Selections from the Tucson Museum of Art Permanent CollectionPRE-COLUMBIAN ART

2014 Tucson Museum of Art. All rights reserved

Melina Lew, FreshCutGrass Branding+Design

Julie Sasse, Ph.D., Chief Curator and Interim Curator of Latin American Art

Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D., Independent CuratorAlexander Tokovinine, Ph.D., Department of Anthropology, Harvard University

Rebecca Mountain, M.A., School of Anthropology, The University of Arizona

David LongwellRachel Shand

Susan Dolan, Registrar and Collections Manager

Katie E. Perry

CATALOGUE DESIGNED BY:

INTRODUCTION BY:

ESSAYS BY:

CATALOGUE ENTRIES BY:

PHOTOGRAPHY BY:

CATALOGING BY:

COPY EDITING BY:

Selections from the Tucson Museum of Art Permanent CollectionThis online catalogue has been made possible by a generous grant from the Arizona Humanities Council and support from the Latin American Art Patrons of the Tucson Museum of Art

PRE-COLUMBIAN ART

COVER: Maya Culture, 600 900, Mexico, Incense Burner Fragment with Effigy Head, buff clay with red slip, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.27 ABOVE: Maya Culture, 700 900, El Salvador, Tripod Cylinder Vessel with Underworld Scene, polychrome clay, Gift in memory of Joseph and Matilda See. 1991.15

INTRODUCTION Julie Sasse, Ph.D.

ESSAYS

Stories Made of Earth: Moche and Nazca Pottery at the Tucson Museum of Art Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.Two Vessels in the Tucson Museum of Art Alexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.Frederick R. Pleasants: A Curator and Steward of Pre-Columbian Art Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

EXHIBITION CHECKLIST

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Contents

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IntroductionJulie Sasse, Ph.D.

The Tucson Museum of Arts Pre-Columbian collection features nearly 600 objects including jewelry, ceremonial vessels, figurines, masks, sculptures,

textiles, and feather arts. Collectively, the works represent approximately 3,000 years of history and 30 cultures spanning Mesoamerica (Mexico south through Central America, todays Guatemala, Honduras, Belize, and El Salvador), the Intermediate Area (Panama, parts of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador), and Central Andean region (Peru and Bolivia). The aim of this online catalogue is to provide a widely accessible, digital resource to support humanities-based scholarship centered upon the Museums permanent collection and to highlight the collections diversity and scholarly value.

Included in this catalogue is an analysis by Dr. Alexandre Tokovinine of two significant vessels in the Pre-Columbian collection. Analysis of the imagery

on these vessels entailed identifying the nature of the depicted scene and protagonists and comparing this with the available corpus of Classic Maya pottery. The epigraphic analysis includes transcription, transliteration, and translation of the readable sections of the inscriptions. Dr. Tokovinine also examined the style of the imagery and writing and identified a specific stylistic tradition.

Also included in this catalogue is an interpretive essay by Dr. Anna Seiferle-Valencia on the topic of Moche and Nazca ceramic vessels in the permanent collection. Her approach to the interpretation of these vessels, rooted in anthropology and archaeology, addresses the questions of who created these objects, how they were made, and what their iconography tells us about the cultures that produced them. Dr. Seiferle-Valenica also discusses the significance of the objects and individuals depicted in painted scenes and the connections of these representations to broader

ideological themes in the Andean world. Additionally, Dr. Seiferle-Valencia contributed an informative essay on Frederick Pleasants, who donated the Museums first major gift of Latin American art that serves as the core of the collection. Pleasants, one of the noted monuments men who helped to

recover the looted art of Europe, moved to Tucson in 1958 to become the first art history professor at the University of Arizona after an early career

in the Northeast.

Various highlights of the Pre-Columbian collection are also featured, with images and descriptive text by Rebecca Mountain. Together these essays, images, and texts showcase a major era of the rich cultural heritage of Latin America and provide an unprecedented opportunity for researchers and the general public alike to benefit from the study of one of the most treasured collections of the Tucson Museum of Art.

STORIES MADE OF EARTH: MOCHE AND NAZCA POTTERY AT THE TUCSON MUSEUM OF ART

Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

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Stories Made of Earth: Moche and Nazca Pottery at the Tucson Museum of ArtAnna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

SEEING POTTERY Imagine for a moment a world in which an ordinary object is imbued with what we might call extra-ordinary significance. This object, created by a

human artist, is a manifestation of divine creative energy that has been transferred through the artist but does not belong to him or her. The skill of the artist, and the delicacy and beauty of his or her craft, reflect this connection with the divine creative essence. The artwork itself may further

depict images, narratives, beings, and individuals that exist in the natural, physical, or astronomical worlds, or in other realms. The transformational capacity between human and animal and the physical and spirit realms are embodied in the art itself.

An ancient ceramic vessel, carefully crafted from clay and temper, collected at particular, named, and respected places on the earth, passed through the living social dynamics of artists, families, and communities, decorated with pigments and plant extracts that possess their own unique living qualities, and solidified through cataclysmic, transformative fire, is more than a decorative object. It is more than a functional object. It is more than

an artwork. To call a ceramic vessel any of these object, artwork is to reduce it, in some way, by applying our worldview. Each ceramic vessel is

greater than the sum of its aesthetic parts.

As simple, elegant, and beautiful as it strikes us today, an ancient ceramic vessel is also an embodiment of a distinct and separate world. Though these objects stand in our world they insistently remind us that they are of another. The ceramic vessels you look at today are literally a portion of an ancient peoples sacred earth that has come to settle in this gallery. The images that make up and embellish each vessel tell a story and are that story, simultaneously. As you make your way through this collection, take your time to listen to these stories, to ponder how the soil of Peru now rests in Tucson, to consider the generations of individuals this vessel has outlived, and to ask yourself in what way you will let the story told by each of these vessels interact with the narrative of your own life.

THE CERAMICS OF ANCIENT PERUAncient coastal Peru was an ethnic mosaic, occupied by different ethnic groups that sometimes overlapped chronologically and geographically and

sometimes did not. Each of these groups developed and retained its own distinct culture, thriving in the inhospitable conditions of the Peruvian desert plains, located between the Pacific Ocean and Andes Mountains. As a result, they were dependent on the sea, annual rainfall, and the El

Nio phenomenon for their survival. Their worldviews, as reflected through their ceramics, convey their intense focus on the natural world. Keen

observers, their depictions of fruits, vegetables, flowers, birds, animals, and individual people are exceptional. Additionally, their ceramics reveal

the extent to which warfare and struggle were a part of daily life. They also reveal the belief that the natural world had to be continually rebalanced.

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Without this balance, that which sustained life could easily destroy it. A sense of fluidity permeates this art, as composite beings illustrate combinations of various animal and human characteristics. These creatures are not simply chimera. Instead, they reflect the idea that certain

creatures could, under extra-ordinary circumstances, combine not only physical but spiritual aspects. Each composite creature represents a particular aspect of an ancient worldview.

This essay focuses on a selection of ceramic vessels produced by two distinct cultures in ancient Peru the Moche and the Nazca. Studying quotidian objects ceramic vessels that were widely produced, owned, and used within these societies offers insight into the worldview, cosmology, and

artistic traditions of both cultures. Both of these cultures flourished during what is known as the Early Intermediate Period, and both produced highly

significant, richly nuanced, beautiful ceramics as part of their artistic canons.

The Moche inhabited what is now northern Peru from about 100-800 CE. Numerous Moche sites seem to have been organized somewhat like city states, retaining their independence while sharing a culture of iconography, material objects, and architecture. Moche culture developed in three major phases Early Moche (100-300 CE), Middle Moche (300-600 CE), and Late Moche (500-750 CE). The Moche are particularly well-known for their gold work, monumental constructions called huacas, elaborate irrigation systems that sustained communities in the desert, and elaborately painted ceramics, such as those seen here.

In southern Peru, the Nazca culture lasted from roughly 100 BCE 800 CE. Like the Moche, the Nazca adapted to the natural conditions of their desert environment and developed a thriving culture. The Nazca are known for their elaborate textiles, the famous Nazca lines that depict images of animals on the desert floor itself, underground aqueducts that are still functional, and beautiful ceramics. Nazca ceramics are divided into as many as seven

distinct phases, each reflecting the changes made in iconographic motifs. Despite these changes in the artistic style of Nazca ceramics, many major

motifs and themes persist throughout most of the Nazca periods.

MOCHE POTTERYMoche ceramics exist in a variety of forms including bowls, jars, dippers, cups, and crucibles. The Moche also had a strong predilection for the stirrup-spout bottle, in which the stirrup handle forms part of the spout of the vessel. This handle form is a hallmark of Moche pottery but also occurs in other ancient South American and Mesoamerican cultures. In the Moche culture, the body of the ceramic vessel was often produced in a ceramic mold. The spout was then formed by hand coiling and attaching it to the mold-formed portion of the vessel.

