plate 4), a clue to the answer to the second question posed above may be found. In small print directly under "Partition Generale" we are informed that this edition of L'Europe galante is "semblable a la derniere Edition d'Isse," which was published the same year. Turning to Andre Cardinal Destouches's pastorale heroique IssJ, we find many striking parallels with the edition of L'Europe galante. It too is a large folio-size partition ge'nrale and obviously served as a model for the later score. In both scores considerable care was taken to render accurately the musical text, to space the notes carefully on the page, and to observe a fairly con- sistent vertical alignment. Both scores carry more indications of tempo and expression than was typical of the period, and perhaps by virtue of the choice of musical material, neither score suffers excessively from the limitations of all Ballard printed editions described above.

When we read Ballard's "Avis de l'Imprimeur sur cette Edition" carefully placed at the beginning of the score to Isse', it is clear that the printer wanted to call particular attention to this edition. It is also clear that the similarities between this edition and that of L'Europe galante are not fortuitous. I have wanted for several years to be able to give to the public those operas which have received their approbation in the form in which I am presenting this new edition. It differs from its predecessors only in the augmentation of parts which results in a Partition gindrale following the plan which we used for the works of Lully... If the public whom I wish to please is satisfied with the exactitude of this edition, I will do my best to give the same attention to other operas similar to those described above, when they are to be reprinted.

25 A. Hyatt King, Four Hundred Years of Music Printing (London, 1964), p. 20. The strongest printed condemnation of the repressive and reactionary Ballard monopoly remains that of Simon-Pierre Fournier, who wrote in 1765: "One can only look with scorn on such a narrow-minded, simple man, ignorant of the main principles of his Art, who deprives the entire body of French printers of an area of their Art which has always been open to them, and who prevents progress in a profession to which he contributes nothing" (Traitd historique et critique sur l'origine et les progres des caracteres de fonte pour l'impression de Ia musique [Paris, 1763], p. 13). 26 The earliest example of musical engraving in France is the Livre d'orgue of G. G. Nivers, engraved by Luders in 1667.




This document is not without interest. It reveals Ballard soliciting the approbation of the public, and yet, in offering to employ this format only for a "reprinting" of works of proven popularity, he remained essentially cautious and unwilling to risk publishing adventures similar to those which marked his earlier associations with Campra. A systematic investigation of all Ballard editions subsequent to those of 1724 would have to be made in order to determine whether or not the publisher realized his expressed intentions to reprint other operas using the same format. It is my suspicion, based on a cursory examination of these sources, that there are no other editions "semblable" to those of Issi and

L'Europe galante. As was true of the earlier Ballard editions of L'Europe galante, the

1724 full score is cumulative; that is, it corrects and refines Ballard I, II, and III. For convenience we can divide these changes into musical and extramusical alterations. The musical changes, in every instance, show an increased awareness on the part of the composer of the dramatic and expressive potentialities of his score. In the magnificent "Som- meil qui chaque nuit" "L'Espagne," scene 1, pages 109-119) the sub- stitution of a D for an F-sharp, which results in a descending minor 6th

(see Ex. 2a, below), breaks up the prevailing conjunct motion of the melodic line and gives musical emphasis to the meaning of the text. Ex. 2b (from "La Turquie," scene 2) illustrates how the simple addition of a rest and the concomitant change in rhythmic values can mirror

musically the agitation of the sultana Roxane, who has just been informed that she is no longer the favorite of the sultan.

Ex. 2a. L'Espagne, Scene I ("Sommeil qui chaque nuit")

Dom Pedro

(Ballard, 1724 full score) *0 Op, - -

De sou - la - ger mon a -mou - reux- tour - ment,

MA riIL-

W- ;E L L I (Ballard I, II, III)

I

A

'

_r

etc.

De sou - la - ger mon a- mou-reux...

