BILL JONESPHILIP NORTON

Politics UK is an indispensible introduction to British politics, providing a thorough and accessible overview of the institutions and processes of British government, a good grounding in British political history, and an incisive introduction to the issues facing Britain today. With contributed chapters from respected scholars in the fi eld and short essays on real-world politics from well-known political commentators, this fully revised seventh edition of Britains best-loved politics textbook is an essential guide for all students of politics. New To This Edition:

A full new chapter covering the 2010 general election - campaigns, contexts, and outcomes New chapter on Britain and the World Coverage of the banking crisis in Britain, the MPs expenses scandal and the Iraq Inquiry Key Features:

Britain in Context boxes, placing British politics in comparative perspective Biographies of key contemporary and historical fi gures in British politics Illustrations by Steve Bell and Chris Riddell And another thing pieces: short essays by distinguished commentators including Jonathan

Freedland, Chris Mullin and Andrew Gamble Companion website featuring slides, multiple choice questions and a brief guide for students on

essay writing and referencing Contributors:

Colin Copus, Harry Cowen, Oliver Daddow, Russell Deacon, Andrew Flynn, Jonathan Freedland, Andrew Gamble, Mark Garnett, Wyn Grant, Andy Heywood, Richard Kelly, Michael Moran, Chris Mullin, Nick Rees, Steve Richards, Peter Riddell

Bill Jones is Professor and lecturer of Politics and History at Liverpool Hope University. He is the author of several well-known textbooks on British politics including the previous six editions of Politics UK, British Politics Today, and The Dictionary of British Politics. Philip Norton, Lord Norton of Louth, is Professor of Government and Director of the Centre for Legislative Studies at the University of Hull, as well as being a member of the House of Lords. He is the author or editor of 28 books.

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BILL JON

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Politics UK

SEVENTH EDITION

SEVENTH EDITIONBILL JONES PHILIP NORTON

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Politics UK Politics UKSEVENTH EDITION

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NORTONWith additional material by: Oliver Daddow, Mark Garnett, Michael Moran, Richard Kelly, Russell Deacon,

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Politics UKSEVENTH EDITION

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First published 1991Second edition published 1994Third edition published 1998Fourth edition published 2001Fifth edition published 2004Updated fifth edition published 2006Sixth edition published 2007Seventh edition published 2010

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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievalsystem, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the prior written permission of thepublisher or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom issued by theCopyright Licensing Agency Ltd, Saffron House, 610 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS.

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Brief contentsContributors xviGuided tour xviiiPreface xxiAcknowledgements xxiii

Part 1 Context 1

1 Politics in perspective 3Bill Jones

2 Britain, the world, and Europe 18Oliver Daddow

3 Social and economic contexts 38Mark Garnett

And another thing . . . The legacy of empire 54Andrew Gamble

Part 2 Defining the political world 57

4 Ideology and the liberal tradition 59Bill Jones

5 Political ideas: the major parties 72Bill Jones

6 Political ideas: themes and fringes 91Bill Jones

And another thing . . . The long-term impact of the banking crisis on British politics the optimistic and pessimistic scenarios 115Steve Richards

Part 3 The representative process 119

7 Elections 121Mark Garnett

8 The mass media and political communications 140Bill Jones

9 Pathways into politics 163Michael Moran

10 Pressure groups 179Bill Jones

11 Political parties 205Richard Kelly

12 Devolution 225Russell Deacon

And another thing . . . The great parliamentary expenses crisis 246Chris Mullin, MP

Part 4 The legislative process 249

Introduction to Part 4 250Bill Jones

13 The changing constitution 253Philip Norton

14 The crown 277Philip Norton

15 The House of Commons 303Philip Norton

16 The House of Lords 349Philip Norton

And another thing . . . Managing the Cabinets big beasts 379Andrew Heywood

Part 5 The executive process 383

17 The core executive: the Prime Minister and Cabinet 385Philip Norton

vi Brief contents

Brief contents vii

18 Ministers, departments and civil servants 403Philip Norton

19 Local government 428Colin Copus

20 The judiciary 455Philip Norton

And another thing . . . The Rolls-Royce of government?A critique of the civil service 480Peter Riddell

Part 6 The policy process 483

21 The policy-making process 485Bill Jones

22 The politics of law and order 509Bill Jones

23 Social policy 524Harry Cowen

24 Economic policy 542Wyn Grant

25 British foreign and defence policy 561Bill Jones (and Peter Byrd)

26 Environmental policy 581Andrew Flynn

27 Britain, European integration and the European Union 614Nicholas Rees

And another thing . . . Britain and the World 638Jonathan Freedland

Glossary 641Index 652

Appendix

The 2010 Election: The End of New Labour A1

ContentsContributors xviGuided tour xviiiPreface xxiAcknowledgements xxiii

Part 1 Context 1

1 Politics in perspective 3Bill Jones

The concept of politics defined and discussed 4Politicians and their ambition 4Ambition to hubris: a short journey? 6Are politicians viewed generally with too much cynicism? 6Key concepts in the study of politics 7Analysing the political process 12Plan of the book 15

2 Britain, the world, and Europe 18Oliver Daddow

Britains global outlook 19Empires, circles and bridges: ideas about British foreign policy 25A force for good: New Labours post-imperial foreign policy? 28

3 Social and economic contexts 38Mark Garnett

Society, economy and politics 39Britain in statistics 40Crime: Broken Britain? 42The economic context 43The decline of manufacturing 43The impact of Thatcher 44Economic inequality 44Class and consumerism 46The public sector 47

A dependency culture? 48Gender 48The changing nature of government intervention 49Europeanisation and globalisation 50From boom to bust: the economy under New Labour 50

And another thing . . . The legacy of empire 54Andrew Gamble

Part 2 Defining the political world 57

4 Ideology and the liberal tradition 59Bill Jones

What is ideology? 60Classifying ideologies 61The liberal tradition 62Fukuyama and the end of history 70

5 Political ideas: the major parties 72Bill Jones

The Conservative Party 73The Labour Party and socialism 80The Liberal Democrats 86The financial crisis of 2008 87

6 Political ideas: themes and fringes 91Bill Jones

Gender issues 92National identity: the English/British sense of who they are 96Green thinking 100The political fringe 103

And another thing . . . The long-term impact of the banking crisis on British politics the optimistic and pessimistic scenarios 115Steve Richards

Part 3 The representative process 119

7 Elections 121Mark Garnett

The role of elections in liberal democracies 122Elections in the UK 122The Jenkins Report 127Declining turnout 128Election campaigns in contemporary Britain 129

x Contents

Contents xi

Reforms of the current system 131Tactical voting, and the rise of the independent candidate 133Referendums 135

8 The mass media and political communications 140Bill Jones

The mass media 141Media organisations and the political process 145The mass media and voting behaviour 149The mass media and the theory of pluralist democracy 152Language and politics 157Media and the Internet 158

9 Pathways into politics 163Michael Moran

Democracy and participation 164Democracy and non-participation 166Democracy and political recruitment 167Changing patterns of participation and recruitment 171

10 Pressure groups 179Bill Jones

Definitions 181Civil society and groups 182Pressure groups and government 183The growth (and increasing respectability) of direct action 187Factors determining effectiveness 192Issue attention cycle 192Economic interest groups 192The growth of professional lobbying 196Pressure groups and democracy 197Theoretical perspectives 197