The subject matter for Moche ceramics is highly variable, reflecting a keen observation of and deep engagement with the natural and spiritual

worlds. Commonly depicted animals include deer, felines, foxes, monkeys, rodents, bats, birds, sea creatures, reptiles and the distinctive camelids (llamas, alpacas, and vicuas). Plant forms are equally diverse, including the staple domesticated plants of corn, beans, squash, and root vegetables. Human forms include rulers, priests, and warriors. Historic personages most often rulers were depicted in realistic, three-dimensional portrait

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vessels. Finally, composite beings, mythical figures, and deities are also depicted on Moche ceramics. All of these subjects may be depicted with the

actual form of the vessel or may occur as painted decoration on the surface of the vessel.

Originally believed to be limited to elite usage and included primarily in burials, scholars have recently

determined that these ceramic vessels were part of daily life for ordinary Moche individuals. These vessels were used in household rituals, domestic use, and were an integral part of everyday life. Thus, the iconographic and ideological content of these vessels can be understood to have been integrally woven into the daily interactions of Moche society.

The Moche vessels described here are both representative of Moche fine line painted ceramics. This

ceramic type is characterized by a creamy white slip over which motifs were painted in red. Moche ceramics are typically bi-chrome, exhibiting only the use of these two colors.

The first Moche vessel is a stirrup vessel that represents a composite creature that exhibits the physical features of both a monkey and a feline

(1998.425). This creature has the ears and facial shape that characterize Moche depictions of monkeys but notice that it also has whiskers and feline fangs. This composite creature was undoubtedly believed to possess the spirit and personality of both a monkey and feline in addition to their physical characteristics. Notice also that the spout is attached to the back of the head. In lieu of a double spout on this vessel, the ceramicist chose to connect the spout to the depicted form. A nearly identical strategy was used in one of the Nazca ceramics, below.

The second Moche vessel (1971.14) depicts a battle between two individuals and two fantastic monsters. Even at first glance, it is obvious that the ideological and iconographic content in this

vessel is more complex than in the first vessel. In one scene, a warrior wearing a rayed headdress

battles a creature that is a composite of a jaguar and shelled animal. This monster is known to scholars of Moche art as the Strombus Monster. The Strombus Monster has a spotted coat, the head of a jaguar, fierce claws, and is emerging from a conch shell. The conch may not add to our

modern understanding of the ferocity of this creature. For the Moche, however, the conch shell was an important ritual object. As a people dependent on the sea for their livelihood, the Moche were in awe of the sea both respecting and fearing its generative/destructive capacity. Thus, sacred natural objects could arise from the sea, as could fearsome composite animals. Notice that the Strombus Monster has three eyes protruding from its head these represent another aspect of the conch characteristics of this creature.

Moche Culture, 600800, North Coast Peru, Monkey Stirrup Spout Vessel, red clay, white slip, red paint, Gift of Richard and Nancy Weiss. 1998.425

Moche Culture, 400500, North Coast Peru, Stirrup Spout Vessel with Fine Line Painting, clay, cream and red slip, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.14

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Given the ferocity of this foe, we might expect that the individual fighting the monster is not a mere human. If we draw an example from a

better-known myth, we might remember that it is often demi-gods who confront and destroy monstrous composite beasts. The same was true in Moche cosmology. This individual is most likely a hero-god, an archetype that is well-established in the known creation myths of many Indigenous New World peoples. This hero-god is known among Moche scholars as Wrinkle Face. Undoubtedly, this appellate does not adequately reflect the

status, respect, and importance that this figure must have had in Moche belief. Since the Moche had no writing system, however, modern scholars

are at a loss to apply the proper Moche name to this individual.

The hero-god wears the clothing characteristic of Moche warriors. Similar depictions are found in numerous ceramic vessels. His tunic, headdress, and the two-headed serpent that appears as his animated warrior belt all reflect the significance of this individual to us but would have encoded

particular narrative and/or ideological content to a Moche viewer. Notice that his headdress includes a portion of jaguar pelt, with the same pattern as the pelt of the Strombus Monster. He holds a knife in his right hand, raised to strike the monster.

On the reverse of this vessel, a second scene unfolds. In this scene, the hero-god fights a giant monster that shares the jaguar characteristics of the

first monster but combines them with the stripes, and ridged back and face of a caiman, a kind of alligator native to South America. Thus, this

monster also combines jaguar characteristics with aquatic characteristics but, in this case, the aquatic characteristics arise from a fresh water animal. In the hero-gods headdress, a portion of the pelt of this animal can be seen where previously there was jaguar pelt.

The precise meaning of these narrative scenes, which are commonly repeated on many Moche artworks including murals, remains unknown. Based on comparisons with other New World creation narratives, however, it is most likely that these scenes represent two battles undertaken by the hero-god (Wrinkle Face) against two monsters. These battles may represent the conquering of primordial forces, astronomical events, or both, as

similar battles have these kinds of significance in other New World creation stories.

NAZCA POTTERYUnlike Moche ceramics, which employ a rather limited color palette, Nazca potters decorated their ceramics with as many as fifteen separate colors.

Additionally, Nazca potters used different ceramic painting technology. Previously, potters of the Paracas culture (which immediately pre-dates the

Nazca culture in southern Peru) applied painted decoration to ceramic vessels after the vessels had been fired. These paints were usually resin

based, combining mineral and plant pigments. The Nazca, however, innovated slip painting. Slip is a suspension of fine clay particles in water that

can be painted, dipped, or splashed onto a ceramic vessel. The vessel is then fired, and the slip hardens to the surface of the ceramic. The resulting

decoration demonstrates brighter, more permanent color and more sheen in comparison to resin painted ceramics. The diversity in colors employed by Nazca potters is the result of careful control of precise slip mixtures involving different clay and mineral sources.

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Nazca pottery occurs in many forms that reflect the different uses for the ceramic vessels. Bowls, cups, and vases are all easily recognizable.

Double-spout bottles are a characteristic form of Nazca pottery. In these vessels, two individual spouts arise from the body of the vessel. The spouts are connected by a bridge or handle. These vessels have a unique property when liquid is poured from them, the vacuum created by the two spouts creates a gurgling, sloshing, or chugging noise. This acoustic aspect of the vessels was undoubtedly intentional and most likely was part of the appeal. Nazca potters created their pots using the coiling method, in which a portion of clay is rolled and then coiled into the desired shape. The coils are then pressed and smoothed together and, after finishing, are no longer visible on the surface or interior of the vessel. This method allowed the Nazca

to produce imaginative forms that are truly sculptural, depicting animals, composite animals, fruits and vegetables, and deities in three dimensions.

The Nazca vessels shown here represent the degree to which the iconographic decoration on Nazca ceramics is a reflection of the Nazca worldview.

The themes of Nazca ceramics can be grouped into three major categories: 1) naturalistic motifs including flowers, birds, reptiles, fish, and

sea creatures; 2) religious or mythical motifs that include numerous composite creatures; and, 3) geometric designs including circles, bands, and cross-hatching. Additionally, the Nazca did not create ceramic portraits of individuals. This stands in stark contrast, for example, to Moche pottery, which includes beautiful and detailed portraits of individuals. Furthermore, very few indications of social rank are found on Nazca pottery, and portrayals of daily activities are scarce (again, in contrast to Moche ceramics). Nazca ceramics, as a group, are predominately with concerned symbolic, religious, or ideological depictions.

The first Nazca vessel under consideration is vessel 1977.176, a vessel that depicts a rotund bird, most likely a kestrel or Inca tern. This vessel

illustrates the attention and sense of animism that characterizes Nazca naturalistic depictions. The bird is alert and carefully poised. This vessel, though it depicts a non-human creature, is imbued with a sense of lively animism that makes this particular bird endearing to the viewer. Animistic belief was an important part of the Nazca worldview, with creatures and plant forms perceived as having particular spiritual qualities. As will be discussed for the additional Nazca vessels, this belief led to the creation of beings that combine elements of multiple significant animals. These

composite, divine beings therefore embody the spirit qualities (and personality) of each of the constituent animals.

Additionally, the Nazca potter who produced this vessel made an interesting adaptation so that the form of the vessel aligns with the naturalistic depiction of the bird. As mentioned previously, the coiling method for building ceramic vessels allowed Nazca potters tremendous flexibility and creativity in the overall form that their vessels

took. In this case, the vessel has an essentially globular form. Notice, however, that the head of the bird is in the place that we might expect to see a second spout. The head is connected to the singular spout of the vessel using the customary bridge, which, in this case, projects off the rear of the head of the bird. This is a beautiful

demonstration of how form follows intent in Nazca art.

Nazca Culture, 1 450, South Coast Peru, Stirrup Spout Vessel: Kestrel or Inca Tern, clay, slip, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Henry E. Butler, Jr. 1977.176

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Looking now at a vessel that depicts the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being (1990.8.42), we can see how the Nazca combine animal and human characteristics to produce composite beings (anthropomorphism). In this open form vessel, most likely used for drinking, a creature that resembles a cat faces the viewer. Scholars know this being as the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being who does, in fact, have strong feline associations. This being is the most widely depicted and, presumably, an important being in the Nazca culture. The Anthropomorphic Mythical Being has a human body that wears a shirt and breechcloth. What appear to be whiskers is, on closer examination, a mouth mask not unlike those produced in gold by the Nazca people.

