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Thomas Hoffmann (University of Regensburg). Preposition Stranding in British English: ?Up with how much constraints do you have to put?. CoGETI Forschungsnetzwerk Constraintbasierte Grammatik: Non-Canonical Structures workshop University of Göttingen, 06.07.-07.07.2006. 1. Introduction. - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
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Preposition Stranding in British English:?Up with how much constraints do you have to put?
CoGETI Forschungsnetzwerk Constraintbasierte Grammatik:Non-Canonical Structures workshop University of Göttingen, 06.07.-07.07.2006
Thomas Hoffmann
(University of Regensburg)
1. Introduction
(1) About what will I talk?(2) What will I talk about?
1. Introduction
(1) About what will I talk?(2) What will I talk about?
(1) displacement of P about (“pied-piping”) (2) P about “in-situ” without complement (“stranded”)
1. Introduction
Preposition stranding as in (2) looks like normal long-distance filler-slot structure, but:
Not all languages allow P stranding, cf. e.g.:
(3) *Das Thema, das ich über sprechen werde(4) The topic which I will talked about
Which factors affect P stranding/pied-piping in E?
Can all stranded data be captured by a general construction/constraint? [which e.g. licenses SLASH-ed COMP-lists for P]
2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English
In English stranding occurs in four structures
in which …:
i. Strandingi I’ve heard ofi. [preposing]
ii. Whati is he talking abouti? [open interrogative]
iii. What a great topici he talked abouti! [exclamative]
iv. the structure [whichi he talked abouti]. [wh-relative]
(cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English
In English stranding occurs in four structures
in which pied piping is an alternative option:
i. Of strandingi I’ve heardi. [preposing]
ii. About whati is he talkingi? [open interrogative]
iii. About what a great topici he talkedi! [exclamative]
iv. the structure [about whichi he talkedi ]. [wh-relative]
(cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
2. Stranding and Pied-Piping in English
In English stranding occurs in four structures
in which pied piping is not possible:
v. the structure [(thati) he talked abouti]. [non-wh relative]
vi. the same stuffi as [I talked abouti]. [comparative]
vii. His talki was easy [to find fault withi]. [hollow clause]
viii. Strandingi has been talked abouti enough]. [passive]
(cf. Pullum and Huddleston 2002: 627)
3. Roadmap: What to Expect
1. P placement across clause types (corpus)
2. Categorical RC data (corpus)
3. Magnitude Estimation experiments
4. Variable RC data (corpus)
5. Conclusion
4. Corpus Data
• Corpus used:
International Corpus of English ICE-GB (educated Present-day BE, written & spoken)
(tagged for Pstranded / parsed “P+Wh“ search)
• Analysis tool:
GOLDVARB computer programme (logistic regression; Robinson et al. 2001) relative influence of various contextual factors (weights: <0.5 = inhibiting factors; >0.5 = favouring)
Pstrand/pied-piped token tested for
1. Clause Type
2. displaced element (who, what, NP, etc.)
3. XP contained in (V / N, e.g. entrance to sth. / Adj, e.g. afraid of sth.)
4. level of formality
5. X-PP relationship (Vprepositional, PPLoc_Adjunct, PPMan_Adjunct …)
(e.g. Bergh, G. & A. Seppänen. 2000; Hoffmann 2005; Trotta 2000)
4. P placement across clause types
4.1 Categorical stranding contexts
1. Which PP types occur in categorical stranding contexts?
Type Token %
Passive 97 85
Hollow 14 12
Comparison 3 3
Sum 114
4.1 Categorical stranding contexts
0
20
40
60
80
100prepositionalV
complementPP
V-X-P-idioms
affectedLoc
instrument
accompaniment
Figure 1: Categorical stranding context by PP type (%)
Note: P stranding in passive tokens only with lexically specified stored /
associated V-P combinations
4.1 Categorical stranding contexts: Passive
4.1 Categorical stranding contexts: Passive
(5) Prepositional Verb:Maybe his absence is is not properly dealt with
<ICE-GB:S1B-044 #60:2:B> (6) Complement PP:
King 's Canterbury is being spoken of very
highly at the moment <ICE-GB:S1A-054 #88:1:B> (7) V-X-P idiom:
it 'll be taken care of <ICE-GB:S2A-028 #60:2:A> (8) Affected location:
One of the benches had been sat upon
<ICE-GB:W2F-005 #97:1>
Note: P stranding in passive tokens only with lexically specified stored /
associated V-P combinations
features of Pstranded in passive sentences combination of:
general Pstranded constraint [which licenses SLASH-ed COMP-lists for P]
general passive construction [affected arguments as Subj]
4.1 Categorical stranding contexts: Passive
Preliminaries: several categorical data excluded, e.g.:
• all categorical stranding contexts [cf. above]
• all that/-RCs [cf. later]
• idomatic constructions:What 's it like <ICE-GB:S1A-019 #53:1:B>
• non-finite RCs [cf. Sag 1997]
• all Manner, Degree, Respect PPs [cf. later]
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
Type Stranded Pied piped
WH-RC N 69 439 508
% 14 86
Free RC N 136 2 138
% 99 1
DirectQ N 103 5 108
% 95 5
Indir Q N 66 7 73
% 90 10
Cleft N 8 49 57
% 14 86
Sum 382 502 884
Footnote: ? pied piped free RC data?