11 Political parties 205Richard Kelly

Disconnection from voters 206Consensus and after 214Which party system? 217The crisis of political parties: collapse or catharsis? 219Conclusion: American dream or back to the future? 222

12 Devolution 225Russell Deacon

Theory 226Nationalism and the drive towards political devolution 227Devolution and the European Union 238England and its regions 240Conclusions on devolution 242

And another thing . . . The great parliamentary expenses crisis 246Chris Mullin, MP

Part 4 The legislative process 249

Introduction to Part 4 250Bill Jones

13 The changing constitution 253Philip Norton

The constitution 254The traditional constitution: essential constituents 256Challenges to the traditional constitution 258Parties and the constitution 268The continuing debate 271

14 The crown 277Philip Norton

The monarchy 278Development of the monarchy 280Political significance of the crown 282The contemporary role of the monarchy 283Criticisms of the monarchy 292Proposals for change 296Conclusion 299

15 The House of Commons 303Philip Norton

Origins of Parliament 304The development of Parliament 305The House of Commons 306Scrutiny and influence 319Members under pressure 334The House under pressure 336Pressure for change 340Explaining Parliamentary power 342

16 The House of Lords 349Philip Norton

History 350Membership 352Composition 352Activity 355Procedures 356Functions 357Scrutiny and influence 361Reform: stage one 367Reform: stage two 368The future of the second chamber? 370

And another thing . . . Managing the Cabinets big beasts 379Andrew Heywood

xii Contents

Contents xiii

Part 5 The executive process 383

17 The core executive: the Prime Minister and Cabinet 385Philip Norton

The Prime Minister 386The Cabinet 392Presidential government? 395

18 Ministers, departments and civil servants 403Philip Norton

Ministers 404Departments 404Ministerial power 411Explaining ministerial power 418

19 Local government 428Colin Copus

Background 430British local government: from confusion to cohesion 432Inter-governmental relations: general competence or general dogsbody? 437Local government and local politics 438Creating a new form and approach to local politics 440Local government: a changing policy environment 444The citizenry: consultation and participation 445The regional agenda 446Local government and the European Union 448

20 The judiciary 455Philip Norton

The judicial process 456A subordinate branch? 456An autonomous branch? 458The courts 460Judicial activism 466Enforcing EU law 467Enforcing the European Convention on Human Rights 469The impact of devolution 470Demands for change 471Applying the law 473

And another thing . . . The Rolls-Royce of government? A critique of the civil service 480Peter Riddell

Part 6 The policy process 483

21 The policy-making process 485Bill Jones

How policy is made 486Models of policy making 487The policy cycle 488Case studies in policy making 501

22 The politics of law and order 509Bill Jones

Law, order and political ideas 510Defining crime 512Causes of crime 512Drugs and crime 514Anti-social behaviour 514Neo-liberal economic policies and anomie 514Conviction rates 515Dark crime figures 515Who are the perpetrators? 516Crime trends 516Getting tough on crime 516Current crime figures 518The security services and related Home Office matters 518Transfer of constitutional responsibilities to Lord Chancellors department 520Terrorism Acts, 20002009 520The security services and dodgy dossiers on Iraq 521

23 Social policy 524Harry Cowen

The nature of social policy 525History and development of the welfare state: the growth of collectivism 525Social policy 19511975 527Social policy under the Conservatives: Thatcher and the New Right 528Social policy under New Labour 530Contemporary issues 535

24 Economic policy 542Wyn Grant

The nature of economic policy 543The machinery of economic policy 545The changing conduct of economic policy 555

25 British foreign and defence policy 561Bill Jones (and Peter Byrd)

Background 562British national interests 564An ethical dimension to foreign policy 566The attacks on the World Trade Center, New York, 11 September 2001 569Defence overstretch 574Relations with the developing world 576Conservative directions in foreign policy 578

xiv Contents

Contents xv

26 Environmental policy 581Andrew Flynn

The impact of Europe on British environmental policy 583From environmental policy to sustainable development 585The sustainable development agenda 586Devolution and environmental policy 590Central government and its agencies 594The rural conservation agencies 600Local government and environmental policy 601Pressure groups and government: the case of road transport 603Climate change and energy policy 606

27 Britain, European integration and the European Union 614Nicholas Rees

Britains historical relationship with Europe 615European integration: intergovernmentalism versus supranationalism 615Europe at sixes and sevens 616EEC membership 617EU institutions and policy processes 619The EUs impact on Britain 628Future issues for Britain in the EU 633

And another thing . . . Britain and the World 638Jonathan Freedland

Glossary 641Index 652

Appendix

The 2010 Election: The End of New Labour A1

Supporting resourcesVisit www.pearsoned.co.uk/Jones to find valuable online resources:

Companion Website for students A revision guide to help you consolidate your learning Multiple choice questions to test your understanding Guides to referencing and essay writing Regular monthly updates on current events in British politics

For instructors PowerPoint slides that can be downloaded and used for presentations Suggestions for group work and presentation assignments

Also: The regularly maintained Companion Website provides the followingfeatures: Search tool to help locate specific items of content Online help and support to assist with website usage and troubleshooting

For more information please contact your local Pearson Education salesrepresentative or visit www.pearsoned.co.uk/Jones

as the former Commission For Racial Equality,local health authorities and housing associations.He was Honorary Research Fellow at the Universityof Gloucestershire.

Oliver Daddow is Senior Lecturer in theDepartment of Politics, History and InternationalRelations, Loughborough University. He editedHarold Wilson and European Integration (2003); andis the author of Britain and Europe since 1945(2004), International Relations Theory (2009) andNew Labour and the European Union (2010).

Russell Deacon is a Reader in Welsh Governanceand Modern Political History in the Department ofHumanities in the University of Wales Institute,Cardiff. He has also been a civil servant in the former Welsh Office and a senior researcher in the National Assembly of Wales. Dr Deacon haspublished widely on devolution and written a num-ber of books including: Devolution in Great Britain(2006) and Devolution in the United Kingdom (2007)(with Dr Alan Sandry) on this subject. He is also apolitical historian who specialises on the WelshLiberal Party and the wider Liberal Democrats. Hismost recent publication in this respect is A Historyof Welsh Liberalism (2010). Dr Deacon is chair ofthe British Liberal Political Studies Group.

Jonathan Freedland writes a weekly column forthe Guardian. He is also a regular contributor to theNew York Times and the New York Review of Books,and presents BBC Radio 4s contemporary historyseries, The Long View. He was named Columnist ofthe Year in the 2002 What the Papers Say awardsand in 2008 was awarded the David Watt Prize for

Contributors

Colin Copus is Professor of Local Politics andDirector of the Local Governance Research Unit in the Department of Public Policy, De MontfortUniversity. His main research interests are: localparty politics, local political leadership, the chang-ing role of the councillor, and small party and inde-pendent politics. He also researches and writes onEnglish national identity and English governance. Hehas recently concluded two major research projects:the first a Leverhulme-funded project exploring therole and impact of small political parties, indepen-dent politics and political associations in local government; the second, a Nuffield-funded com-parative project examining the roles, responsibilitiesand activities of councillors across Europe. Colin isthe author of two major books: Leading the Localities:Executive Mayors in English Local Governance(Manchester University Press 2006); and PartyPolitics and Local Government (Manchester UniversityPress 2004). He has also served as a councillor ona London Borough council, a county and a districtcouncil and three parish councils.