Additionally, the being wears a forehead ornament and a headdress. Human mummies in southern Peru have been found wearing gold mouth ornaments and forehead ornaments, suggesting that elite males dressed in the image of this being. The most common depiction of this being shows it holding a club in one hand and a human trophy head in the other. That is exactly what can be found on this vessel. Notice that the mouth of the trophy head has been pinned shut. From the back of the head of the being, a spiky cloak extends along the length of the body.

The final ornament at the end of the cloak occurs in a variety of forms including feline elements, birds, animals,

fish, and plants, suggesting that there are subtle variations in the nature of this being depending on the chosen

iconographic element. Additionally, note that the horizontal depiction that wraps around the body of the vessel is the most common orientation for this figure and indicates flying. Taken together, we can understand this to be a being

that embodies the characteristics of the constituent elements that make up its physical being and attire.

A second vessel (2000.50.2) also depicts the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being. Notice the similarities in this depiction to the first vessel, and also the artistic differences. Taken together, these two vessels represent a perspective on the

degree to which Nazca depictions of the same being can vary. What similarities and differences do you notice? What

might the differences signify?

It is important to remember that Nazca culture developed out of the earlier Paracas culture. As such, some of the concepts we see represented in Nazca ceramics can be traced back to the Paracas culture, where divine beings are depicted in ceramics and, particularly, textiles. The Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is one such entity that is well established and formulated in the Paracas culture. By tracing the gradual change in the depictions of this being, ceramics such as this one can be dated to one of many archaeological ceramic phases. Notice in in both vessels described here that the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is somewhat geometricized. This is an intermediate phase, known as Phase 5, in which the depiction of the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being is no longer as round as in earlier phases but has not become fully geometricized as in later phases.

Nazca Culture, 200 300, South Coast Peru,Polychrome Vessel Warrior Deity, clay, painted slip decoration, Estate of Virginia Johnson. 1990.8.42

Nazca Culture, 450 550, South Coast Peru, Double Spout Vessel with Feline Deity, clay, polychrome slip, Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2000.50.2

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Looking to another Nazca vessel, we see many of same principles of animism, anthropomorphism, and composite animals all at work in the depiction of a second composite being. In vessel 2000.50.3, we see what was once believed to be an otter deity, called this due to facial characteristics of the being and the water lily flower held in its hand. It is

now known that this is actually a depiction of the Mythical Spotted Cat. This being is based on the pampas cat (Felis colocolo), a small feline that is characterized by semi-lunar markings on the coat, a striped tail, and small ears separated by what appears to be a cap. This being also wears a mouth mask, like the Anthropomorphic Mythical Being.

In the hand of the Mythical Spotted Cat is a water lily flower. In harsh desert conditions, a water lily flower such as this

symbolized water and fecundity. The Mythical Spotted Cat seems to have been a being that pertained to agricultural fertility. The association between the pampas cat and agricultural abundance may have originated, in part, because they preyed on the small vermin that visited Nazca agricultural fields. The vessel depicting the Mythical Spotted Cat is

a double spout and bridge vessel. As such, liquid poured out of this vessel would have made a distinctive sound. This sound was most likely an important aspect of this vessel.

RETHINKING ANCIENT AMERICAN ARTThe beautiful objects you see in this catalog and exhibit are all that they appear to be finely and beautifully crafted, symmetrical, and full of

presence. Additionally, they embody many concepts that were of deep significance to the cultures that produced them. The sacred and the secular

were not separated in the Ancient Americas to the degree that they are in our modern society. Divisions that we impose upon experience, language, and art may not be assumed to carry over to the art produced by other cultures in other time periods. In the worlds in which these vessels were created, relationships between spirit and body, between plants and animals, and between humans and the cosmos were viewed in radically different a ways.

Thus, each object serves as a window into the past and a different cultural world. We gaze at the past through these objects. They gaze back.

Nazca Culture, 100 200, South Coast Peru, Double Spout Vessel with Otter Deity, clay, pigment, Gift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2000.50.3

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REFERENCES

Benson, Elizabeth2012 The Worlds of the Moche on the North Coast of Peru. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Donnan, Christopher B.2004 Moche Portraits from Ancient Peru. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Proulx, Donald A.2006 A Sourcebook of Nasca Ceramic Iconography: Reading a Culture Through Its Art. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press.

Quilter, Jeffrey2011 The Moche of Ancient Peru: Media and Messages. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Stierlin, Henri1984 Art of the Incas and Its Origins. New York: Rizzoli.

Stone, Rebecca2002 Art of the Andes: From Chavin to Inca. London: Thames & Hudson

TWO VESSELS IN THE TUCSON MUSEUM OF ARTAlexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.

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Maya Culture, 600 900, Mexico, Yucatan Peninsula, Carved Vessel, clay, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.20

Two Vessels in the Tucson Museum of ArtAlexander Tokovinine, Ph.D.

1971.20This elegant beaker with slightly everted walls and a nearly flat bottom is decorated with a horizontal band of hiero-glyphs and two image cartouches cut through the dark exterior slip (burnish?) into the fine grey paste of the vessels

body. It appears that it was stuccoed at some point, obscuring the carved and incised designs, but the stucco has been largely removed from the decorated areas. Apart from that, there is no other obvious sign of modern intervention, although the author did not have a chance to examine the vessel in person.

The shape, text, and iconography of the beaker resemble the Chochola style of fine serving vessels produced in Eastern

Yucatan, particularly in the area of Tiho (Merida), Chochola, Oxkintok, Uxmal, Xkipche, and Xcalumkin in the seventh and

eighth centuries of the Late Classic period (Coe 1973; Tate 1985; Werness 2010). Iconographic and chemical analysis, however, indicates that some broadly similar vessels lacking the strongest attributes of the Chochola style came from the lower and middle Usumacinta River region (Reents-Budet and Bishop 2012:292). The unusually Plumbate-like surface finish

and paste of the beaker in the TMA collection are shared by only a few Chochola-style vessels (Werness 2010:72, fig. 41). The

bottom of the beaker is flat compared to the usually rounded

bottom of Chochola-style beakers. The image cartouches of Chochola-style pottery are characterized by low relief and

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rather aggressive background removal resulting in deeply recessed areas, while the imagery tends to overflow the cartouche boundaries (Houston

2012; Tate 1985:124). The cartouches on this vessel are in low relief but more shallow with very little background removal. The imagery stays within the boundaries of the cartouches. The text is arranged in a horizontal band along the rim and not in a diagonal band on the side of the vessel. That said, Chochola-style pottery exhibits a large variation in forms and surface decorations (Werness 2010), although this vessel clearly does not belong to the same subset of Chochola style as most beakers illustrated by Tate (1985).

One of the two cartouches on the vessel shows an upper torso of a deity facing right and gesturing with the left arm in the same direction. The deity

may be identified as the Classic Maya Rain God, Chahk or God B in Schellhas classification (Taube 1992). The visible attributes include reptilian facial features, shell earflares, a shell crown, and a long braid of hair that goes under the crown and extends above the face. There are also T24 shiner

marks on the torso highlighting the luminous or perhaps snake-like surface quality of Chahks skin.

The other cartouche features a deity seated cross-legged facing and gesturing to the left. His snake-like facial features, shiner body marks, and a

prominent torch in the forehead indicate that it is a representation of the Classic Maya lightning deity, Kawiil or Schellhas God K (Taube 1992). One unusual feature is the presence of wing feathers on Kawiils arms. This attribute may point to Kawiils role as a deity who goes to and then rises from the Underworld in order to retrieve the seeds of cultivated plants including maize and cacao. Simon Martin who reconstructed different parts of

that mythical narrative (Martin 2006, 2012; Miller and Martin 2004:62-63) points to a scene on a now-lost capstone from the Temple of the Owls at

Chichen Itza that shows Kawiil rising into the sky from the jaws of the Underworld (Martin 2006:fig. 8.14; Miller and Martin 2004:fig. 27). That Kawiil has serpent-wings under his arms. The pairing of Chahk and feathered Kawiil alludes to the moment when the rain deities split the turtle shell of the Maize Gods earthly prison enabling his resurrection (Taube 1993:66-67; Zender 2005:8-10). References to parts of this mythical narrative, usually as combined images of God L and Kawiil, are found on many Chochola-style vessels (Tate 1985:129-130; Werness 2010:171-183).

The dedicatory inscription on the vessel (Figure 1, Table 1) consists of 23 glyphs arranged in ten or eleven glyph blocks in a horizontal band along the rim. The text contains readable sections and most characters are identifiable. However, some spellings are either senseless or contain

previously unattested lexical items (see below). A few characters are heavily altered including at least one case of a 180 rotation. The implication is that part of the inscription may be defined as pseudoglyphs, although such characterization is inherently problematic (Calvin

2006). The author of this inscription clearly had some knowledge of the conventions of the script, but perhaps struggled to produce clauses beyond the most basic formulaic expressions. It is important that some Chochola sub-styles and similar vessels from the Usumacinta River region may feature pseudoglyphs (Werness 2010:120-121, 212, fig. 98). The possibility of scribal error, however, substantially complicates any

identification of potentially new glosses because any unusual spelling may also be discarded as simply erroneous.

