Popular Participation in Governance

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POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNANCE: BUILDING SYNERGY FOR

DEVELOPMENT1

By

Femi Aborisade

Labour Consultant and Attorney-At-Law

[email protected]

Outline

1. Conceptual Clarifications:

Popular Participation

Development

2. CONTENDING POLITICAL VALUES ON POPULAR PARTICIPATION

3. WHY PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IS DESIRABLE IN SPITE OF THESYSTEM OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY?

4. LEVELS/SPECTRUM/LADDER OF PARTICIPATION

5. DIMENSIONS OF PARTICIPATION

6. Barriers to Popular participation in Nigeria.

7. Conclusion.

1

Being paper delivered at the workshop organized byJama'at Ta'awunil Muslimeen incollaboration with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung at See-Bee Hotel and Events Centre, Iwo-Ibadan Expressway, Iwo, State Of Osun on Wednesday, 24 April 2013.

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1.0 Conceptual Clarifications

1.1. What is popular participation?

The term, participation means the involvement of persons in the process of

determining decisions on matters that affect them.

Popular participation thus suggests a process of involving wider

sections of people in decision making on issues that concern them.

Sherry Arnstein (1969) has defined political participation as the redistribution of

power that enables the have-not citizens to be deliberately included in

determining and shaping their future through involvement in decision making

processes.

1.2. What is Development?

Rodney2 opines that development is, more often than not, used in the economic

sense for the reason that the state of the economy is assumed to be an index of

other social realities. He posits that economic development refers to the

capacity of members of a society to jointly increase their control over

the environment. This capacity to deal with the environment is in turn

dependent on three elements, namely, the extent:

of the knowledge and understanding of the laws of nature (science),

to which the understanding is put into practice to develop technology

(devising tools) and,

of effecting improvement in the method of work organisation.

An example of the third element is the improvement, over the ages, in thecharacter of work, from being an individualistic activity towards an activitywhich assumes a social character through the participation of many3.

To Rodney, the whole essence of economic development is the capacity ofevery people to independently increase their ability to live a more

2 W. Rodney. (1973). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Dar-Es-Salaam: London

and Tanzanian Publishing House. Available online athttp://www.blackherbals.com/walter_rodney.pdf as at 10/05/12, p. 8.3 Id.

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satisfactory life through exploiting the resources of nature4 Rodneyrecognises that there could be ups and downs in the process of developingsocietal capacity for gaining control over the environment. As he puts it:

Of course, human history is not a record of advances and nothing else.There were periods in every part of the world when there were temporary

setbacks and actual reduction of the capacity to produce basic necessities

and other services for the population. But the overall tendency was

towards increased production, and at given points of time the increase in

the quantity of goods was associated with a change in the quality or

character of society5.

1.2.1 Economic Growth and Economic Development Distinguished

There is a need to distinguish what Rodney calls increased production or

increase in the quantity of goods, which may otherwise be called economic

growth from economic development.

The concept, economic growth refers to an increase or growth in the nationalincome or product, which is usually expressed in terms of per capita income.That is, the aggregate Gross Domestic Product (GDP) or the aggregate GrossNational Product (GNP, which includes net property income from abroad) dividedby the total national population. There is economic growth when there is a risein the GDP/GNP or the per capita income. However, economists6 point out thatthere is economic development where there are certain fundamental structural

changes to the national economy, including, but not limited to the followingcharacteristics:

existence of economic growth or increase in real per capita income.

the increase in economic growth is reflected in improved material

wellbeing of the majority.

an increase in the number of persons participating in the production

process (i.e. economically engaged).

a change in consumption patterns, from majority of the people spending alarge fraction of their income on food and other necessities of life to

spending a small fraction of their income on necessities and a large

fraction on consumer durables and leisure activity-related items.

a rising share of industry and a corresponding decrease in the share of the

agricultural sector in the GNP.

4 Id.5 Id.6

http://www.referenceforbusiness.com/encyclopedia/Eco-Ent/Economic-Development.htmlas at 11/5/2012.

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The foregoing characteristics of economic development mean that though therecan be no economic development without economic growth, economic growth ismerely a subset of economic development. While economic growth refers to arise in the GDP/GNP, measured as per capita income, economic developmentsuggests fundamental structural changes to the national economy, including a

rise in GDP/GNP. Thus, Rodneys7

definition of economic development as: increase in the quantity of goods (economic growth), and

a change in the qualityor character of society

aptly captures the economists conceptualisation of economic development.