Harry Cowen was born in Manchester and hastaught on social science courses and degrees inManchester, Salford, Liverpool and Gloucester-shire. He has also worked in regional developmentand planning for the Ontario Government, Canada.His publications include: The Human NatureDebate: Social Theory, Social Policy And The CaringProfessions (Pluto Press 1994); Community Care,Ideology and Social Policy (Pearson 1999); and con-tributions to Alcock, Daly and Griggs, Introductionto Social Policy, 2nd edn (2007). He has carried outcontract research for a range of public bodies such

Contributors xvii

Journalism. He has also published five books,including three best-selling thrillers under thename Sam Bourne.

Andrew Gamble is Professor of Politics at theUniversity of Cambridge and joint editor of ThePolitical Quarterly. He is the author of The Spectre at the Feast: Capitalist Crisis and the Politics ofRecession (Palgrave Macmillan 2009).

Mark Garnett is Lecturer in Politics at the Universityof Lancaster. His many books on British politics andsociety include From Anger to Apathy: The BritishExperience since 1975 (Jonathan Cape 2007).

Wyn Grant is Professor of Politics at the Universityof Warwick and is the author of Economic Policy in Britain (2002). He is a regular commentator forradio and print media on economic policy issues.

Andrew Heywood is a leading writer of politicstextbooks and an A Level chief examiner. His publications include: Essentials of UK Politics(2008), Politics, 3rd edn (2007), Political Ideologies,4th edn (2007), Political Theory, 3rd edn (2004) and Key Concepts in Politics (2000). His main researchinterests are political ideologies and global politics.

Bill Jones joined the Extra-Mural Department at Manchester University in 1972 as the person in charge of politics and government, serving asDirector 198792. His books include The RussiaComplex (on Labour and the USSR); British PoliticsToday (which ran through seven editions beforebeing republished with the suffix The Essentials in2010); Political Issues in Britain Today (five editions);Debates in British Politics (with Lynton Robins, 2001);and The Dictionary of British Politics (2nd edition2010). He was Vice Chair and Chair of The PoliticsAssociation 197985, being made a Life Fellow in2001. He suffered a stroke while jogging in 1992and took medical retirement from Manchester. In2006 he took up a part-time teaching position atLiverpool Hope University being made a professorin 2009. He also occasionally broadcasts on radioand television and runs a political blog: Skipper.

Richard Kelly is Head of Politics at ManchesterGrammar School. His publications include BritishPolitical Parties Today (Manchester University Press1998), Conservative Party Conferences (ManchesterUniversity Press 1989) and Changing Party Policy inBritain (Blackwell 1999).

Michael Moran is Professor of Government at theUniversity of Manchester. His publications includePolitics and Governance in the UK (Palgrave 2005,2nd edn, 2011) and Business, Politics and Society(Oxford University Press 2009).

Chris Mullin is a former minister and select com-mittee chairman. His recently published diaries, A View from the Foothills, have been described byPeter Riddell of The Times as the central text forunderstanding the Blair years.

Philip Norton (Lord Norton of Louth) is Professorof Government and Director of the Centre forLegislative Studies at the University of Hull, as well as being a member of the House of Lords. He is the author or editor of 28 books.

Nicholas Rees is Professor of International Politicsand Contemporary History at Liverpool Hope Univer-sity. His research interests include European integration, Europeanisation, EU external affairsand international relations. He has authored or editedfour books, as well as having published numerousbook chapters, and refereed journal articles.

Steve Richards is chief political commentator forthe Independent and a contributing editor on theNew Statesman.

Peter Riddell is Chief Political Commentator ofThe Times and a Senior Fellow of the Institute forGovernment (where he has co-written a report onTransitions: preparing for changes of government).He chairs the Hansard Society and has been activelyinvolved in the debate over parliamentary reform.He has written six books on British politics. Heholds two honorary degree and is an HonoraryFellow of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge.

Guided tour

The seventh edition of Politics UK is packed with features expressly designed to enhance your under-standing and enjoyment of British politics. Here are just a few:

Each chapter opens with a set of Learning objectives, which list the topics covered and outlines what you should understand by the end of the chapter.

Biography boxes, found throughout the book,focus on particular individuals who have helpeddevelop our understanding of what politics is, or who have played a significant role in British politics.

CHAPTER 6

Political ideas:themes andfringesBill Jones

Learning objectives

To explain and put into context the themes of:

feminism; national identity; environmentalism.

To identify, analyse and elucidate the political fringe on the far left andfar right.

To explain the intellectual source of ideas characterising the politicalfringe.

USSR. Members managed to survive the astonish-ing volte-face when Stalin ceased to oppose Hitler asfirst priority and signed a deal with him in 1939 to partition Poland. Once Hitler had invaded SovietRussia in 1941, British communists breathed a sighof relief; they were at last able to luxuriate in a vast amphitheatre of approving views as the wholecountry applauded the heroic Soviet effort. Afterthe war, the party won two seats Mile End andWest Fife but Stalins expansion into EasternEurope, his blockade of Berlin in 1948 and thecrushing (after his death) of the Hungarian rising in1956 by the Soviet military machine, not to mentionKhrushchevs denunciation of Stalin in his secretspeech to the 20th Party Congress, substantially disillusioned communists and Moscow fellow trav-ellers alike. The Cold War effectively ruined thechances of communist parties achieving power anywhere in Europe, and they began to wither andatrophy.

Trotsky advocate of worldwide revolution was Lenins heir apparent, but the dogged, appar-ently un-intellectual Joseph Stalin, Secretary of theParty, was cleverer than his brilliant colleague. Heurged socialism in one country rather than work-ing for an unlikely international conflagration; heout-manoeuvred his rivals and plotted ruthlessly,succeeding in presenting Trotsky as a traitor to therevolution. Stalin eventually drove Trotsky into exilein Mexico, where his agents succeeded in assas-sinating him in 1940 (see Biography).

Stalin, by then, had become a brutal dictator,both paranoid and obsessed with power, claiming to be implementing communism but in realityimposing industrialisation, collective farming andhis own tyrannical rule on a reluctant and starvingpeasantry. Anyone less than obsequiously worship-ful of their leader was imprisoned, exiled or shot.Overseas communist parties were employed essen-tially to assist the development of the home ofsocialism, and any deviation from the party line waspunished by expulsion or worse.

This is the legacy inherited by extreme left-wingparties in Britain. The Communist Party of GreatBritain (CPGB) was founded in 1920 and becamethe willing tool of Moscows message in this country,interpreting all the shifts in the official line and condemning anyone perceived as an enemy of the

104 Politics UK Part 2 Defining the political world

B I O G R A P H Y

Joseph Stalin (18791953)

Soviet dictator. Trained as a priest beforebecoming a revolutionary in Georgia, Russia.Was secretary to Lenins Communist Party andafter his death deviously manipulated his enemies out of power while placing his ownsupporters in key positions. Became unchal-lenged dictator in 1930s and tried to neutraliseHitler by doing a deal with him. Hitler broke theagreement and attacked the USSR in 1941.After initial reverses the Soviets fought backunder Stalins leadership and defeated Hitler.Despite his brutal behaviour Stalin won friendson the left in Western countries, who persistedin believing his propaganda and seeing him as aforce for progress.