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Table 1 Inscription on the vessel 1971.20

A u-ja-?yi u-jaay the fine vessel ofB a-ku ta-ba a[j]-kutab he of the drumC ? ? ?

D XOOK xook XookE ?CHOK-cho-ko chok youthF ke-le-ma keleem young manG sa-T533 ? ?H NAAH naah[al] house / north / firstI AT-yu ataay count (?)J MAN-le manel buying (?)K ?lu (turned 180) ? ?

Despite spelling irregularities, most characters in the inscription are well-executed. Stylistically, the inscription does not readily align with the core Chochola style set, but resembles some contemporaneous carved texts from the Xcalumkin area. The sa syllable in Block G (with an unusual wavy rather than straight central double line) is remarkably similar to the sa variant on Columns 1 and 2 at Xcalumkin (Graham and Von Euw 1992:173-174) and on an incised vessel (K8017) signed by a Xcalumkin carver (Grube 1990:328, fig. 8).

Like most Chochola-style dedicatory texts, the inscription begins with ujaay his fine clay vessel (Grube 1990:322-323), although the execution of the yi sign is very unusual. The name and titles of the owner follow, beginning with an enigmatic a[j]-kutab, he of kutab, where kutab is probably a noun derived with the ab nominalizer or the Vb instrumental suffix. Potential cognates in Chorti suggest that aj-kutab could mean he of drumming

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or he of the drum: kut beating, tapping; kuti beat, tap, strike; kutin large native drum (Wisdom n.d.:499); ahkes taka inte kutin make a noise (clamor) with a drum (Wisdom n.d.:446). The next block probably contains the first word of the personal name of the owner, but the glyph cannot

be read or even identified as a known character. Block D concludes the personal name clause with a word for shark (xook). More titles follow, although instead of the usual chak chok sequence in Block E, one finds the word chok spelled twice: with a half of the Tlaloc-eye CHOK logogram and the syllabic cho-ko. The word keleem spelled (ke-le-ma) concludes this common formula ([chak] chok keleem). The next block contains an enigmatic combination of sa and T533 where one would expect a more straightforward spelling of a title like sajal. After that the text becomes increasingly hard to understand (perhaps, a reflection of the limitations of the carvers literary skills). Block H appears to feature a full version of the NAAH logogram, but the context of the word naah and, consequently, the best translation option are hard to establish because of the problems with reading the words before and after the block. The spellings in blocks I and J may be tentatively read as ataay and manel. It is tempting to link the first word with a Tzeltalan gloss for counting numbers (Kaufman 1972:94) and the second one with a Cholan and Tzeltalan word for buying (Kaufman 1972:109;

Kaufman and Norman 1984:125). Merchant activity-related titles would be highly appropriate given the abundance of reference to the divine patron of commerce, God L (Tokovinine and Beliaev 2013:184-189), on Chochola-style vessels. The problem is that the ataay-manel sequence will be otherwise unique in the Classic Period corpus and that it comes from an inscription with possible pseudoglyphs. The latter issue is highlighted by the last glyph in the inscription that looks like a typical Chochola lu syllable variant turned upside down. Once again, it may be an otherwise unique character, but it is just as likely that the carver ran out of known spellings and simply filled the remaining space with a random selection of signs.

In summary, the beaker may be tentatively identified with the Chochola-style sphere, but not with the core sub-set. Specific paleographic features

point to the Xcalumkin region. The imagery in the cartouches evokes Kawiils journey to retrieve the maize and cacao seeds facilitated by Chahk who splits the earth surface allowing the lightning deity to enter and leave the underworld. The dedicatory inscription is relatively well-executed but features many unusual or aberrant/erroneous spelling. Even if the spellings faithfully record previously unattested glosses, such departure from the more typical content of the dedicatory formula implicates a different or unusual social context in which this vessel was commissioned and produced.

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1980.12This fine Saxche/Palmar polychrome vessel belongs to a well-known subset of painted Late Classic vessels characterized by idiosyncratic dedicatory

texts and frequent depictions of supernatural scenes on a red background. The production of this type of pottery has been attributed to the region around the archaeological site of El Zotz because of the link between the term pa chan fine vessel found in the dedicatory texts on these pots and the ancient name of the site Pa Chan which is also occasionally mentioned in the titles of the vessels owners (Houston et al. 2007). The chemical analysis of some vessels has also pointed to El Zotz as one of the production locales (Reents-Budet 1994:155). Uaxactun had been identified as another

production center of this pottery (Reents-Budet 1994:125, 135, 155), but it was largely based on an erroneous link between the Pa Chan toponym and Uaxactun (Houston et al. 2007:413-414). Uaxactun still boasts the highest quantity of vessel fragments which belong to the stylistic group (Smith 1955:fig. 32b, 37a, 38b, 41a, 72b), but these are still too few to serve as a strong indicator of local production. Archaeological investigations at El Zotz

have not yet exposed large deposits of such pottery.

Table 2 Inscription on the vessel 1980.12

DEDICATORY TEXT

A a-AL-ya alay hereB ?TAB tab[aay] it ascends (is dedicated)C yi y-ich the surface ofD chiE u u-tzi[h]baal the decoration ofF tziG baH liI ?u u- his/her

CAPTION 1

J1 bo-bo bob coyoteJ2 HIX hix jaguarJ3 u u-wa[h]y [is] the demon ofJ4 wa-?yiJ5 ? ? ?

The dedicatory inscription occupies a horizontal band along the vessels rim. Most hieroglyphic blocks are occupied by single head variants of glyphs, which is typical for this style. The choice of bat tzi and skull ba allographs is another characteristic trait. The inscription ends abruptly with an

CAPTION 2

K1 u-?ki-li ukil ?K2 u u-wa[h]y [is] the demon ofK4 wa-WAYK5 ? ? ?

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unfinished word as if the artist ran out of space, a feature also present on other vessels in the group (e.g. K5647, K7980). Neither the type of the vessel

nor the name of the owner is specified.

The scene on the vessels body shows two wahy supernatural creatures: demons of the night or personified evil spells who could be sent to cause disease and death to ones enemies (Houston and Stuart 1989; Stuart 2005). The creatures on the TMA vessel are rather unique and are not listed in the comprehensive overview by Grube and Nahm (1994). One of them looks like a jaguar with a jade necklace. Caption 1 identifies it as a bob hix, but the name of the owner cannot be discerned. The gloss bob possibly means coyote as bojb coyote in Chorti (Hull 2005:11). Hix is a common term for jaguar and feline creatures in general. So the name of this wahy implies a supernatural hybrid of a coyote and jaguar (hix). The second wahy demon looks like an unknown animal with feline paws wearing a scarf. The gloss ukil in Caption 2, however, eludes secure translation. The toponym of Ukuul place where uk abounds in the vicinity of Yaxchilan (Boot 2009:183) suggests that ukil might well be a designation for an animal, but the author has not been able to find a suitable translation. The owner of this demon also remains undeciphered.

Maya Culture, 600 900, Guatemala, Vase, Codex Style with Three Gods, clay polychrome, Gift of Robert and Marianne Hyber. 1980.12

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REFERENCES Boot, Erik2009 The Updated Preliminary Classic Maya - English, English - Classic Maya Vocabulary of Hieroglyphic Readings. Mesoweb Resources, URL http://www.mesoweb.com/resources/vocabulary/Vocabulary-2009.01.pdf.

Calvin, Inga E.2006 Between Text and Image: An Analysis of Pseudo-Glyphs on Late Classic Maya Pottery from Guatemala. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, Boulder, 2006.

Coe, Michael D.1973 The Maya Scribe and His World. Grolier Club, New York.

Graham, Ian and Eric Von Euw1992 Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Volume 4, Part 3: Uxmal, Xcalumkin. Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

Grube, Nikolai1990 Primary Standard Sequence in Chochola Style Ceramics. In The Maya Vase Book, Kerr, Justin, ed., pp. 320-330. vol. 2. Kerr Associates, New York.

Grube, Nikolai and Werner Nahm1994 A Census of Xibalba: A Complete Inventory of Way Characters on Maya Ceramics. In The Maya Vase Book: A Corpus of Rollout Photographs of Maya Vases, Kerr, Justin ed., pp. 686-715. vol. 4. Kerr Associates, New York.

Houston, Stephen D.2012 Carved Vessel. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 394-397. Pre-Columbian Art at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.

Houston, Stephen D., Hctor L. Escobedo, Zachary Nelson, Juan Carlos Melndez, Fabiola Quiroa, Arroyave Ana Luca and Rafael Cambranes2007 A La Sombra De Un Gigante: Epigrafa Y Asentamiento De El Zotz, Petn. In Xx Simposio De Investigaciones Arqueolgicas En Guatemala, 2006, Laporte, Juan Pedro, Barbara Arroyo and Hctor Meja, eds., pp. 395-418. Museo Nacional de Arqueologa y Etnologa, Guatemala.

Houston, Stephen and David Stuart1989 The Way Glyph: Evidence for Co-Essences among the Classic Maya. Center for Maya Research, Washington, D.C.