Thus, where there is only economic growth without the presence of the other

characteristics enumerated above, it would be said that there is growth

without development. Such is the conclusion that arises where there is a rise

in the per capita income (due to windfalls from sale of crude oil or any other

natural resource) which is neither caused by the participation of the

economically active population in the economic process nor accompanied byimprovement in the material wellbeing of the majority.

1.3. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POPULAR PARTICIPATION,

DEVELOPMENT AND PROSPERITY

From the definition of development above, it has been established that an

increase in the number of persons participating in the production process is one

of the indices of development. As we shall see below, the process of

development should herald a prosperous society. One of the indices of a

prosperous society is collective participation in determining the conditions of

their existence.

Though the term prosperity partly includes having wealth, it is broader than

wealth. Rather than simply being a state ofhaving wealth, it actually means a

desirable state ofbeing, or desirable quality of existence.

A society is thus considered prosperous only if it is organised to ensure

that:

each of its members is able to achieve his or her aspirations, and

members can collectively and genuinely participate in

determining the conditions of their existence taking

fundamental economic and political decisions on matters that

affect them.

1.3.1. THREE INTRINSICALLY INTERCONNECTED DIMENSIONS OF

PROSPERITY

7 Rodney, Op.cit.

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Scholars8 have opined that three intrinsically interconnected dimensions

are necessary for an individually and collectively prosperous life, in the

sense of emancipation of being':

the biological, environmental, and material dimension (a healthy

physical life);

the cultural dimension (a good life, suggesting or inclusive of social

prosperity); and

the political dimension (a just life, inclusive ofcollective participation

in decision making).

A state of prosperity thus signifies the 'capacity to lead a fulfilling life on

each of the above levels, conceived as intrinsically complementary.

In the foregoing context, prosperity actually means having an all round

wellbeing.

2.0 CONTENDING POLITICAL VALUES ON POPULAR PARTICIPATION

Four main value systems contend on the desirability or otherwise of popular

participation. These are:

1. Citizens have rights to determine matters that affect them.

Government should not direct public affairs without the

involvement/cooperation/consent of the people. The have-

nots in the society should be encouraged to develop confidence in

themselves, their sense of self- worth, ability and power. Mass

involvement is the only basis for sustaining and defending change.

Ordinary people are subjects of development who are capable of

building their own future. (Humanistic view of public participation).

2. Top-down approach to development: The people do not

know what is good for them. Leaders must decide.

(Authoritarian view of leadership).

3. Bottom-up approach to development: The people as

beneficiaries of public policy may/can add value to the process of

8Source: http://www.wikiprogress.org/index.php/Redefining_Prosperityretrieved 11/10/12

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development, implementation, monitoring and review. Bringing

many people together allows new ideas to develop. The ideas of the

man on the street might not always be better but they are different

and provide different points of view (Mechanistic or pragmatic view

of participation).

4. The drive to make a difference: from pervasive exclusivity to

inclusivity. Use ADKAR9 to manage change:

A (Create) Awareness of the need for change: the current

losses and burdens.

D - (Build) the Desire to participate and support change:

Hope in the possibility for change, develop incentives or

compensation for change; what do they stand to benefit?

K - (Impart) Knowledge on how to bring about the change:

provide education and development, access to information.

A - (Make people) Acquire the ability to implement the

required skills and behaviour: This can be achieved through

training, mentoring, removal of barriers to change; etc.

R Reinforce the structure to sustain change: Give

incentives and rewards for change, personal recognition for

outstanding performance; celebrate achievers and role

models.

3.0 WHY PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IS DESIRABLE IN SPITE OF THE

SYSTEM OF REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY?

There tends to be tension between representative and participativedemocracy. However, mechanisms of popular participation are not strictalternatives to political representation. Rather, they complement politicalrepresentation so as to produce more desirable practices and outcomes ofcollective decision making and action.

The principal reason, which justifies popular participation in spite of theexistence of authorized decision making structure of representative democracy(Executive and Legislative organs in particular) is that the latter is or likely to bedeficient or become deficient.

For example, they may: be compromised or

become compromised, or

They may lack or later develop a lack of the requisite:

knowledge,9www.change-management.com/tutorial-ADKAR-series-1.htm (retrieved on 6/11/12).

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competence,

public interest,

credibility and integrity necessary to command compliance and

cooperation.

4.0 LEVELS/SPECTRUM/LADDER OF PARTICIPATION

Levels of participation can be equated to different levels of a ladder.