B I O G R A P H Y

Leon Trotsky (18791940)

Leon Trotsky was a Russian Jewish revolu-tionary politician born in the Ukraine. He wasarrested for being a Marxist at the age of 19 butescaped from Siberia in 1902. After teaming up with Lenin, he became president of the firstsoviet in St Petersburg after the abortive 1905revolution. He escaped to the West but returnedto Russia in March 1917 to assist Lenin in or-ganising the Bolshevik Revolution in Novemberof the same year. He conducted peace negotia-tions with the Germans and led the Red Army offive million men in the ensuing civil war. Aninspiring and charismatic leader as well as brilliant intellectually, Trotsky should have succeeded Lenin in 1924, but his theories ofpermanent world revolution were less wellsuited to the times than Stalins pragmaticsocialism in one country; he was eventuallyexiled in 1929, being assassinated in Mexicowith an ice pick in 1940 by Ramon del Rio, anagent of Moscow. His ideas live on, but mostlyon the radical intellectual fringe in developedcountries.

Guided tour xix

Ideas and Perspectives boxes focus in on specificquestions, events or issues and suggest a range ofresponses.

Chapter 21 The policy-making process 493

he initially poured energy into changing the unpopu-lar image and brand of his party, and his policystatements were little more than statements ofintent, designed to drag the party into the middleground on social justice and the environment.Creating detailed policies, announced Oliver Letwinin April 2006, would take another eighteen monthsof focused effort. Received wisdom for oppositionsis that such exercises are best left until close to theelection; an abiding problem for oppositions is thatany good ideas they might come up with can bestolen by government and represented as its own.

Party groups (some of which have membershipoutside Parliament) such as the Bow Group, MondayClub, Tribune and Campaign Group can all haveperipheral but rarely direct influence on policymaking.

The seventeen departmental select committeesregularly make reports and recommendations, some of which are adopted. Most experts agree thatthese committees are much more important nowthat their proceedings can be televised, especiallythe Treasury Committee which summoned so manysenior finance people for interrogation in the wakeof the banking collapse in 2008. Most reports represent cross-party consensus on specific issuesbut others, such as the Social Services Committee,once chaired by the much admired (and briefly a minister) Frank Field, can offer wide-ranging and coherent alternatives to government policy.Individual MPs probably have a better chance ofinfluencing specific, usually very specific, policyareas through the opportunities available to moveprivate members bills (see Chapter 15).

BOX 21.1 IDEAS AND PERSPECTIVES

Think tanksMrs Thatcher regained her momentum partly because she discovered Thatcherism: a new set of ideascomprising the abolition of constraints in the economy, privatising state-owned enterprises and reform ofthe public sector. They were provided by the intelligentsia of the New Right, many of them workingthrough think-tanks (The Economist, 18 November 1992).

After the demise of Thatcher in 1990, these American-style independent hot-houses of ideas receded. TheCentre for Policy Studies (CPS) used to issue a report every fortnight, but with Major in power rather thanits original patron, its output slowed to zero. The output of the Adam Smith Institute (ASI), once a pioneerin privatisation ideas, also slowed and with Blair in power it was reduced to producing a complimentaryreport on his first 200 days. The Institute for Economic Affairs (IEA) was the oldest right-wing think tank,but it also curtailed its activities once Thatcher had gone. It also has to be said that the disaster of the polltax, a product of the ASI, contributed to their declining respect. And the splits did not help: GrahamMather left the IEA to form his own European Policy Forum, while David Willetts at the CPS left after criticism to become an MP and director of the Social Market Foundation.

Labour has been relatively light on think tanks, but the Fabian Society, set up by the Webbs in 1884, haseffectively been a highly influential think tank for over 100 years. It still exists with an impressive member-ship from the public and the parliamentary party. It organises seminars and conferences and keeps up a good flow of pamphlets and serious studies, a post-1997 one being the work of a certain Tony Blair. Inaddition, at the current time there is the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), which has produceda number of New Labour studies. Demos initially headed by Geoff Mulgan before he became a No. 10adviser is now led by Tom Bentley. Are think tank personnel merely seeking to enter politics and becomeMPs? According to Tom Clougherty, the young director of the ASI, during a student study group visit inMarch 2009, his role gave him far more influence than any MP might exert. Certainly many think tank personnel have made the journey into senior advisory or ministerial positions, for example David Miliband(IPPR), John Redwood (Centre Policy Studies) and Geoff Mulgan (Demos) (see Dorey 2006: 1926)

Towards the end of each chapter you will find thenew Britain in Context feature, which looks at theissues covered within a chapter in the context ofglobal politics and provides a useful comparativeangle on the key issues in British politics.

Chapter summaries come at the end of each chapter, to provide a resum of the issues that havebeen under the microscope. Discussion points arelisted at the end of each chapter, prompting you toconsider and develop your own responses to theissues at hand. You will find annotated suggestionsfor Further reading at the end of each chapter.

Chapter 1 Politics in perspective 13

BOX 1.4 BRITAIN IN CONTEXT

Conceptual dissonanceThe former publisher and infamous fraud, RobertMaxwell, once wrote a series of hagiographic stud-ies of East European leaders which sold extremelywell in their own countries but showed a strangedisinclination to fly from the shelves anywhereelse. In the book he wrote about the notoriousRomanian leader, Nicolae Ceausescu, Maxwell, inan interview incorporated into the text, asks MisterPresident, tell me, why do your people love you so?This question and its unperturbed reply illustratethe fact that different people have different takeson commonly understood ideas. Maxwell, driven byself-interest, probably knew the man was a viciousautocrat; CeauseScu in turn probably genuinelybelieved he was loved, as his famous look of incom-prehension indicated when crowds in front of hispalace began angrily to interrupt one of his inter-minable speeches in 1989, a short time before hewas deposed and shot. Both men, totally absorbedin their own false worlds, no doubt perceived theworld differently from the people they exploited.But such conceptual dissonance tends to occurbetween nations as well as between different kindsof people.

In many cases this flows from the vastly differenthistories experienced by countries. France, forexample, has never quite recovered from its 1789revolution founded upon the great ideas of Liberty,Equality and Fraternity. Consequently, new arrivalsto France have become citizens of the republic onan equal standing with everyone else. Such legaleven-handedness is wholly admirable, one mightthink, but in the autumn of 2005 its limits wereexposed when French leaders, especially JacquesChirac, seemed to refuse to believe that the youngmen of the Muslim faith, many of North Africanprovenance, who were rioting in the suburbs ofParis and other big cities, suffered from severeracial discrimination and disproportionate eco-nomic hardship. So deeply ingrained was this belief in equality that no separate social statisticswere available regarding Frances constituentminorities. They were just the same so there wereno separate figures.

Another example of conceptual dissonance is provided by the difference between Western andMuslim societies. In the West free speech is a hal-lowed principle, defended even if it offends somepeople holding deep religious beliefs. For funda-mentalist Muslims such tolerance is not possible.Anything which reflects what they see as disrespectfor the prophet Mohammed they interpret not asmerely a difference of viewpoint or maybe satiricalhumour, but as unforgivable blasphemy. The caseof the Danish cartoons published in a right-wingnewspaper in November 2005 well illustrated thisdifference in perception, only one of many betweenthe two cultures.

In Japan, still influenced by its ancient culture, theworld is also perceived in a different way from inthe West. For example, social hierarchy is deemedin some situations to be as important as equality,so that people seated at a dinner table will placethe person believed by a group to be the mostsenior and important in the place of honour whileother guests will be placed according to their per-ceived rank and place in society.