Hull, Kerry2005 An Abbreviated Dictionary of Chorti Maya. FAMSI report. http://www.famsi.org/reports/03031/index.html.

Kaufman, Terrence1972 El Proto-Tzeltal-Tzotzil; Fonologa Comparada Y Diccionario Reconstruido. Versin Espaola E ndice Espaol. [1. ] ed. UNAM Coordinacon de Humanidades, Mxico,.

Kaufman, Terrence S. and William M. Norman1984 An Outline of Proto-Cholan Phonology, Morphology and Vocabulary. In Phoneticism in Mayan Hieroglyphic Writing, Justeson, John S. and Lyle Campbell, eds., pp. 77-166. Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York, Albany, NY.

Martin, Simon2006 Cacao in Ancient Maya Religion: First Fruit from the Maize Tree and Other Tales from the Underworld. In Chocolate in Mesoamerica: A Cultural History of Cacao, McNeil, Cameron L., ed., pp. 154-183. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

2012 Carved Bowl. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 108-119. Pre-Columbian Art at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.

Miller, Mary Ellen and Simon Martin2004 Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya. Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco and Thames & Hudson, San Francisco and New York.

Reents-Budet, Dorie1994 Painting the Maya Universe: Royal Ceramics of the Classic Period. Duke University Press, Durham, N.C.

Reents-Budet, Dorie and Ronald L. Bishop2012 Classic Maya Painted Ceramics: Artisans, Workshops, and Distribution. In Ancient Maya Art at Dumbarton Oaks, Pillsbury, Joanne, Miriam Agnes Doutriaux, Reiko Ishihara and Alexandre Tokovinine, eds., pp. 288-299. Pre-Columbian Art at Dumbarton Oaks. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.

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Smith, Robert E.1955 Ceramic Sequence at Uaxactun, Guatemala. Publication No.20. 2 vols. Middle American Research Institute, New Orleans.

Stuart, David2005 The Way Beings. In Sourceboook for the 29th Maya Hieroglyphic Forum, March 11-16, 2005, Stuart, David, ed., pp. 160-165. Department of Art and Art History, The University of Texas, Austin.

Tate, Carolyn E.1985 Carved Ceramics Called Chochola In Fifth Palenque Round Table, 1983, Fields, Virginia M., ed., pp. 123-133. Palenque Round Table (5 Session, 1983). Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute, San Francisco.

Taube, Karl A.1992 The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.

1993 Aztec and Maya Myths. University of Texas Press, Austin.

Tokovinine, Alexandre and Dmitri D. Beliaev2013 People of the Road: Traders and Travelers in Ancient Maya Words and Images. In Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World, Hirth, Kenneth G. and Joanne Pillsbury, eds., pp. 169-200. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C.

Werness, Maline2010 Chochol Ceramics and the Polities of Northwest Yucatn, Department of Art History, University of Texas, Austin, 2010.

Wisdom, Charlesn.d. Materials on the Chorti Language. University of Chicago Microfilm Collection of Manuscripts of Cultural Anthropology 28, Chicago.

Zender, Marc2005 Teasing the Turtle from Its Shell: Ahk and Mahk in Maya Writing. PARI Journal : quarterly publication of the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute 6 (3):1-14.

FREDERICK R. PLEASANTS: A CURATOR AND STEWARD OF PRE-COLUMBIAN ART

Anna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

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Frederick R. Pleasants: A Curator and Steward of Pre-Columbian ArtAnna Seiferle-Valencia, Ph.D.

Frederick R. Pleasants was born in Montclair, New Jersey in 1906 to Frederick and Blanche Rhodes Pleasants. Over the course of his life he would

make several significant contributions to the art and museum worlds. Of particular relevance to this catalogue, Pleasants would eventually donate

a number of Latin American artworks, including Pre-Columbian artifacts, to the Tucson Museum of Art (henceforth TMA or the Museum) that would form the kernel of the Pre-Columbian art collection at the Museum. In order to understand the artworks collected and donated by Pleasants, it is necessary to understand his academic and intellectual background. Pleasants was very much (to use his term) a museum man of his time, educated

at prestigious universities in the United States and Europe. His selection, representation, and discussion of Pre-Columbian and other non-Western art objects is reflective of broader concepts of what was then called primitive art, especially in academic and museum circles.

Pleasants was well educated, completing his undergraduate studies at Princeton University in 1930, where he graduated with a Bachelors of Arts degree in Fine Arts. At the time, Princeton and the Ivy League were, even more so than they are today, elite institutions of higher learning that trained many leading scholars, politicians, and lawyers. Princeton was a male-only institution: the university would not admit women as undergraduates until 1969. In Pleasants day, students at Princeton and other institutions benefited greatly not

only from an excellent education but also from the professional and personal connections they forged during their years of study. These connections often lasted throughout the professional and academic lives of Ivy League graduates. Following the completion of his studies at Princeton, Pleasants went on to complete a degree in languages at the Sorbonne, in Paris, France, and a masters degree at Harvard University in 1938, with a particular focus in primitive arts and museology. As can clearly be seen from his educational background, Pleasants was an intelligent man with an intense and long-standing interest in art and languages.

While Pleasants was at Princeton, he argued that the undergraduate attitude towards art was beginning to change due to a different and perhaps

broader emphasis on the part of our art departments (Pleasants 1929:21). In particular, he cited Professor Charles Morey as being of great influence.

Morey served as the chair of the Department of Art and Archaeology at Princeton from 1924 to 1945 and was a prolific scholar who greatly advanced

the standing of the department at Princeton and the profile of the discipline as a whole (Stohlman 1978). It is worth pointing out that Princetons

Fred in the market section of town, Ica, Peru, c. 1960

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department combined both art and archaeology, whereas other universities elected to give each discipline its own departmental status. Moreys definition of art was expansive, including art and architecture, and invoked an almost Platonic concept of art as the expression of truth in sensible

form as each age sees it (Pleasants 1929:21). This expansive definition of art would stay with Pleasants, who would engage with this idea later on in

his graduate studies.

From Morey and others in the department, Pleasants learned to draw connections between the art of many cultures and time periods. He argued that art courses were moving away from the purview of the long haired aesthete and were becoming of real interest even to artistically unsusceptible

students (Pleasants 1929:21). This increasingly broad appeal of art history as manifested at Princeton must have had a great influence on Pleasants,

who would go on to devote a great deal of his personal and public life to art and making art appealing and accessible to the general public. As early as 1929, Pleasants expressed a dawning awareness of personal aesthetic, collecting, the relationship between monetary support and displays of artwork, and the role that a museum could play in invigorating research (Pleasants 1929:21). That he would become a curator could hardly have been a surprise to those who knew him.

Pleasants completed his masters degree at Harvard University in 1938, with a focus in so-called primitive art and museology. Pleasants studies at

Harvard in non-Western art traditions, and what would now be called museum studies, further developed his inclusive definition of art. At the same

time, his approach to primitive art straddled the disciplines of art history and anthropology. As remembered by artist and collector Alfonso Ossorio,

who learned from Pleasants at the Peabody Museum, there was no sharp line drawn between fine arts and the primitive artifacts at the Peabody

Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University (Levin 2011:10). Broadly reflective of the anthropological approach in which non-Western

art was (and is) viewed as art that is as fully and equally valid to Western art, this attitude carried over into Pleasants professional work as well. Ossarios comment, however, also conveys the degree to which primitive artifacts were still categorically separate from fine art. While there may

have not been a sharp line drawn between them, there was certainly a categorical understanding that gave rise, as least broadly speaking, to the notion that artifacts were primitive and somehow still separate from fine art.

Throughout his adult life, recurring chronic health problems troubled Pleasants. These health issues barred him from fighting in the Second World

War. Instead, he served in the Office of Strategic Services, interpreting spy photographs. He would later work for the Red Cross in the Pacific until

the end of the war. The close of the Second World War found Pleasants working as a Monuments Man. The Monuments Men were a group of approximately 345 men and women assembled from 13 nations who volunteered for the newly created Monuments, Fine Arts, and Archives (MFAA) program. Many of these individuals had experience, as did Pleasants, as curators, art historians, architects, professors, and museum directors. The goal of the MFAA was to protect and preserve the cultural riches that had been stolen by the Nazis. The Monuments Men worked to track, locate, and return more than five million individual artworks that had been stolen by Hitler and the Nazis (Monuments Men Foundation 2014). In order to

accomplish this mission, they remained in Europe for six years following the conclusion of the war. When they returned to the United States, many went on to prominent positions in well-known museums.

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A photograph at the Getty Research Institute shows a Monuments Man holding the 40,000th picture to be recovered at the Central Collecting Point in Munich. A man wearing round glasses holds a framed canvas and looks at the camera. A pipe between his lips interrupts his partial, somewhat crooked, smile. He wears a military uniform and a military haircut, and his tie is perfectly jostled. This man is, of course, Frederick Pleasants.