Ex. 2b. La Turquie, Scene II

A Roxane

(Ballard, 1724 full score)

al - lar - mes; Mais, le re-spect me force

(Ballard I, II, III) a 1051 1 1 140 I ,N val - lar - mes; Mais, le re - spect me for - ce al- lar -mes; Mats, le re- spect me for - ce



Printed Editions of Andr6 Campra's L'Europe galante 65

Similarily, the sudden jump into the "Prelude pour la Discorde" (Pro- logue, scene 2) by means of the suppression of the two modulatory measures, euphemistically called a "Prelude des Basses" in Ballard I, II, and III, may also have served a dramatic end. Although one must be

constantly on guard against an indiscriminate application of dramatur-

gical principles of later 18th-century opera to a work written in 1697, it is true that Campra did make use of some original musico-dramatic

techniques in his op6ra-ballets. It is equally true that, judging from

copies of the 1724 score that served as editions for actual performances, some of these innovations were lost on the audiences and impresarios of the later 18th century.27 Not only did they restore the dramatically weak "Pr6lude des Basses" mentioned above but they excized the entire final scene of the opera, in which Campra had brought back fragments of the

exciting music associated with the confrontation between Venus and Discord first heard in the Prologue. In fact, in a libretto printed in Brussels in 1726 (B.N. Th.B 1063) this scene had already been elim- inated.

The 1724 edition adds considerably more ornamentation than is found in Ballard I, II, or III. The coule'd, typically found in chains of descending thirds, is usually printed in the manner of Ex. 3, below. In addition, the figuring of the continuo is more complete than in the earlier editions, where the dances, for example, were rarely figured.

Ornamentation in 1724 full score of L'Europa galante Ex.3 L'Espagne, Scene I("Sommeil qui chaque nuit")

Dom Pedro

(Ballard, 1724 full score)

mes ten -dres feux;

A i

(Ballard I, II, III) __L__,_-

_ '" S

mes__

ten -dres feux;

Among the extramusical changes found in the 1724 score there was, first of all, an obvious attempt on the part of the composer - and also the librettist? - to tighten the internal organization of his op6ra-ballet.

27 The copies are those of the Bibliotheque de l'Op'ra A.45 dI and the Biblio- thbque de Versailles MSD,78. They have some interest as examples of how style changes of a later period were superimposed over scores composed fifty or sixty years earlier. The Bibl. de l'Opera score, which was probably used for the revival of 1755, reduces the prevailing five-part texture of Campra's oplra-ballet to four, and many of the dances and other "symphonies" were re-orchestrated by adding horn and bassoon parts.




Thus, the Prologue 28 for the first time is divided into two scenes, with the important "Pr6lude pour la Discorde" used as the structural center. The sense of balance and symmetry present in the format of the earlier

entr6es 2" undoubtedly motivated the composer to create a new scene (scene 4) from the material already found in the final entr&e, "La Turquie." As a result of this restructuring, scenes 4 and 2 are balanced, with the sultan Zuliman as central figure in both scenes joined in scene 2 by the sultana Roxane and in scene 4 by the sultana Zayde.

This edition of L'Europe galante is perhaps unique in the amount of stage directions it contains - information normally found, if at all, in the published librettos or in such a collection as the Recueil general des operas (1703-1745) edited by Francini. At the end of the Prologue (page 68) there is even an Avis which gives, in summary, La Motte's motivation for supplying Campra with a plan based on the inhabitants of four European nations.

We have chosen those Nations of Europe which are the most contrasting and which offer the greatest potential for stage treatment: France, Spain, Italy & Turkey: We have followed what is normally considered to be characteristic be- havior of their Inhabitants. THE FRENCHMAN is portrayed as fickle, indiscreet & amorous. THE SPANIARD as faithful and romantic. THE ITALIAN as jealous, shrewd & violent. FINALLY, we have expressed, within the limitations of the stage, the haughtiness and supreme authority of the SULTAN and the passionate nature of the SUL- TANAS.

In the divertissement (scene 2) of "L'Italie" there are critical stage directions that link this divertissement dramatically with the rest of the

entr6e in a manner rarely found in the oplra-ballet,

where the divertissement serves normally as playful agrmrnent of little or no dramatic

significance. Because of this printed information, we know that at this

point in the act Octavio, the "jealous, shrewd & violent" suitor, learns the identity of his rival who during the f~te dances with Olimpia and

displays "beaucoup d'empressement pour elle." There are similar stage directions found in "La Turquie" that make it possible to reconstruct

28 Curiously, the composer chose in this edition to label his prologue "Prologue, ou premiere entrme," thereby changing the total number of entrees from four to five.