The USA, created in the heat of a revolution againstthe perceived tyranny of George III, places hugestress on the need for democracy. This helpsexplain why the USA elects far more public officialsthan the UK; for example, dog and rat catchers, as well as mayors and sheriffs, are elected inAmerica but not in the UK. It might also explain why President George W. Bush and his advisersbelieved so passionately in disseminating demo-cracy in the Middle East. They believed it would lead to greater moderation, acceptance of the West and happiness for the Arab citizens con-cerned. For a long while it seemed this assumptionhad tragically misfired in the case of Iraq, invadedin 2003, whereupon it descended into chaos for several years. At the time of writing (2009) Iraqseems relatively peaceful but the cost has arguablybeen prohibitive.

Chapter 11 Political parties 223

Chapter summary

As the first decade of the new century drew to a close, Britains political parties remained in a state of crisis,stricken by voter disinterest, increasing public hostility, tumbling membership and dubious sources ofincome. The 2010 general election served to underline this crisis, with the main parties unable to offer thekind of distinctive approaches that once gave party politics traction. The nature of the British party systemalso stayed unresolved, the traditional two-party system having been succeeded by something altogethermore volatile and oblique. However, the depth of the crisis allied to the onset of recession also gaveparties a redemptive opportunity, encouraging them to reconsider their internal structures, the extent to which they empower their own members, the extent to which they decentralise and their relationshipwith alternative forms of political activity. It remains to be seen whether the main parties grasp thisopportunity or continue to atrophy in the face of rapid economic, cultural and sociological change.

Discussion points

Why have UK political parties alienated somany voters?

In what sense are UK political parties at odds with social, economic and cultural developments?

Is it now possible to speak of any British partysystem?

Is there a post-credit crunch consensus amongthe main parties?

Do radical parties like the BNP represent a long-term challenge to the nature of party politics?

How much can parties in the twenty-first centurylearn from the those of the nineteenth century?

Further reading

Beech, M. and Lee, S. (eds) (2008) Ten Years ofNew Labour (Palgrave Macmillan).

Beech, M. and Lee, S. (eds) (2009) TheConservatives Under David Cameron (PalgraveMacmillan).

Elliott, F. and Hanning, J. (2007) Cameron: the Riseof the New Conservative (Harperpress).

Jury Team (2009) The End of the Party(JTPublications).

OHara, K. (2007) After Blair: David Cameron andthe Conservative Tradition (Icon Books).

Shaw, E. (2007) Losing Labours Soul: New Labourand the Blair Government (Routledge).

Bibliography

Bale, T. (2008) Qualifying the Common Wisdom:David Cameron and Conservative Party Change,E-Pol 3,1 www.politicaleducationforum.com.

Baston, L. and Herring, S. (2005) The Labour Partyin Seldon, A. and Kavanagh, D. (eds) The BlairEffect (Cambridge University Press).

Beech, M. and Lee, S. (eds) (2008) Ten Years ofNew Labour (Palgrave Macmillan).

Broughton, D. (2008) Electoral Change in Britain20052008 E-Pol 1,1www.politicaleducationforum.com.

Carswell, D. and Hannan, D. (2008) The Plan: 12 Months to Renew Britain, www.Lulu.com.

Cular, G. (2005) Elections and the Consolidation of Democracy in Croatia (Zagreb).

Denham, A. and OHara, K. (2008) DemocratisingConservative Leadership Selection (ManchesterUniversity Press).

Dorey, P. (2008) The Conservatives: from Collapse to Cameron-led recovery, E-Pol 1,2www.politicaleducationforum.com.

Elliott, F. and Hanning, J. (2007) Cameron: The Riseof the New Conservative (Harperpress).

Fairclough, P., Kelly, R. and Magee, E. (2007)Funding Political Parties: An Intractable Problemin UK Government and Politics: Annual Survey2007 (Philip Allan).

Fisher, J. (2008) Party Finance Since 2005, E-Pol1,2 www.politicaleducationforum.com.

Fukuyama (1992) The End of History and the LastMan (Penguin).

Garnett, M. (2006) Is the Conservative Partyconservative?, Politics Review, Vol. 15, No. 3.

xx Guided tour

Each chapter also ends with a list of Useful websites. While the web should be approachedwith caution it can be a tremendous tool for deepening your understanding of politics.

Throughout the text you will find certain terms andphrases highlighted in bold; you will find definitionsfor these terms and phrases in the Glossary, whichcomes towards the end of the book.

Chapter 3 Social and economic contexts 53

Discussion points

Do you think that the reduction of direct gov-ernment intervention in the UK economy since1979 has been a welcome development?

Since 1945, there has been a tendency foropposition parties to exaggerate British eco-nomic decline, and for governments to look on the bright side. Do you agree, and if so, has this tendency helped the British public to appreciate the dilemmas facing their country?

Has immigration brought benefits to Britishsociety, or would it have been better if thecountry had closed its borders after 1945?

Do you agree with the contention that British-ness is best defined as a common enjoymentof a consumerist culture?

Further reading

The key text on this subject is A.H. Halsey and J. Webb (eds), Twentieth Century British SocialTrends (Macmillan, 2000), which contains expertappraisals of the major developments over a cen-tury of rapid social and economic change. Annualeditions of Social Trends are available online, at www.statistics.gov.uk/statbase; reviews ofregional change are available from the samesource. On specific subjects, R. Listers Poverty(Oxford University Press, 2004), and J. Solomons

Race and Racism in Britain (Palgrave, 3rd edn,2003) are more detailed studies.

On economic developments in Britain since1945, contrasting arguments are presented by A. Gamble, Britain in Decline: EconomicPolicy, Political Strategy and the British State,Macmillan (4th edn, 1994), and G. Bernstein, TheMyth of Decline: The Rise of Britain since 1945 (Pimlico, 2004). On the impact of That-cherism, see especially Ian Gilmour, Dancing withDogma: Britain under Thatcherism (Simon &Schuster, 1992). On class, see the provocativethesis advanced by A. Adonis and S. Pollard in A Class Act: The Myth of Britains ClasslessSociety (Hamish Hamilton 1997).

Websites

The governments National Statistics Online(www.ons.gov.uk) is an invaluable resource for students of social and economic change. It is regularly updated with new statistical information, so it is advisable to browse through its contentsrather than simply searching for specific items.Information concerning income and wealth canalso be obtained from www.hmrc.gov.uk. Arespected source of data and comment on eco-nomic matters is the Institute for Fiscal Studies,whose website is www.ifs.org.uk. Comparativedata can be accessed through the website of theOrganisation for Economic Co-operation andDevelopment (OECD), at www.oecd.org/.

And another thing . . . is a feature that you will findat the end of each of the six parts of the book. Theseinterpretive essays by leading political thinkerstake a sideways glance at some of the key issuesunder debate in contemporary British politics.

And another thing . . .The great parliamentary expenses crisis 247

MPs from the provisions of the Act. In fairness, itmust be said that many Members refused to go alongwith this and as a result the proposed bill was swiftlyabandoned.

By now requests for information were flooding in from journalists and members of the public. TheHouse authorities initially responded by publishingheadline figures for different categories of each MPsexpenses. At the same time the rules were tightened,requiring the provision of receipts but only forexpenditure over 250. Unsurprisingly, this did notsatisfy inquirers, whose appetite had by now beenwhetted by attempts to avoid disclosure. Unwisely,the House authorities chose to resist, employinglawyers to argue that the limited disclosure alreadyconceded was sufficient to meet the demands of the Freedom of Information Act. Needless to say theInformation Commissioner, Richard Thomas, washaving none of this. Neither were the judges who, indue course, ruled that MPs should have to accountin full for their use of public money.