There are various conceptions of levels of participation. I have adopted

the category presented below, where the levels range from the lowest

level (of informing) to the highest level (of empowerment), in an

ascending order:

LEVELS/spectrum/Ladder OF PARTICIPATION

Levels of participation Goal of public participation

5. Empower Placing final decision-making inthe hands of the public.

4. Collaborate Working with the public to developalternatives and identify thepreferred solution.

3. Involve Working directly with the public toensure public concerns andaspirations are considered and

understood.

2.Consult Participants contribute views butcannot take decisions. The goal isto obtain public feedback onanalysis of problems, alternatives anddecisions taken.

1.Inform(ation) To gather information aboutpeoples interests and priorities orinform the public with a view toraising awareness of certain issues.Objective information is gathered orcommunicated so that the people

understand issues/problems,constraints, alternative solutionsand the preferred or adoptedsolution.

5. DIMENSIONS OF PARTICIPATION

Three main dimensions of participation have been identified. They are:

1. Scope of participation: who participates?

2. Mode of communication and decision-making: how do participants

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exchange information and do they take decisions?

3. Extent of authority: If the platform provided for participants

allows them to make decisions, what is the extent or the kind ofdecisions that can be made?

Scope of participation: who participates? Is participation open to

everyone who wants to participate or is access restricted based on

certain qualifications?

Mode of communication and decision-making: how do participants

exchange information and do they take decisions? For example, do

government officials merely announce and explain policies at public

meetings or press conferences? Or are participants limited to just asking

questions for clarification and making suggestions for consideration of the

authorities? Or are participants allowed to express their views, deliberateand take binding decisions? Or do participants only have the right to

express themselves while leaving final decisions to the authorities? For

example, do you have a National Conference or a SNC?

Extent of authority: If the platform provided for participants

allows them to make decisions, what is the extent or the kind of

decisions that can be made? In other words, what is the relationship

between participation in discussion and the emerging public policy? For

example, are there no go areas or issues that cannot be discussed as in a

National Conference?

6. BARRIERS TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN NIGERIA

Let us recall certain positions on which a consensus has been reached from the

treatment of this topic:

The aspiration of the poor segments of society is to attain development

and prosperity.

Experiences have shown that the formal structures of representative

democracy tend to be incapacitated to lead society to the identified goal.

Therefore, there is a need to deliberately create rooms for participation of

ordinary people in governance.

Since there are different levels of participation ranging from lower levels,

almost insignificant levels of participation, to higher levels where people

are empowered to make final decisions, it should now be possible to

identify barriers to genuine popular participation in Nigeria.

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The barriers to genuine popular participation discussed below include factors that

hinder broad based representative governance. They include:

The nature of the economic system being operated.

Economic Policies As Barriers To Popular Participation

Illegitimate Government Actions/Decisions As Barriers To


Political Party Structure As Barrier To Popular Participation

In Governance

Constitutional Resistance To Referendum And Overreliance

On The Legislature As Barrier To Participatory Governance

Policy on sponsorship of candidates for election as barrier todirect citizens participation in governance

6.1. THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM AS A FUNDAMENTAL BARRIER TO

POPULAR PARTICIPATION

An economic system could either facilitate or hinder popular participation in a

fundamental sense.

If it is established that the economic system run by Nigeria fundamentally

undermines the prospects of popular participation, then we need to campaign for

a change of the economic system.

The economic system is the process of taking three critical economic decisions:

1. What goods and services should thesociety produce with its resources?

2. How should the goods and services be produced?

3. For whom should the society produce? (Distribution: who gets what?)

Examples of economic systems or processes of taking economic decisions

include:

The market system: the market determines what is produced and who

gets what. In other words, individual producers are allowed to produce

goods and services based on the maximum profit they think they will

earn. This is also otherwise called the capitalist system.

Mixed-economy: This is a variant of the market economy. The mixedeconomy is so-called because, in reality, there is no pure market

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economy, in which the market absolutely determines what is produced

and who gets what. Thus, the mixed economy refers to the system in

which a role is assigned for the government within the market-based

economic system. In other words, the state takes certain key economic

decisions while the individuals also do.

The planned system: the workers, collectively, or the state/government

predominantly takes the economic decisions. This is also otherwise called

the socialist system.

Key issues in the choice of economic system

Need v. Greed (Profit): While the goal of production and distribution in

the ideal socialist economy is satisfaction of the needs of ordinary people,

profit consideration dominates the market or capitalist system.

Inclusivity v. Exclusivity: While the socialist economic system is

programmed or designed to take care of the interests of all working

people, and to necessarily include them in the process of decision-making,

the market or capitalist system is programmed to exclude the poor.