2 See, e.g., the organization of "La France," in which scenes 1 and 4 in- clude the same two main characters (Silvandre and C6phise), scenes 2 and 5 are reserved for the two main female leads (Cephise in scene 2 and Doris in scene 5), and the divertissement occurs exactly in the center of the entree in scene 3. A similar structural organization is found in "L'Italie."




the violent conflict between Zayde and Roxane, the two sultanas com- peting for the love of the sultan Zuliman.

As an aid to understanding the texts of those songs of the divertissement sung in Spanish, Italian, and Lingua Franca, the score includes fairly complete and often quite literal translations into French. For quick reference there is also a table of "Airs ' Jouer" as well as the typical table of "Airs ' Chanter," which adds the airs missing from the similar table in Ballard II and III.

Even in such a scrupulously prepared edition, there are some obvious errors and, in common with many scores of the period, some musical problems difficult to resolve. An example of the former is the occasional carelessness in the use of accidentals and the curious textual error found only in this edition that converts Discord's scornful "Et ne me force pas a m'entendre louer un Roy [Louis XIV] qui me deteste" (page 38) to ".. . un Roy qui te deteste." 30 A musical problem related to performance is found in Dom Pedro's air "Sommeil qui chaque nuit" ("L'Espagne," scene 1, pages 109-119). This air, masterfully constructed over a cha- conne bass, is the musical highpoint of the entr6e." In the 1724 full score the upper four parts are clearly labeled "flutes" (recorders). These parts alternate in concertate fashion with a larger group labeled "tous" and defined as "violons & flutes." Yet Ballard I, II, and III as well as both fourth editions (all are reduced scores) indicate "violons" for the lower parts (see Plates 1 and 2). The part-books for "Second dessus de flutes, violons et hautbois" in the Bibliotheque de l'Opera assign the second part to "2' dessus de violons," and the "Premier dessus de flutes, violons et hautbois" simply prints the upper two parts of the air without any distinction between instruments, even without the tutti-solo distribution. Although there is is something to be said for performing the air with solo recorders (or flutes) and strings constituting the petit choeur, the

elegiac mood of the piece is enhanced when four recorders alternating with strings are employed as suggested by the full score.

It is disappointing to have to conclude this discussion of the editions of L'Europe galante with a minor criticism of a 20th-century music

30 In contrast to the prologues of the trag6die-lyrique, the opera-ballet prologues, although retaining some of the mythological personages, delete most of the long panegyrics to Louis "le plus parfait des Rois" expressed in the most routine platitudes of the grand si'cle. The passage in question is in fact the only reference to the king in the Prologue to L'Europe galante.

31 The Michaelis edition, for no discernible reason, cuts measures 40-72 from this air. This totally eliminates the last of three formal subdivisions, the one which is the most expressive melodically and the most complex harmonically.



VY Ilo .4 "Awl 4e '6K Z 'At ?J 7WO

Nu

I'ESPAGNE SECONDE ENTRE'E Le TheatNre xrprefe.t

ue 1 Race publiq.ue. SCENE PREMIERE.

DOM CENRPR, WfteMIERt.'

? .

. M

E . .., . . . .

AT -

BAS $ECONTINVE 0IL~

Plate 1. The opening of Dom Pedro's air "Sommeil qui chaque nuit"

as given in Ballard III.

C0



69

109

m - 6

~~oil

f fgaore~

TROISIE'ME ENTRE'E. L'E SPAGNE.

Le Thc^tre reprifence une Place publique, que l'on difcerne a peine , parce que l'a&ion fe paffe dans la nuit.

SCENE PREMIERE. DOM P ED R 0 , Chevalier Efpagnol, fous lc balcon de fa Maitreffe.

P Z ' L U D B.

t~mm. _q '% TOUS.

Y LUTI S. VIOLONS FLUI IS.

I LUTES.

lIran.

DoM

Pao.o.

B s a i,C@

m milsu C.. i_ __-- ---- . ..Et_.. . -"

The opening of Dom Pedro's air "Sommeil qui chaque nuit" as given in the full score of 1724.



70

L'E UROPE GALANTE,

BALLE T, I

1 REPR ES ENTE EN L'A N 1697.

PAR LA C AVD E M I E ROT.ALE DE YC U S I Q U E.i

De la Compofition de MonGieur C A M P R A,

Maitre de Mufique de la Chapelle du Roy.

PARTITION GENERALE, feblableI & 14 derwim Editio D'I S $ it.