At which point the House authorities caved inand agreed to provide full details of expenses claimsfor each of the previous four years, minus addressesand personal details such as bank account numbersand credit card details. It was a massive task. Morethan a million documents had to be scanned andMPs were given a chance to comment and to suggestdeletions. While this was underway, someone apparently stole the computer disc containing theunedited details and sold it to the Daily Telegraphfor a six-figure sum.

The results were devastating. For day afterrelentless day the Telegraph published details ofsome of the more exotic claims for the maintenanceand repairs of swimming pools, tennis courts andeven a moat. Home Secretary Jacqui Smiths husbandwas found, unknown to her, to have claimed for thehire of a pornographic video; more seriously she wasfound to be claiming the second home allowanceagainst her family home. She was not the only one.

A new phenomenon which quickly becameknown as flipping was identified. Some MPs, itappeared, were changing homes frequently in orderto exploit to the full the second home allowance.Some were, at the same time, temporarily designat-ing second homes as principal residences in order toavoid Capital Gains Tax when they sold up. Severalwere found to be claiming for mortgages that nolonger existed. One was found to be claiming for ahome on the south coast, over 100 miles from herconstituency.

Almost immediately heads began to roll. Severalministers including the Home Secretary resignedor stepped down voluntarily from the government.Half a dozen Tory grandees who had been using thesecond homes allowance to maintain their countryestates announced that they would not be contest-ing the next election. A number of Labour MPsannounced or were instructed by their party toannounce that they, too, would not be seeking re-election. One stood down immediately, triggeringa by-election.

Party leaders vied with each other to demonstrateto an outraged public that they were dealing firmlywith miscreants. Gordon Brown publicly disowned a member of his Cabinet who had avoided payingCapital Gains Tax. The Labour Party set up a StarChamber to deal with the most blatant examples ofabuse. Tory leader David Cameron ordered the worstoffenders in his party to repay excess claims hehimself repaid the cost of trimming the wisteria(Tory excesses were so much more elegant thanLabours) on his constituency residence and some of the big Tory offenders were simply ordered toannounce that they would not contest the next election or face expulsion. One of Camerons closeaides, Andrew McKie, was among the casualties,along with his wife, Julie Kirkbride. Not to be out-done, the Liberal leader Nick Clegg called for con-stituents to be given the right to recall, mid-term,misbehaving MPs.

On 19 May 2009, the scandal consumed its mostprominent victim. The Speaker, Michael Martin,announced his retirement. Fairly or unfairly, SpeakerMartin had become widely regarded as an obstacleto reform and in the end pressure on him to standdown became irresistible.

The tabloids were in heaven. Tabloid journalismrequires a constant supply of victims, be they mis-behaving footballers, errant soap stars or dodgypoliticians and here, courtesy of the Telegraph,was an unlimited supply. Even the most minorinfringements suddenly became front page news.

The political impact was considerable. For thefirst time opinion polls rated MPs as lower in publicesteem than even the bankers who had brought the world economy to the brink of destruction. Allthe main parties were contaminated, but Labourcame off worst, partly because it was the governingparty and it happened on their watch. The impactwas reflected in the results of European elections inJune 2009 when the Labour vote all but collapsed.Even the Tories, who had been riding high in the

wished to recapture the union flag from the farright. In a reference to the 7/7 bombings he added:

We have to face uncomfortable facts that while theBritish response to July 7th was remarkable, they wereBritish citizens, British born apparently integrated intoour communities, who were prepared to maim and killfellow British citizens irrespective of their religion.

Green thinking

The ecological perspective rejects philosophies ofthe right, left and centre as more similar than dis-similar. Sir Jonathon Porritt (a senior environmentadviser to the Blair government) characterises themcollectively as industrialism: this super-ideology. . . conditioned to thrive on the ruthless exploit-ation of both people and planet, is itself the greatestthreat we face (Porritt 1984). Conservatives, socialists and centre politicians argue about rivaleconomic approaches individualism versus col-lectivism and how the cake of national incomeshould be sliced up and distributed but they allagree that the size of the cake should be increasedthrough vigorous economic growth. This is the central proposition that the Greens most emphati-cally reject. Industrialism, they say, is predicated onthe continuous expansion of the goods and servicesand on the promotion of even more consumptionthrough advertising and the discovery of an increas-ing range of needs. It creates great inequalitieswhereby a rich and envied minority set the pace inlavish and unnecessary consumption while a sub-stantial number in many countries a majority areeither unemployed or live in relative, perhaps direpoverty. The Conservatives have presided over anincrease in income differentials but have offeredeconomic growth as a panacea: more for the richand more for the poor. Porritt observes:

If the system works, i.e. we achieve full employment, we basically destroy the planet; if it doesnt, i.e. we endup with mass unemployment, we destroy the lives ofmillions of people . . . From an industrial point of view it is rational to . . . promote wasteful consumption, todiscount social costs, to destroy the environment. Fromthe Green point of view it is totally irrational, simplybecause we hold true to the most important politicalreality of all: that all wealth ultimately derives from thefinite resources of our planet.

Porritt (1984: 467)

to a new identity were threefold. Firstly, Blair hadshown a heavy bias towards the US, philosophicallyin terms of economic systems and politically interms of its world role as a hyper-power. Secondly,Europes two biggest and leading countries, Franceand Germany, both leaders and voters, were not asenamoured of the US as Tony Blair. Thirdly, on themajor issues like Iraq, British public opinion wascloser to Americas European critics than to Blairsenthusiastic and uncritical support.

BritishnessLinda Colley (2005), in her book, Britons: Forgingthe Nation 17071837, argues that British people,known as such since the Act of Union 1707 withScotland, tend to have a layered sense of beingBritish plus an often even closer identity likeScottish, Welsh, Northern Irish, Asian or Caribbean;oddly perhaps English is more often regarded asinterchangeable with British. Some polling evid-ence suggests that the British layer has given wayto the connecting identity, so that many now feelmore English, Scottish and so forth than the com-posite British. Gordon Brown was clearly seeking to minimise his Scottishness by emphasising theimportance of Britishness. In January 2006 he evensuggested a national day for Britain, explaining he

100 Politics UK Part 2 Defining the political world

Figure 6.1 The Four Circles of England: in his BetweenEurope and America (2003), Andrew Gamble (pp. 304)quotes Churchills view that Britain lay at the touchingpoint of three circles Empire, Europe and America.Gamble argues that since devolution, a fourth, that ofthe British Union, should be added

unfamiliarity with the subject (not so good). Inthese circumstances it is hardly surprising that somany aspiring university students gave up beforethe intrinsic interest of the subject could capturethem.

Things have improved since then, in the world oftextbooks remarkably so. Syllabuses have becomemuch wider and now embrace stimulating new areas such as political sociology and current politicalissues. This has helped authors produce more inter-esting work but a revolution has also taken place onthe production side. Politics UK, when it came outin 1990, was arguably the first book to embrace theAmerican approach of providing a comprehensivecourse textbook with a plethora of new features suchas photographs, diagrams, tables and illustrativefigures.

Since then most of our rival textbooks on Britishpolitics have adopted similar styles, and if imitationis the highest form of fiattery, we are greatly flattered.The book has moved through six successful editionsand this is the seventh. The key features of this newedition are as follows.

The fourth edition was comprehensivelyEuropeanised: each chapter was looked at andamended to take account of the EU impact andinfluence all this material has been accordinglyupdated for the seventh edition.