In 1941, Pleasants had been appointed as assistant to the director of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard. He would later be described as a vital cog in keeping the Peabody Museum functioning smoothly during the 1930s and 1940s, although he [was] little recognized

(Browman and Williams 2013:455). Among other duties, Pleasants began curating in earnest while at the Peabody. Pleasants was responsible for curating a new exhibition hall and two galleries of permanent exhibitions that represent[ed] the application of the most modern methods of museum

display to anthropological objects (Harvard Crimson 1941). These rooms were intended to show how anthropological objects could be dramatized

so that they have interest for the general public and yet stimulate the visitor and the student to further research in the study collections nearby

(Harvard Crimson 1941). This attitude that anthropological objects had to be dramatized in order to be interesting is a reflection of prevailing

attitudes towards anthropological collections in museum settings in the 1940s. There was clearly developing interest in displaying anthropological objects. Still, there was also prevalent concern that these objects would not garner attention in and of themselves without dramatization.

Pleasants left the Peabody Museum in 1949 after he was named assistant curator of the Department of Primitive Art at the Brooklyn Museum. He was promoted to full curator in 1950. His scholarly interests were officially noted as Native American arts and the nature and function

of anthropological museums (Brooklyn Museum of Art:4-7). This trajectory from the Peabody Museum at Harvard to the Brooklyn Museum had

actually been completed by a scholar senior to Pleasants, Herbert Spinden. Well known as a scholar of Pre-Columbian and Mesoamerican cultures, Spinden, like Pleasants, first served as a curator at the Peabody before working at the Brooklyn Museum (Brooklyn Museum of Art:4-7). Pleasants

health problems resurfaced and in 1956 he resigned his curatorship. He then traveled extensively throughout Latin America and worked as an independent curator and appraiser. Restrictions on curators were not the same then as they are now, and the lines between private collection, curation, and appraisal were often thin and blurred. This was well in keeping with professional standards of the day and is a pattern that is reflected

in the curation and collection activities of other scholars from the same time period.

Pleasants first visit to Tucson was in the 1930s (Carter 2012:13), but he made a permanent move to Tucson in 1958. In Tucson, the University of

Arizona was a good match for Pleasants interests in anthropological museums, museum practices, and Native American arts. Pleasants took a job at the University of Arizona as a lecturer, teaching primitive arts. He also curated for the Arizona State Museum, the anthropology museum associated

with the University. Following his arrival in Tucson, Pleasants would also make substantial donations to the Tucson Museum of Art. At the time, TMA was a developing museum, inaugurating a permanent collection in 1967 on the basis of several donations, some of which came from Pleasants (Carter 2012:15).

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The donations made by Pleasants include Pre-Columbian artifacts that he had collected during his travels throughout Latin America, many of which remain on display in the Museums galleries today. His donations to the Museum also include books (1,500) and a large slide collection (21,000). An additional 600 items were given to the Museums library in 1976 following Pleasants death.

Pleasants appreciation for the native arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas was both aesthetic and intellectual. In 1963, the Arizona State Museum

(ASM) at the University of Arizona featured an exhibition entitled Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants. This exhibition marked the formal opening of a newly established Primitive Art Gallery at the ASM (Arizona State Museum:2).

In the preface to the exhibition catalog Pleasants states that the collection was assembled primarily for teaching purposes (Pleasants 1962: Foreword).

He further explains that the art of primitive and prehistoric peoples reflects the conditions of life of these people. This is undoubtedly true and is, in

part, a reflection of the academic and curatorial perspective Pleasants developed and maintained over the course of his career. His understanding of

the daily lives of Native peoples reflects widespread academic attitudes of the day toward Indigenous peoples and their art:

Living in comparative isolation, they are dependent upon their immediate environment for solutions to the problems of existence, as well as for ways of expression in the arts. Religion and social function provide the subject matter; to a great extent material at hand determine the style. Thus, the character of the material is clearly feltthe columnar form of wood, the blockiness of stone, the strength of metal, the plasticity of clay and the angularity resulting from the weaving process [Pleasants 1962: Foreword].

Pleasants provides a tidy explanation of these art objects for viewers. His explanation is primarily environmental, the natural environment being seen as the driving motivation and source of artistic creation. In Pleasants view, style was determined by the availability of materials. The subject matterreligion and social functionis sufficiently general to include any number of possible activities without requiring the anthropological

perspective that would facilitate more specificity. Taken together, this perspective does a great disservice to the aesthetic sensibility of indigenous artists who created art within the social and aesthetic framework of their worldview. Few anthropologists today would argue that the aesthetic of indigenous art is simply dictated by the availability and physical characteristics (columnar, blocky, strength, plasticity, angularity) of raw materials.

Nevertheless, if Pleasants statement is taken at face value, a second problem is created. If this was true, that indigenous art was simply a kind of raw materiality filtered through the lens of ritual and social need, then how would an American (or any non-indigenous) audience engage with

these artworks? Pleasants explains that [t]he arts of native people are of particular interest today. Although they are basically realistic, they have

the distortion, simplification, and inner vitality which appeal to the modern taste (Pleasants 1962: Foreword). Here, Pleasants presents something

of a contradiction. This contradiction is characteristic of the work of many scholars who were working at the time to promote the visibility and popularity of non-Western artworks. Pleasants, with his experience and interest in museology, was undoubtedly well aware that an effective

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exhibition must engage the public. This process of appeal is particularly pronounced in artworks produced by another culture, in which the viewer must often cross an aesthetic and cultural bridge between his or her own culture and that of the artist who created the artwork itself.

As is the case with many archaeological and non-Western artworks, Pre-Columbian artworks reflect an entire worldview as much as particular

aesthetic or material considerations or constraint of an individual artist. Sufficiently explaining a worldview in an object label, gallery text, or an

exhibition catalogue is extremely challenging. Additionally, all of the archaeological objects collected by Pleasants had been removed from their archaeological context. This unfortunately disconnected these objects from their broader historical contexts and greatly reduced the amount of anthropological interpretation that could successfully be done with each object. As a result of both of these dynamicsthe need to appeal to a public audience and the lack of provenience for the objectsthe aesthetic quality of the individual object comes to the foreground, as it is both immediately and visually accessible to any viewer and is a way to discuss the artwork despite the lack of more substantial archaeological context.

The exhibition organized at the Arizona State Museum (ASM) in 1963 included 27 objects, some of which were included in Pleasants donation to TMA and are now in its permanent collection. Reading the object descriptions in the catalogue produced for that exhibition demonstrate the degree to which under-standing and interpretations these artworks have changed. The Stone Yoke Fragment (TMA 1971.31) in a Classic El Tajin style, for example, is described in the ASM catalogue as follows:

A complete yoke resembles a horse collar. Although its use is unknown, it has been suggested that they were worn around the waist of a player in the ceremonial ball courts. An alternative suggestion is that they were used to support the victims of sacrifice, facilitating the removal of the

heart. The design is of a conventionalized jaguar with head and jaws at the curve and legs at the side. A human face decorates the corner [Pleasants 1962: Object 2].

This single object description reveals the desire to reach an audience that might be alienated by the object by making a familiar analogy (a horse collar). The interpretation of the object is functional, as can be seen in the first suggestion that the yoke was used in the ball game. The next interpretation presents

the most dramatic possible, suggesting that the yoke was used to facilitate heart sacrifice. Drama is used to garner and deepen the viewers interest.

Other objects in the exhibition have similar descriptions, though few are as sensational as the one provided for the El Tajin yoke. A Mayan vase,

which Dr. Tokovinine discusses in his essay elsewhere in this catalogue, is described simply: Two carved medallions on this Fine Gray Ware vase

represent Maya gods (Pleasants 1962: Object 4). Refer to the essay in this catalogue to compare the significant differences in approach, knowledge,

and interpretation between today and the past. Undoubtedly, future scholars will continue to contribute to the state of knowledge and advance it beyond where it currently is today.

Veracruz Culture, 200 500, Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site of El Tajn, Stone Yoke Fragment, stone, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.31

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The donations of artworks Pleasants made to the Museum established the core of a Pre-Columbian collection. Pleasants felt that TMA had a great

opportunity to develop a distinguished collection of both pre-Columbian and Latin-American Colonial art and to have both permanent and temporary exhibitions of the finest examples of those arts (Carter 2012:17). He served on the museum board, no doubt contributing to the early vision of how

these collections could be established and built. Between 1966 and 1972 Pleasants donated 68 Pre-Columbian art objects (Carter 2012:27). Following his death, TMA purchased additional works from his estate. These items were arranged in a new exhibit hall and the collection displayed almost in its entirety in 1976 (Carter 2012:27).

Pleasants died in 1976. The nature of archaeological objects is to outlive their creators, excavators, and curators. Objects can

survive for thousands of years if properly cared for. This is one of the paradoxes of archaeological objects, which are the subjects of much human interest and care. Ultimately, their incredible longevity means that an individual object is experienced, used, displayed, and explained in many ways over the course of its many years of existence. Archaeological objects, such as the Pre-Columbian objects presented in this catalogue, remind us that we are simply temporary stewards of the past, charged with caring for and properly handling these art objects. Many of these objects were never intended by the original creators to be exhumed from their resting places for display. Others, such as the stela fragment (TMA 1965.32), were collected or removed

in a way that destroyed the original monument. Particularly for archaeological objects with no provenience, there is usually little or no possibility of re-establishing the context in which these items were created, used, or buried. At the same time, they were collected in a manner that was legal at the time of the collection. Acknowledging these difficult and sometimes conflicting

aspects of archaeological objects is part of responsible curatorial practice. The intersection of these facts places tremendous responsibility on the individual curator or collector and on the museum that holds the collection.