(9) This has tended to obscure to what extent Beckett 's early writings possess a coherent , though dislocated rhetoric of their own ...
<ICE-GB:W2A-004 #22:1>
= obscure the extent to which ...
[!But: specific PP type (degree); cf. later!]
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
Interestingly: Statistical analysis revealed
ClauseType * Formality interaction
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
Free RC / Indir Q / Direct Q: not affected by level of formality
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
F_stranded
F_piped
Q_stranded
Q_piped
I_stranded
I_piped
Informal Medium Formal
WH-RC: affected by level of formality
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
R_stranded
R_piped
Informal Medium Formal
Cleft-RC: affected by level of formality
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
L_stranded
L_piped
Informal Medium Formal
Best Goldvarb model for data: (Fit: X-square(7) = 4,006, p = 0,7784R2 = 0,99 / adjusted-multiple R2 = 0,99
Cross-validation estimate of accuracy = 0,922)
significant factors:
PP-types
Clause*Formal
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
with respect to pied piping:
<0.5 = inhibiting pied piping / favouring stranding
>0.5 = favouring pied piping / inhibiting stranding
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
PP type relationship(p = 0.000)
prepositional "X""V-X-P" idioms
subcategorized PP obligatory complement
0,169
optional complements 0,333
movement accompaniment
means/instrument cause/reason/result
0,547
position in timeaffected location
directionposition/location
0,941
Pstrand
Ppiped
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
Clause*Formal relationship(p = 0.000)
Free RCIndirect QDirect Q
0,028
less formal*
WH-RC/Cleft-RC0,134
more formal*
WH-RC/Cleft-RC0,904
Pstrand
Ppiped
Gries 2002: P placement affected by
1) processing effort
2) prescriptive grammar rules
Yes, but also:
3) idiosyncratic combination of both!
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
processing:stranding more complex than pied piping since
1) Hawkins 2004: potential processing problems
(11) Whoi did John see*i Bill talk toi
(12) To whomi did John see Bill talki
2) Stranding defers filler-gap identification beyond verbal head of clause
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
“Gap sites and nodes containing them that are predictable on the basis of conventionalized co-occurrence of their subcategorizers are easier to process than adjunct gaps and adjunct clauses.” (Hawkins 2004: 213)
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
“Gap sites and nodes containing them that are predictable on the basis of conventionalized co-occurrence of their subcategorizers are easier to process than adjunct gaps and adjunct clauses.” (Hawkins 2004: 213)
explains effect of factors in PP type:• lexically specified PPs favour stranding• stranding with adjunct PP: semantic factors
(cf. below)
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
In languages that have filler-gap structures for both relative clauses and wh-questions, if a gap is grammatical for a relative clause filler in an FGD of complexity n, then a gap will be grammatical for a wh-question filler in an FGD of complexity n. (Hawkins 2004: 200)
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
In languages that have filler-gap structures for both relative clauses and wh-questions, if a gap is grammatical for a relative clause filler in an FGD of complexity n, then a gap will be grammatical for a wh-question filler in an FGD of complexity n. (Hawkins 2004: 200)
partly explains effect of Clause*Formal:
• Free-RC/Q less complex than RC favour Pstrand
• yet: level of formality interaction effect?
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
Note: if only processing effect
only need for one general Pstrand construction
Yet: level of formality only associated with Cleft-/WH-RCs
!require extra Pstrand and Ppiped constructions
for these clause types!
4.2 Variable stranding contexts:
As the ICE-GB data showed both stranding and pied piping occur mostly in relative clauses
closer look at RC data
[further constraints beyond formality?]