Updating means covering developments overthe four years since the last edition, of course including the 2010 election but older examplesare still cited in some cases; there are continuitiesin British politics and the whole of the postwar

Preface

Politics is an exciting subject. We, the authors, arenaturally biased in thinking it offers students veryspecial attractions. It is a subject you digest withyour breakfast each morning; its complex canvasunfolds with the daily papers, the Today pro-gramme, the broadcast news, not excluding possibleviewings of blogs; by the evening new details havebeen painted in and the picture subtly, sometimesdramatically, has changed.

Politics is unpredictable, dynamic; it affects us, itis about us. In one sense the canvas is us: a projec-tion of ourselves and our aspirations, a measure ofour ability to live together. Given what can happenwhen it goes wrong a ruler like Pol Pot or SaddamHussein, for example politics is arguably the mostimportant focus there is in the study of the humancondition. We hope that this volume on the politicsof the United Kingdom does the subject some kindof justice.

This book is designed to provide a comprehensiveintroduction to British politics for both the generalreader and the examination candidate. With the latter group in mind, we fashioned a text for the firstedition that was unusual by British standards. Whenwe studied A-level politics, all those years ago, thetransition from O-level to A-level was quite difficult.This was hardly surprising, because many of the A-level texts were the same as those we went on to study at university, partly because of sharedassumptions about A-level and university students.It was believed that we should be treated as matureintellects (good), but also that it was up to us toextract meaning from the texts which, in the nameof standards, made few concessions to our possible

xxii Preface

period is used as a kind of laboratory in whichpolitical behaviour is observed.

Many of the chapters have been completelyrewritten, and all chapters not rewritten have beencomprehensively updated up to, where possible,spring 2010.

A chapter on the recent 2010 election was thelast to be included.

The book contains an alphabetical Glossarydefining all the key terms highlighted in the text.

The comparative approach to politics has becomeincreasingly popular over the last decade and,while this is not expressly a comparative text, wehave included a Britain in context box for eachchapter which provides a limited version of thiskind of input.

Politics UKs companion website contains thebest available guide to useful websites, as well asmany other additional features, including a spe-cially written set of revision notes for each chapter.

The books presentation has been augmented bythe inclusion of many tables, diagrams and up-to-date cartoons from the quality press.

The comment and debate essays at the end of eachmajor part have been written, as before, by distin-guished guest writers. This time they are:

Professor Andrew Gamble distinguishedCambridge scholar and an authority on recentpolitical history and the world economic crisis20079.

Jonathan Freedland much admired Guardiancolumnist and broadcaster.

Steve Richards chief columnist at theIndependent newspaper as well as radio andtelevision broadcaster.

Andrew Heywood the most successful authorof politics textbooks in the country.

Chris Mullin MP The MP for SunderlandSouth was a distinguished select committeechair as well as author of a much praised volumeof diaries, A View from the Foothills.

Peter Riddell another contribution to thebook by this doyen of British political analysts:columnist and assistant editor of The Times aswell as broadcaster and author of several bookson British politics.

The original line-up of principal authors diminishedfrom six to four by the sixth edition; we were sorryto lose Michael Moran (though we retain one chapterby him in this edition) and Dennis Kavanagh thoughpressure of work, leaving just myself and PhilipNorton as main authors/editors. Colin Copus, NickRees, Andrew Flynn, Harry Cowen, Mark Garnett,Wyn Grant, Oliver Daddow and Russell Deacon allcontribute towards this volume with discrete chapters. Professor Philip Cowley of NottinghamUniversity was intended to become a main author,but hectic pressure of work (including a burgeoningmedia career) prevented this from happening; however, Philip Norton and I are very grateful for the valuable input he made to the planning of thepresent edition of a book which has continued toevolve since its first appearance in 1991.

The chapters on parliament in this book havealways been authoritative and up to date; they areeven more so since Philip Norton became a memberof the House of Lords himself in 1998. Thanks are due to all the contributors and to the staff atPearson Education who have proved remarkablyhelpful and professional, especially Kate Ahl whohas been central to the books preparation and, during its later stages, Georgina Clark-Mazo. We have to thank (chiefly) Chris Riddell for the brilliant cartoons, borrowed from his weekly contributions to the Observer. Special thanks are offered to thosereviewers who commented so usefully on draftchapters of this book and thereby helped to improvethem. Lecturers and teachers are reminded that ifthey adopt the book they will receive, free of charge,the Instructors Manual, written by Bill Jones (andGraham Thomas). We hope teachers and studentsfind the book as useful and stimulating as previouseditions.

Bill JonesPhilip Norton

June 2010

with the permission of the Controller, Office of PublicSector Information (OPSI); Table 8.2 from BritainDecides (Geddes, A. and Tonge, J., eds), Palgrave(Wring, D. and Deacon, D., 2005) The electionunspun; Table 9.1 from Political Participation andDemocracy in Britain, Cambridge University Press(Parry, G., Moyser, G. and Day, N., 1992) p. 44;Table 9.4 from Social capital and urban governance:adding a more contextualised top down perspective,Political Studies, 48(4), 80220 (Maloney, W.,Smith, G. and Stoker, G., 2000), Blackwell Publish-ing Ltd; Table 12.6 from Eurobarometer (2007)Attitudes towards the EU in the United Kingdom,European Commission (FlashEurobarometer 2007May 2007); Table 12.7 from the Office of NationalStatistics, Crown Copyright material is reproducedwith the permission of the Controller, Office ofPublic Sector Information (OPSI); Tables 14.1, 15.8and 15.10 from Ipsos/MORI; Table 15.1 from TheBritish General Election of 2005 (Kavanagh, D.and Butler, D., eds), Palgrave Macmillan (Criddle,B., 2005) MPs and candidates; Table 15.2 from The British General Election, 2005 (Kavanagh, D.and Butler, D., eds), Palgrave Macmillan (Criddle, B.,2005) MPs and candidates, p. 159; Table 15.3 fromThe victorious legislative incumbent as a threat todemocracy, Legislative Studies Newsletter, 18(2)(Somit, A. and Roemmele, A., 1995); Table 15.4from House of Commons Sessional InformationDigests, 20018, HMSO (2008) Parliament, CrownCopyright material is reproduced with permissionunder the terms of the Click-Use License; Table 15.5from House of Commons Sessional InformationDigest, 20078, HMSO (2008) Parliament, Crown

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material:

Figures

Figure 10.1 from Pressure groups and the policyprocess, Social Studies Review, 3(5) (Grant, W.,1998), California Council for Social Studies; Figure 10.2from Insider and outsider pressure groups, SocialStudies Review, 1(1) (Grant, W., 1985), CaliforniaCouncil for Social Studies; Figure 13.1 from Theconstitution in flux, Social Studies Research, 2(1)(Norton, P., 1986), California Council for SocialStudies; Figure 19.1 from British Politics Today(Jones, B. and Kavanagh, D., eds), ManchesterUniversity Press (Gray, A., 1970) Local governmentin England and Wales, Manchester University Press;Figure 21.1 from British Politics Today (Jones, B.and Kavanagh, D., eds), Manchester University Press(Burch, M., 1979) The policy making process,Manchester University Press; Figure 21.3 fromPressure Groups Today, Manchester UniversityPress (Baggott, R., 1995) p. 24, Manchester Univer-sity Press; Figure 26.3 from Spotlight on Business:Ten years of improving the environment, TheEnvironment Agency (2008) p. 20; Figure 26.4 fromSpotlight on Business: Ten years of improving theenvironment, Environment Agency p. 21; Figure 27.1from European Barometer 71: Public Opinion inthe European Union National Report, UnitedKingdom, European Commission (Spring 2009) p. 34.