Throughout his life, Frederick Pleasants worked and lived closely with many extraordinary art objects produced by cultures from other time periods around the world. While the methods, collection standards, and interpretative models have changed significantly since Pleasants day, the importance

of preserving ancient objects, treating them carefully and with respect, and restoring, to whatever extent possible, their connection to their original cultural contexts was part of Pleasants life work. This stewardship remains one of his most lasting contributions to the world of Pre-Columbian art.

Late Formative/Early Classic Era, 100 BCE 250 CE, Mexico, Orizaba Region of Veracruz, Stela, carved serpentine, Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1965.32

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REFERENCES Arizona State Museum1962 Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants (Exhibition Catalog). Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson.

Brooklyn Museum GuidetotheRecordsoftheDepartmentsoftheArtsofAfrica,thePacificIslands,andtheAmericas(AAPA), 1926-2001. Museum Libraries and Archives of the Brooklyn Museum of Art, New York. Accessed May 2014. http://www.brooklynmuseum.org/collections/libraries_and_archives/uploads/aapa_final.pdf

Browman, David and Stephen Williams2013 Anthropology at Harvard: A Biographical History, 1790-1940. Peabody Museum Press: Cambridge. 455-6.

Carter, Carson T.2012 Advent of a Civic Space: A Case Study on the Tucson Museum of Art 1924-2002. University of Arizona Honors Thesis.

Collier, Donald and Harry Tschopik Jr. 1954 Wenner-Grenn Foundation Supper Conference: The Role of Museums in American Anthropology. American Anthropologist 56 (5: pt. 1), 768-779.

Cone, Gerritt1974 Tucson Museum of Art Library. Art Library Society of North America Newsletter October 1974. Art Library Society of North America, St. Louis.

Harvard Crimson1941 University Names Six New Men to Its Staff. Harvard Crimson. December 4, 1941. Accessed May 2014 http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1941/12/4/university-names-six-new-men-to/

Levin, Gail2011 The Extraordinary Interventions of Alfonso Ossorio, Patron and Collector of Jackson Pollock and Lee Krasner. Archives of American Art Journal 50(1): 4-19. Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.

Monuments Men Foundation2014 The Monuments Men. Monuments Men Foundation for the Preservation of Art. 2014, accessed May 2014. http://www.monumentsmenfoundation.org/the-heroes/the-monuments-men

Pleasants, Frederick R.1929 Recent Art Activities at Princeton University. Parnassus 1(4): 21. College Art Association.

1962 Foreword. Primitive Art from the Collection of Frederick R. Pleasants. Arizona State Museum, University of Arizona, Tucson.

Stohlman, Martha Lou1978 Morey, Charles Rufus. A Princeton Companion. 1978, accessed 15 May 2014. http://etcweb.princeton.edu/CampusWWW/Companion/morey_charles.html

Tucson Museum of Art TMA Research Library Notes on Frederick R. Pleasants. Tucson Museum of Art, Tucson, Arizona.

EXHIBITION CHECKLIST

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Exhibition Checklist

Olmec Culture, 1150 550 BCEMexicoSeated Baby Figureclay, slipGift of Alan and Alice Fleischer. 2002.39.1

This sculpture is a typical example of the hollow baby figurines common in Olmec art. Despite the

name, it is unclear whether these baby figures are really meant to represent infants, or if they are

individualized portraits, sacrificial victims, deities, or part of a shamans transformation sequence.

As in this example, these figurines are frequently shown nearly life-sized with individualistic features,

seated with their arms and legs outstretched, head upturned and lips parted. Alternative poses not seen in this piece depict the individual sucking its thumb, crawling, or with a raised arm. This figure possesses evidence of a hat or headdress that is often found in the baby figurines. The

features of these figurines appear quite variable in age and may reflect the importance of the life

cycle in Olmec cosmology.

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Olmec Culture, 800 300 BCECosta RicaSpoon in the Shape of a Bird MonsterProfile HeadjadeGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1968.11

This finely carved jade pendant, commonly called a spoon for its shape,

depicts one of the major supernatural beings often seen in Olmec art. Known

as the god of the sky and sun, the Bird Monster was closely associated with kingship, and this pendant may have served an important ceremonial function. Olmec jade objects were highly prized by many cultures, including

the Maya and Aztecs, although the specific sources of the stone are still

uncertain. A gift of Frederick Pleasants, this piece is an exceptional example of a jade spoon pendant. Almost all Olmec spoons are known from private

collections, and therefore their function remains unclear. They have variously been interpreted as literal spoons, receptacles for hallucinogenic powders or blood from self-sacrifice rituals, painters pallets, and ritual amulets. The

perforations at the top of the piece make the last scenario probable, although they likely served multiple functions.

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Olmec Culture, 800 300 BCEMexico, State of PueblaVessel with Supernatural ProfileclayGift of Frederick Pleasants. 1973.20

This cylinder-shaped vessel, given to the museum by Frederick Pleasants, portrays the Olmec

Banded-Eye God (God VI) incised in profile. This supernatural being is one aspect of the commonly

depicted Maize God. The Olmec cosmology and pantheon is still not well understood, and this

deity is no exception. Different supernatural beings are difficult to distinguish, particularly when

depicted in profile, and their significance is even less clear. The Banded-Eye God is only known

from profile depictions and is distinguished by the narrow band on the side of the face and around

or through the eye. Scholars have disagreed about whether this truly represents a unique god, an aspect of the Maize God, or a different god with additional decorative banding. While the current

consensus identifies the Banded-Eye God as a form of the Maize God, new discoveries may clear

up this issue in the future.

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Olmec Culture, 900 600 BCEMexico, Pacific Slope RegionTransformation FigurestoneCenter for Preservation and Education of Ancient Western Civilization Art and Artifacts. 2000.62.6

Transformation figurines, portraying a man or shaman in the process of becoming a were-jaguar,

figure prominently in Olmec art. The transformation process is believed to have protected the

shamans in their journey to the spirit world. Alternatively, it may refer to the belief that all humans evolved from animals, while only priests could reverse the process. These figurines are typically

seated and possess a combination of human and jaguar features, although transformation figures

span the entire continuum between complete human to animal form. In this example, the cross-legged figure still retains all of his human features, his hands clenched at his knees, face upturned

and lips parted. He possesses a beard and a partially shaved head typical of the human transformation figures, with incised markings in his hair that may refer to hallucinogenic substances used in a

shamanistic trance. This figure may represent an early stage of the transformation process or

a shaman about to perform an important religious ritual.

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Veracruz Culture, 200 500Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site of El TajnStone Yoke FragmentstoneGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.31

Along with the palma and the hacha, the yoke is one of the components of a ballplayers equipment frequently shown in ancient depictions of the Mesoamerican ballgame. Originally named by scholars for its resemblance

to yokes used for livestock, the yoke would have helped the ballplayer to hit the rubber ball with his hips. The palma, or chest protector, attached to the yoke in front. Hachas may have also attached to the yoke, although the function of these pieces is still debated. The yokes worn in actual game play were most likely constructed of perishable leather, while stone yokes such as this piece were probably for ceremonial purposes. This yoke fragment is sculpted in the El Tajn style, showing a human head emerging from a jaguar mouth on the left side. The center portion contains abstract serpents, while the far right end depicts a large open-mouthed serpent with a pointed fang. The jaguar and serpent are two of the most common motifs in Mesoamerican art. The jaguar in particular was consistently associated with the sacred or supernatural beings since the beginnings of the Olmec and throughout the Maya civilization.

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Veracruz Culture, 700 800Mexico, State of Veracruz, Site of El TajnPalmavolcanic stone (basalt)Gift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.28

The Mesoamerican ballgame is an ancient sport known from many regions throughout Mexico and Central America. The game specifics have varied in time and space, but forms of the game have been played by different cultures since the second millennium BCE to the present day. The palma, along with the yoke and the hacha, were essential components of a ballplayers gear during the Classic Veracruz period along the Gulf Coast of Mexico. The palma would be inserted into the yoke or girdle and act as a chest protector for the player. This piece, a stone palma with intricate scrollwork in the classical El Tajnstyle, was likely ceremonial rather than functional. A gift of Frederick R. Pleasants, the front of the palma depicts a human upper torso emerging from the underworld, while the reverse side shows the lower torso plunging down into the underworld. This likely represents the descent of the sun every night into the underworld and its reemergence every day at dawn.