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
1. relativizer:
all that/Ø-tokens in ICE-GB stranded
176 that+Pstranded-token
(10) a data source on that I can rely
177 Ø+Pstranded-token
(11) a data source on Ø I can rely
ICE-GB result: expected
implications: (2) = (3)? / that WH-
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
2. X-PP relationship:
ICE-data showed: difference between adjunct PPs
claim:
Pstranding restricted to PPs which add thematic information to predicates/events
= processing constraint: allows integration of P within VP
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
2. X-PP relationship:
Categorical effect of non-θ-WH-PPAdjuncts-tokens:
a) just P+WH / no that/Ø+P in ICE-GB: e.g. manner adjunct PPs:
(12) a. the ways in which the satire is achieved <ICE-GB:S1B-014 #5:1:A>
b. the ways which/that/Ø the satire is achieved in
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
2. X-PP relationship:
Categorical effect of θ-WH-PPAdjuncts-tokens:
b) just P+WH / but that/Ø+P in ICE-GB: e.g. locative PP adjuncts
(13) a. … the world that I was working in and studying in
<ICE-GB:S1A-001 #35:1B>
b. … the world in which I was working and studying
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
Claim: comparison of WH- vs that/Ø shows:
P can only be stranded if: PP adds thematic information to predicates/events[= can be semantically integrated by head of RC]
e.g.: manner & degree adjuncts:compare events “to other possible events of V-ing” (Ernst 2002: 59)
don’t add thematic participant Pstrand with these: systematic gap
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
Claim: comparison of WH- vs that/Ø shows:
P can only be stranded if: PP adds thematic information to predicates/events[= can be semantically integrated by head of RC]
e.g.: locative adjuncts:
add thematic participant WH+P with these: accidental gap
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
Comparison of WH- vs that/Ø good evidence, but:“negative data” problem
further corroborating evidence neededIntrospection: Magnitude Estimation study
5. Corpus Study II: Relative clauses
• relative judgements (reference sentence)
• informal, restrictive RCs tested for:
P-PLACEMENT (Pstrand, Ppied-piped)RELATIVIZER (WH-, that-, Ø-)X-PP (VPrep, PPTemp/Loc_Adjunct, PPManner/Degree_Adjunct)
• tokens counterbalanced: 6 material groups a 18 tokens + 36 filler = 54 tokens
• tokens randomized (Web-Exp-software)
• N = 36 BE native speakers (sex: 18m, 18f / age: 17-64)
6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
18 filler sentences: ungrammatical
a. That’s a tape I sent them that done I’ve myself (word order violation; original source: <ICE-GB:S1A-033 074>)
b. There was lots of activity that goes on there (subject contact clause; original source: <ICE-GB:S1A-004 #067>)
c. There are so many people who needs physiotherapy (subject-verb agreement error; original source: <ICE-GB:S1A-003 #027>)
6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
ANOVA: significant effects
• P-PLACEMENT: F(1,33) = 4.536, p < 0.05
• RELATIVIZER: F(2,66) = 17.149, p < 0.001
• P-PLACEMENT*X-PP: F(2,66) = 9.740, p < 0.001
• P-PLACEMENT*RELATIVIZER: F(2,66) = 4.217, p < 0.02
6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2M
ean
Ju
dg
me
nts
(z-
sco
res)
P+WH
P+That
P+0
prepositional verbs temp/loc adjuncts manner/deg adjuncts
Fig. 1: Magnitude estimation result for P + relativizer
P+WH >> P+that > P+Ø
Fig. 2: Magnitude estimation result for P + relativizercompared with fillers
P+that & P+Ø = ungrammatical fillers violation of “hard constraint” (Sorace & Keller 2005)
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2M
ean
Ju
dg
men
ts (
z-sc
ore
s)
P+WH
P+That
P+0
Filler (grammatical)
Filler (*Agree)
Filler(*ZeroSubj)
Filler(*WordOrder)
prepositional verbs temp/loc adjuncts manner/deg adjuncts
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2M
ean
Ju
dg
me
nts
(z-
sco
res)
WH+P
That+P
0+P
prepositional verbs temp/loc adjuncts manner/deg adjuncts
Fig. 3: Magnitude estimation result for relativizer + P
WH + P= that + P = Ø + PVPrep > PPTemp/Loc > PPMan/Deg
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2M
ean
Ju
dg
me
nts
(z-
sco
res)
X+P
Filler_Good
Filler(*Agree)
Filler(*ZeroSubj)
Filler(*WordOrder)
prepositional verbs temp/loc adjuncts manner/deg adjuncts
Fig. 3: Magnitude estimation result for relativizer + P
VPrep > PPTemp/Loc > PPMan/Deg >> ungrammatical filler violation of “soft constraint” (Sorace & Keller 2005)
6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
Corroborating evidence:
corpus: man/deg PPs: no Pstranded (not even with that/) semantic constraint on Pstranded
experiment:man/deg PPs worst environment for Pstranded yet: better than ungrammatical fillers
(soft constraint violation: processing effect)
6. Magnitude Estimation: RC I
What type of hard constraint is P + that?