Nigeria operates the capitalist or market system, which poses a fundamental

barrier to popular participation.

In the market, certain products and participants are highly valued while

others are valueless. In the market, it is not one person one vote, but one

Naira one vote. The person with a million Naira has a million votes.

That is why all the three economic decisions are resolved against the

developmental interests of the down-trodden.

6.2 ECONOMIC POLICIES AS BARRIERS TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION

The economic policies of SAP, privatisation, liberalisation, deregulation and so on

have direct implications on popular participation. When public enterprises are

privatised, it means responsibility for decisions affecting the enterprises istransferred from the public space to the private sphere.

Prior to 1986, there existed about 1,500 public enterprises in Nigeria.

Swanson and Worlde-Semait10 established that about 600 enterprises and 900

smaller ones were operating at the Federal and State/Local government levels,

in the 1980s, respectively11. All that has changed with SAP and privatisation.

10 Swanson, D. and Worlde-Semait T. (1989). Africas PEs Sector and Evidence ofReforms. World Bank Technical Paper No. 95.11Similar findings were made by (UNCTAD (2009). Investment Policy Review:

Nigeria. New York and Geneva: UN. Available online athttp://archive.unctad.org/en/docs/diaes/diaepcb2008_en.pdf (at p. 3) and accessedon 20 May 2012.

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6.3. ILLEGITIMATE GOVERNMENT ACTIONS/DECISIONS AS BARRIERS

TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION

Fung12maintains that a public policy or action is legitimate when citizens havegood reasons to support or obey it. The standard poll question is: Is

government run for the benefit of all or for a few big interests? Where the broadmajority of the people perceive that certain policies are for the benefit of a fewcorporations, such policies and the government become illegitimate and it will belegitimate for the citizens to oppose the government and its policies. For agovernment that seeks to enjoy legitimacy, a likely optional approach wherethere appears a conflict between its policies/policy proposals and the perceptionof the people it claims to represent is to adopt study circles and deliberativepolls.

A deliberative decision making procedure refers to one in which voting by alegislature is preceded by grassroots discussions and resolutions. The

discussions are facilitated by background educational materials, data, and so on,which are accessible to the public, and particularly Study groups composed ofindependent experts who enjoy credibility among the population.

Fung13 refers toa practical example of a small American town (Idaho) where theofficials adopt a two-track policy process in which they first seek wide publicadvice on controversial issues of fundamental importance before subjecting it toa vote among officials. This participatory decision-making process amounts to arejection of the ordinary Public Hearing format in favor of a model involvingStudy Circles composed of participants with diverse backgrounds.

6.4. POLITICAL PARTY STRUCTURE AS BARRIER TO POPULAR

PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNANCE

In certain contexts, the political party on whose platform a person gets elected

may pose challenges to implementing pro-poor policies. In situations where the

interests of the party come in conflict with the interests of the electorate,

mechanisms of direct citizen participation could be adopted to compel public

officials to act justly.

Fung14 again provides a celebrated example of the city of Prto Alegre in Brazil.

In 1989, the left-wing Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers Party) was elected tothe city executive The party initiated a direct citizen participatory mechanism,called the Oramento Participativo (participatory budgeting). The participatorymechanism shifts decisions about the capital portion of the citys budget fromthe city council to a system of neighborhood and citywide popular assemblies.Through series of cycles of open meetings, citizens and civic associations in thecity meet to determine local investment priorities. These priorities are then

12Fung (2006). Varieties of popular participation. Public Administration Review. 66. Available online athttp://www.archonfung.net/papers/FungVarietiesPAR.pdf

Retrieved 6 November 2012.

13 Fung (2006), ibid.14 Fung (2006), ibid.

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aggregated into the overall city budget to be implemented by the Council. Inthat context, the various individuals and associations will take interest inmonitoring the execution of the budget, from the beginning to the end.

I strongly recommend that civil society organisations advocate participatory

budgeting in Nigeria.

6.5. CONSTITUTIONAL RESISTANCE TO REFERENDUM ANDOVERRELIANCE ON THE LEGISLATURE AS BARRIER TO PARTICIPATORYGOVERNANCE

The system of representative governance, which relies only on the legislature inthe enactment of laws, without significant input from the citizenry throughreferendum tends to undermine the quality of legislation emanating from thelegislature.