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Veracruz Culture, 600 900Mexico, State of VeracruzRemojadas Style Female Effigyclay, pigmentCenter for Preservation and Education of Ancient Western Civilization Art and Artifacts. 2000.62.16

This clay figure is a simple rendition of the Remojadas-style sonrientes, or smiling figures. Her triangle-like face is turned up, lips parted displaying her front teeth. She lacks hands, but her arms hang by her sides and her feet sweep behind her allowing her to stand upright. Her dress details are painted on in red pigment, and she possesses the jewelry and headdress typical of these figures. Some theories as to the identity of the sonrientes suggest they may represent deities of dance, performers, or individuals in altered states of consciousness due to hallucinogens or an alcoholic drink made of fermented agave. Interestingly, many more sonrientes heads than bodies have been recovered archaeologically, suggesting ritual sacrifice of these objects, perhaps in

association with funerary rituals.

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Veracruz Culture, 900 1100Mexico, State of VeracruzSeated Figure with Headdress and CapeclayFrederick Pleasants and Miscellaneous Funds. 1993.17

This animated figure is an unusual example of Veracruz sculpture and may in fact be a composite of

several works. The unusual pose gives the piece a jester-like feel, with his gesturing arms, cupped hands, and raised left leg. His belt contains a medallion surrounded by cordage, a tasseled tunic rests on his shoulders, and he wears a pointed helmet, contributing to his jester-like appearance. While unusual, his pose closely resembles a Classic Veracruz ceramic figure in El Museo de Amrica in

Madrid, Spain (85/01/128). He also possesses the upturned face and open mouth with exposed teeth typical of figurines from this culture.

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Remojadas Culture, 900 1100Mexico, State of VeracruzFemale Figureclay, asphaltumGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1973.34

The Remojadas culture is perhaps best known for their sonrientes, or smiling figures. Sonrientes typically have triangular upturned faces with smiling mouths displaying teeth and sometimes tongues. While not a stereotypical sonriente, this piece has many of the features frequently seen in other Veracruz figurines including the open mouth, narrow eyes, outstretched arms, and bow tie

belt. The applique details including braids, ankle rattles, and clothing suggest her role as a dancer. Dancers are known to have been associated with the underworld in Veracruz mythology, and this figure may represent a specific female of importance or the goddess of dance.

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Maya Culture, 600 900MexicoIncense Burner Fragment with Effigy Headbuff clay with red slipGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.27

The cruller-like line under the eyes and single tooth indicate this incense burner depicts the Maya Jaguar God of the Underworld, also called the Night-Sun Jaguar. This deity is closely associated with kingship and fire and is often found on incense burners like this. He is also associated with

war, possibly alluded to by the trophy heads below his chin. Alternatively, the trophy heads may specifically refer to the hero twins, two very prominent figures in Maya mythology, after the

underworld gods have decapitated them. Incense burners had an important ritual function serving to transfer offerings from the worshippers to specific gods. They created a portal between the

mortal and sacred realms. As such, they were an important part of the ritual paraphernalia used by kings to publicly assert their divine authority by directly linking them to the gods. These incense burners became both more elaborate and standardized in iconography during the Classic Period in conjunction with the increase in power and authority of the Maya kings.

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Maya Culture, 250 750Ear FlaresjadeEstate of Frederick Pleasants. 1977.48.1-2

These beautiful ear spools or flares are fashioned out of jade, a rare stone

precious to the ancient Maya. Ear flares have a long history in Mesoamerica,

for they were as common among the Olmec as they were among the Maya.

They were fashioned from a broad range of materials into a wide variety of sizes and shapes. Stone, shell, bone, and wood were all used to create flares, but the type of material and size of the flare was likely dependent on

the status of the individual. In Maya art, rulers, deities, and other important figures are often depicted wearing large jade ear flares such as these.

43

Maya Culture, 700 900El SalvadorTripod Cylinder Vessel with Underworld Scenepolychrome clayGift in memory of Joseph and Matilda See. 1991.15

Tripod cylinder vessels, such as this piece, were adopted by the Maya from the neighboring Teotihuacan culture and became popular elite vessels by the 5th Century CE. The tall, straight walls of the vessel allowed for narrative style painting that earlier Maya vessels could not accommodate. Eventually, this form also fell out of favor and was replaced by the simple cylinder vessel by approximately 600 CE. This tripod cylinder depicts an underworld scene containing two figures

with large beaks in the upper portion and three struggling figures, including one human figure and

two monsters, in the lower portion. The monsters in the lower section possess jaguar coloring and have several tongues emerging from their mouths ready to devour the human figure.

44

Maya Culture, 600 900Mexico, Campeche, Island of JainaStanding Figurebuff clay and traces of pigmentGift of Richard and Nancy Weiss. 1998.398

This figurine originates from the island of Jaina in the Gulf of Mexico. Jaina was an important burial

site for the Maya during the Late Classic period, and it is known for the lifelike clay figurines, such

as this piece, commonly found in burials of the period. This figure is a fine example of the pastillaje technique, where figurines were either completely hand made, or, as in this case, partially mold

made and then finished by hand. A press mold was used to form the face and head with the oblique

cranial deformation characteristic of the Maya elite. The torso of the individual is hollow, while the limbs are solid and attached separately and flexed. The figurine, which wears a loincloth and

poncho-like garment, has its arms extended and bent. The fringe of the poncho may represent small discs attached to the garment or simply knotted fringe. He wears a considerable amount of jewelry with necklaces, cuffs, ear flares, and decorative bands below the knees possibly made out

of shell or jade. The piece has traces of pigment suggesting it was originally painted, which would have originally made the piece even more striking.

45

Maya Culture, 600 900Mexico, Campeche, Island of JainaStanding Priest Figurebuff clay and traces of pigmentGift of Dr. Ronald C. Feise. 1978.141

This piece is an exceptional example of a Jaina figurine, a type of funerary statue from an island

off the coast of Campeche, Mexico. Jaina was a major burial site for the Maya during the Late

Classic period. Located in the West, it may have been associated with death and symbolized the entrance to the underworld in Maya cosmology. While now a separate island, Jaina may have been directly connected to the mainland in the Classic period, or connected by a bridge or causeway. Jaina figurines, like this one, are predominately found on Jaina proper, but have also been found

on nearby islands as well as on the mainland. The source or workshops that originally produced these figurines are still uncertain. This particular figurines face was formed with a press mold as

was typical of most Jaina figurines, and also possesses a distinctly flattened forehead. This cranial

deformation was a type of beautification commonly seen among the Maya of high rank as well

as in other Mesoamerican cultures. The figure also has both arms extended and a staff in his left

hand, which symbolizes power.

46

Maya Culture, 500 600Mexico, Yucatan PeninsulaShallow Bowlclay, slipGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1971.25

The deer was an important figure in the art of many Mesoamerican cultures

and represented both food and a connection to the supernatural. As one of the major sources of protein in the region, and possibly an early domesticate for the Maya, deer are often shown in hunting scenes or as funerary offerings, as may be the case in this piece. They are also associated

with the gods, and human figures will often be shown wearing deer head-dresses during important ceremonies or ballgames in Mayan art. In many images of Maya ballgames, deer and vulture headdresses distinguish the opposing teams. Anthropomorphized deer are also seen in underworld scenes, and the deer is often associated with the Sun God. This vessel, with a geometric fret design around the rim, depicts a large deer in the center with a twisted line emerging from its mouth, possibly symbolizing foliage. Small hatch marks representing fur cover the body of the animal. The style of the deer painted on this vessel is also reminiscent of some of the wheeled ceramic deer figurines known from the Classic Veracruz culture.

47

Teotihuacn Culture, 100 BCE 700 CECentral Mexico, Site of TeotihuacnMale Faceclay, pigmentGift of Frederick R. Pleasants. 1973.25

This ceramic face exemplifies the Teotihuacan tradition of mold-made ceramics, a major advance

in the development of mass production. Masks like this one have been recovered during excavations of a workshop at Teotihuacan and likely served a ceremonial function. The masks are also nearly identical in style to the stone masks discovered at the site. Teotihuacan is known for its stone masks as more have been recovered from the site than from any other Mesoamerican culture. They may have served a funerary function, although they have never been recovered in burial contexts. It is possible they were attached to perishable figures meant to resemble more costly stone

statues, while the figures themselves have not survived. The stone and ceramic masks are of the

same basic style, which can be seen in this piece from the Teotihuacan III phase. The face has a wide straight forehead, parallel oval eyes and mouth, and naturalistic nose. This face also has traces of cream and yellow paint, and it was not uncommon for Teotihuacan masks to be painted or inlayed.

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Teotihuacn Culture, 500 700Central Mexico, Site of Teotihuacn Cylinder VesselclayEstate of Frederick Pleasants. 1977.46

Cylinder vases are a significant cultural development that appear to have originated at the

site of Teotihuacan and spread to other Mesoamerican cultures including the Maya. They are known to have served domestic and ceremonial functions. This simple vessel likely originates from Teotihuacans Metepec phase (Teotihuacan IV). This period was marked by a decline in ceramic quality and decoration in general, particularly as Teotihuacan itself began to decline around 550 CE. Cylinder vessels from this period are typically pale brown to brown, with polished exterior and interiors. Parallel lines, as seen on this piece, are common, as are triangles, scrolls, scallops, and cross-hatching. This vase is unusual in that it lacks the bud-like supports common to other cylinder vases of this period. This may indicate it served a dome