Sag 1997: case assignment restriction
*P + that = *P + who
new Magnitude Estimation experiment
• informal, restrictive RCs, just VPrep tested for:
P-PLACEMENT (Pstrand, Ppied-piped, Pdoubled )RELATIVIZER (who, whom, that-, Ø-)COMPLEXITY (simple, long-distance Ø- and that-C)
• tokens counterbalanced: 36 material groups a 36 tokens + 48 filler = 84 tokens
• tokens randomized (Web-Exp-software)
• N = so far: 13 BE native speakers
• in progress no in-depth statistical analysis
7. Magnitude Estimation: RC II
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2
SimplePiped
that who whom zero
Fig. 4: Magnitude estimation result for all relativizers
-2
-1,5
-1
-0,5
0
0,5
1
1,5
2
SimplePiped
that who whom zero
Fig. 4: Magnitude estimation result for all relativizers
P + that P + who
7. Magnitude Estimation: RC II
if experiment shows
*P + that *P + who
3 separate constructions?:
(thati) ... Pi
wh-i ... Pi
P wh-i ... ti
In addition to PP-types and Formality effects, variable corpus data (450 finite WH-token)exhibited two more effects (Hoffmann fc.):
1. NP-contained PPs favour pied piping 0.964
2. restrictive RC favour pied piping: (weight: 0.592) nonrestrictive RC clearly inhibit pied piping
(i.e. favour stranding; weight: 0.248)
(Model: Fit:X-square: p = 0,5610 / R2 = 0,92 / multiple adjusted R2 = 0,90 / Cross-validation estimate of accuracy = 0.916)
8. Corpus Study III: Variable RC data
Note: both processing effects
1. NP-contained PPs favour pied piping:
NP itself contained in VP: Pstrand complexity[cf. also Cowart 1997]
2. nonrestrictive RC favour stranding: filler-gap identification process in non-restrictive relative clauses less complex than in restrictive relative clauses (Hawkins 2004: 240ff.)
less complexity Pstrand
8. Corpus Study III: Variable RC data
Preposition stranding: non-canonical English structure
• some properties of Pstranding attributable to processing complexity:
Q > RC non-restrictive > RC restrictiveVPrep > thematic PPAdjunct > non- thematic PPAdjunct
• others call for specific constructions:
formality effect with RCsthat-/-RCs
8. Conclusion
9. References
Aarts, B. 2000. "Corpus linguistics, Chomsky and Fuzzy Tree Fragments". In Christian Mair and Marianne Hundt, eds. 2000. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory. Amsterdam and Atlanta, GA: Rodopi, 5-13.
Bard, E.G. et al. 1996. “Magnitude Estimation of Linguistic acceptability”. Language 72:32-68.
Bergh, G. & A. Seppänen. 2000. “Preposition stranding with wh-relatives: A historical survey”. English Language and Linguistics 4:295-316.
Cowart, W. 1997. Experimental Syntax: Applying Objective Methods to Sentence Judgements. Thousand Oaks: Sage.
Gries, S.Th. 2002. “Preposition stranding in English: Predicting speakers' behaviour”. In V. Samiian, ed. Proceedings of the Western Conference on Linguistics. Vol. 12. California State University, Fresno, CA, 230-241
Hawkins, J. A. 2004. Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
9. References
Hoffmann, T. 2005. "Variable vs. categorical Effects: Preposition pied piping and stranding in British English relative clauses". Journal of English Linguistics 33,3: 257-297.
Hoffmann, T. fc. “’I need data which I can rely on’. Corroborating Empirical Evidence on preposition placement in English relative clauses”. W. Sternefeld et al., eds. Linguistic Evidence 2006. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter
Huddleston, R. et al. 2002. “Relative constructions and unbound dependencies”. In: G.K. Pullum & R. Huddleston, eds. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1031-1096.
Jackendoff, R. 2002. Foundations of Language: Brain, Meaning, Grammar, Evolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Nelson, G. et al. 2002. Exploring Natural Language: Working with the British Component of the International Corpus of English. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Pesetsky, D. 1998. “Some principles of sentence production”. In: Pilar Barbosa et al., eds. Is the Best Good Enough? Optimality and Competition in Syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 337-83.
9. References
Pickering, M. & G. Barry. 1991. “Sentence processing without empty categories”. Language and Cognitive Processes 6:229-259.
Quirk, R. et al. 1985. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman.
Robinson, J. et al. 2001. “GOLDVARB 2001: A Multivariate Analysis Application for Windows”. <http://www.york.ac.uk/depts/lang/webstuff/goldvarb/manualOct2001>
Sag, I.A. 1997. “English relative constructions”. Journal of Linguistics 33:431-484.
Sampson, G. 2001. Empirical Linguistics. London, New York: Continuum.
Trotta, J. 2000. Wh-clauses in English: Aspects of Theory and Description. Amsterdam and Philadelphia, GA: Rodopi.
Van der Auwera, J. 1985. “Relative that — a centennial dispute”. Journal of Linguistics 21:149-179.