Les Paroles de cette Piece font de Monfieur de LA MO T T E, de rAcademie Frangoife. 74

14.A

APA RIS, DE L'IMPRIMERIE De JtAii-BATIRST E-CHlRtSTOPH BALLAR.D, Scul Imprinmeur du Roy

plour a Mufiquc, & Notcur de la Chapelle dc Sa MajcIt.

.L DCC XXI V.

AVUC PRIVILBG 'soE S$ SA MAfSTre.

Plate 3.

The title page of the full score of L'Europe galante as found in all except two of the Paris copies.



71

L'EUROPE. GALANTE,

BAL LET., I I

REPRESENTE ENVL'AN1697.

PAI LVACADEMIE ROTALE DE MVSfOlE;

De la Compofition de Monfieur C A M P R A, Maitre de Mufique de la Chapelle du. Roy.

PARTITION GENERALE, fewmblableI 1 A1 demite Edities oxI0ssR.

Les Paroles de cette Piece font de Monfieur de LA MOT T E, de I'Acadernie Frangoifc.

/.~ ~

A PARISDE L"IMPRIMERIE De J-B-CRI STOPHE B A L I A R D , Sel Imprimeur du R>y

pour la Mufique, et Noteut de la Chaplle de Sa Majeild.

M. DCC XXI V.

AV'EC PRIVILEGE DE SA MA.ESTET.

Plate 4.

The title page of the full score of L'Europe galante as found in Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, X.467.




publisher. It is evident from the information found above that the 1724 full score is an unusually complete example of a French operatic score of the time. An oasis in a virtual wasteland of reduced scores, it was conceived by Andre Campra and J. B. C. Ballard to be representative of their best work and, as such, it is a source of much information for the student of French classical opera. It is unfortunate that Gregg Press gave us no information regarding the exact source of their 1967 reprint, for the fact that there may be differences between printings of what pur- ports to be an edition of such and such a year must not be overlooked. In addition to the basic bibliographical information found in our first footnote, we are informed only that the reprinting of 1967 is "slightly reduced from the original" and that it was "printed in West Germany."

Evidence of differences between printings of the same edition may be observed by examining the two title pages of the 1724 full score found above in Plates 3 and 4. The 1967 reprint conforms to Plate 3, as do all the Paris copies except two. These two, found in the Biblio-

theque Nationale (H.144 and X.467), are the same as Plate 4. Differ- ences in spacing (comma following "Campra"), lettering (M of "Mu-

sique," D of "Acad6mie"), and orthography ("Jean-Baptiste" instead of

"J-B" and "&" instead of "et") may be easily discerned.

However, no Paris copy includes the errors found in the 1967 reprint. Surely most of these errors are due to uneven inking in the particular 18th-century copy used to photograph, but given the differences in title

page noted above, it is at least conceivable that an imperfect printing was corrected by Ballard in some subsequent printing. Ex. 4 shows the

type of error peculiar to the 1967 reprint (see the vocal line in measure

1, where the last half-note should be a quarter). A careful examination and collation of this reprint with all Paris copies reveal a number of such

discrepancies in the notation of rhythm."2 It is unfortunate that Gregg Press did not reveal the location of the

source of their reprint. Failing this, it is regrettable that they did not

proofread the source or reprint and collate it with any of the correct Paris copies. This said, the reprint in its present form gives a much more accurate picture of the composer's intention than the piano-voice reduction of the Michaelis edition. Using it as a primary source, the

32Discrepancies occur in the following places: (1) p. 37, bottom line, meas. 2; (2) p. 52, bottom line, meas. 8; (3) p. 117, top score, meas. 2, vocal line; (4) p. 156, 3rd score, meas. 3, bass line; (5) p. 177, top score, meas. 6, bass line; (6) p. 2, top score, meas. 4, vocal line; (7) p. 219, 4th score, meas. 4, bass line; and (8) p. 249, bottom score, meas. 1, vocal line (see Ex. 4).



Printed Editions of Andre Campra's L'Europe galante 73 Ex. 4

f x_- =_. '- " - -

next step is to make available a well edited performing edition and thereby to transfer from the museums and libraries to the living stage a major work by a composer who was "perhaps the most enchanting of all dance composers."

"

3 Wilfred Mellers, Frangois Couperin and the French Classical Tradition (Lon.- don, 1950), p. 78.



Documents

Printed Editions of Andre Campra's L'Europe Galante