I support the proposal that the 1999 Constitution be amended such that on

fundamental issues which bring the government in major conflict with themajority of the poor, the legislature is constitutionally required to rely on theresult of referendum, which would determine the direction of legislation on suchcritical issues. I have in mind here, for example, the burning issue of perennialincreases in the prices of petroleum products, arising from the looting of the oilwealth.It is only15 in respect of the creation of new states that S.8(1)(b) CFRN, 1999states that an Act of the NASS for the purpose of creating a new State shall bepassed if a proposal for the creation is approved in a referendum by at leasttwo-thirds majority of the people of the area where the demand for creation ofthe State originated. Unfortunately, Section 8(1)(c) CFRN subjects the result of

the referendum to approval by NASS.It is pertinent for the Constitution to be amended, providing for referendum oncritical issues, including economic policies, and without subjecting the result ofreferendum to the whims and caprices of the legislature.

6.6. POLICY ON SPONSORSHIP OF CANDIDATES FOR ELECTION AS

BARRIER TO DIRECT CITIZENS PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNANCE

The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (CFRN)16 provides that only a

registered political party can sponsor candidates for election. I perceive this as

one of the reasons why many Nigerians tend not to be involved in partisanelectoral politics. The result is that only a tiny minority determines who rules. In

the recent Governorship election in Ondo State, for example, Governor Mimiko

won the election by having 260, 199 votes out of a population of about

3.4million. Total registered voters were about 1.6m; only about 646000 were

accredited to vote; only about 594000 were valid votes.

The import of the foregoing is that the civil society should strongly advocate the

right of independent candidature so that those who are disenchanted with the

major ruling political parties can be meaningfully involved.

15 C. N. Ajie (Email opinion on NBA v. NASS, 5 November 2011).16 S. 22, CFRN, 1999.

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6.7. THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLICY OF NATIONAL PARTIES AS

BARRIER TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION

The import of the constitutional requirements, which a party must fulfil to qualify

for registration as a political party is that it must be a national party. S. 222(e)

provides that a political party shall not be confined to only one geographical areaof Nigeria. S. 222(f) prescribes that the headquarters office of the party must be

in Abuja. S. 223(1)(b) stipulates that the national Executive Committee (NEC) of

the Party shall reflect Federal Character. The party structure is thus conceived in

the image of a Nigerian institution. What all the conditions imply is that it

requires a lot of money to organise parties. Parties are not perceived as

organisations of people who share similar ideas, programmes and perspectives

as to the kind of society they want to build if they win. In the interest of popular

participation in governance, the sections referred to above ought to be

amended.

6.8. REMUNERATION OF POLITICAL OFFICE HOLDERS AS

DISINCENTIVE TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION

The fifth Schedule to the Constitution contains the Code of Conduct for Public

Officers. It is recommended that the Code should stipulate that political officer

holders shall earn the average salary of career public officers and that they shall

not be entitled to take contracts or award contracts to members of their families,

relations and friends. When political public officers take remunerations that aredisproportionate to the income of the ordinary person, they tend not to feel what

the masses feel and tend not to understand the reasons why the masses oppose

certain economic policies. That is why many former social crusaders who get

elected or appointed into public office tend to be compromised after such

absorption or incorporation. The likelihood is that the commitment of some

people to public good could be sustained if the regulations prevent overnight

transformation of their economic status.

6.9. Appointment of Judges and Electoral Commissioners As Barrier To


Some judges and electoral commissioners tend to be compromised by virtue of

the fact that they feel responsible only to the political forces that play some role

in their appointment. It is suggested that subjecting positions of judges and

electoral commissioners to election just as other political offices could generate

greater confidence in the system and motivate others who feel disinterested to

get involved. In the USA, in most of the 50 States and the District of Columbia,

voters elect judges for a stated term.

6.10. NON-JUSTICIABILITY OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS AS BARRIER

TO POPULAR PARTICIPATION

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I perceive that some categories of persons are disinterested in the governance

process in Nigeria because they can hardly find any major difference between the

programmes of the ruling parties and candidates. There is a tendency to see

involvement in politics as a mere means of enriching some individuals, without

any benefit to the ordinary people in terms of their welfare.

It is suggested that to make people more interested in political participation, the

CFRN, 1999 should be amended such that socio-economic rights are made

justiciable. Chapter II of the South African Constitution makes socio-economic

rights justiciable. It does not distinguish between fundamental rights and socio-

economic rights.

Conclusion

The mechanisms for popular participation, just as the barriers to popular

participation, are legion. I have only mentioned a few. It is my conviction thatdirect citizenship participation in the governance process will be enhanced if

advocacy is built around removing the identified barriers to popular participation.

I thank you for your attention.

Femi Aborisade

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