Tables

Tables 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3 from the Office for NationalStatistics, Crown Copyright material is reproduced

xxiv Acknowledgements

Copyright material is reproduced with permissionunder the terms of the Click-Use License; Table 15.9from Electronic Media, Parliament and theMedia, Hansard Society (Coleman, S., 1999) p. 20;Table 16.1 from www.parliament.uk; Table 19.2adapted from Chris Game, Lost! 90% of councillorsin 35 years: are county-wide unitaries effectively theend of UK local government?, paper presented tothe PSA Local Politics Specialist Group, Universityof Birmingham, 20 January 2009; Table 19.5 fromThe New Local Government Network, nlgn.org.uk;Table 19.6 from nlgn.org.uk; Table 20.1 fromJudicial and Court Statistics 2007, Cm 7467,HMSO (2008); Table 20.2 adapted from Ministry ofJustice website, http://www.judiciary.gov.uk/keyfacts/statistics/ethnic.htm, HMSO, Crown Copyrightmaterial is reproduced with permission under theterms of the Click-Use License; Table 26.3 fromSpotlight on Business: Ten years of improving theenvironment, Environment Agency (EnvironmentAgency 2008) p. 18, Environment Agency; Table 26.4from Spotlight on Business, Environment Agency,p. 18; Table 27.2 from European Barometer 71:Public Opinion in the European Union NationalReport, United Kingdom, European Commission(Spring 2009) p. 7.

Text

Box 1.1 adapted from A doctor writes: politicianspride is a medical disorder, Guardian, 28 March2009 (Boseley, S.), Guardian News and Media Ltd;Box 6.3 from Sex and Power: Who Runs Britain?,Equal Opportunities Commission (2006); extract on pages 1478 from Commons sketch, Guardian,1999 (Hoggart, S.), Guardian News and Media Ltd;extract on pages 1578 from Commons sketch,Guardian, 3 November 2009 (Hoggart, S.), GuardianNews and Media Ltd; Box 6.5 from Feministdebates, ideology: feminism, Politics Review, 12(4)(Bryson, V. 2003), Philip Allan Updates, reproducedwith permission of Philip Allan Updates; Box 8.5 fromGuardian, 6 April 2009 (Pilkington, E.), GuardianNews and Media Ltd; Box 9.1 from Editorial,Guardian, 17 June 1999, Guardian News and MediaLtd; Interview 10.8 from Tyne Tees TV programme(1986); extract on page 269 from Hansard, 18December 2002, Vol. 642, col. 692, www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200203/ldhansard/vo021218/text/

In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material, and we would appreciateany information that would enable us to do so.

21218-05/htm; Box 22.1 from What really causescrime?, Guardian, 12 July 2002 (Toynbee, P.),Guardian News and Media Ltd.

Photographs

The publisher would like to thank the following fortheir kind permission to reproduce their photographs:

(Key: b-bottom; c-centre; l-left; r-right; t-top)

Action Plus Sports Images: Neil Tingle 98; AlamyImages: archstock 598, Tim Gander 565, Steven Gillishd9 imaging 429, Tim Graham 383, Johnny Greig 595,Ellen Isaacs 532, Janine Weidel Photolibrary / AlamyImages 41, Justin Kase z01z 387, David Levenson457, One-Image Photography / Alamy 351, TimAyers Photography 249, Pictorial Press Ltd 526, RolfRichardson / Alamy 354, Jack Sullivan 533; BBCMotion Gallery: 30; Corbis: Adam Woolfitt / Corbis 314,Angelo Hornak / Corbis 546, Bettmann 323, PeterNicholls / Pool / Reuters / Corbis 134, Pool / TimGraham Picture Library / Corbis 279, Tim Graham /Corbis 170; Getty Images: 1, 28, 217, 220, 483, AFP110, 142l (inset), 258 (replacement), 396, AFP 110,142l (inset), 258 (replacement), 396, AFP 110, 142l(inset), 258 (replacement), 396, Daniel Berehulak604, Cocoon 57, CARL DE SOUZA / AFP 531,Anthony Devlin / WPA 392, Tim Gidal / Picture Post549, David Gould 119, Indigo 215, 578l, Indigo 215,578l, Peter Macdiarmid 221, JIM WATSON / AFP577, Wireimage 578r; Guardian News and Media Ltd:Chris Riddle 123, Chris Riddle / Observer 180, 200, 497, 501, David Parkins 80, Chris Riddell 133, Chris Riddle / Observer 180, 200, 497, 501;http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html: 21;nisyndication.com: The Sun 18 / 3 / 1997 142r, The Sun 30 / 9 / 2009 142l; Pearson EducationLtd: Philip Langeskov 166, Royalty free image fromCD Discovering the British Isles 14; Press AssociationImages: Associated Press 491, Chris Radburn / PA /EMPICS 188, Empic Sports Photo Agency 258(OUT), 410, EMPICS / Associated Press 289, TheLabour Party 527, PA Wire / EMPICS 45, 233, 257,409; Rex Features: 461, Rex Features / NilsJorgensen 144; Courtesy of Socialist Worker: 106; Steve Bell / All Rights Reserved: 436, 504, 547, 559.

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CHAPTER 1

Politics inperspectiveBill Jones

There has never been a perfect government, because men have passions; and if they did not havepassions, there would be no need for government.

Voltaire, Politique et legislation

The love of power is the love of ourselves.William Hazlitt

I love fame; I love public reputation; I love to live in the eye of the country.Benjamin Disraeli

Learning objectives

To establish some understanding of the discipline of politics so that thesubsequent contents of the book can be absorbed within its context.

To explain and illustrate the concept of politics.

To discuss the nature of politicians and the reasons why they choosetheir profession.

To explain the importance of certain key concepts.

To provide a brief overview of topics covered in the book.

Clearly this is factually correct but it does not takeus very far towards a definition as many things haveconnections to political parties. No, to extract a cleardefinition we have to examine what things occurwhen politics is definitely present.

For example, the following made-up news itemscan all be said to involve politics at some level:

1 Father seeks to influence soccer manager to givehis son a place in the team.

2 Chancellor ignores union claims for increasedsalaries.

3 Oil prices continue to rise as war spreads inMiddle East.

4 Thousands demonstrate in favour of climatechange measures.

The first example illustrates that politics operates at a micro level; we speak of the politics of thefamily or small groups. The second is drawn fromthe mainstream of what we regard as political: agovernment minister taking a decision on something.

From these and the other two examples it can beseen that politics entails:

a strong element of conflict and its resolution;

a struggle for scarce and finite resources;

the use of various methods of persuasion or pres-sure, to achieve a desired outcome.

So, if we can move towards a definition, it might beconstructed as:

Politics is a process that seeks to manage or resolveconflicts of interest between people, usually in apeaceful fashion. In its general sense it can describethe interactions of any group of individuals, but in itsspecific sense it refers to the many and complexrelationships that exist between state institutionsand the rest of society.

Politicians and their ambition

Politics is a spectator sport, writes Julian Critchley(1995: 80). An enduring question that exercises usspectators is Why are they doing it? Dr Johnson, in his typically blunt fashion, said politics was nothing more nor less than a means of rising in the world. But we know somehow that mere self-interest is not the whole truth. Peter Riddell of

The concept of politics definedand discussed

Politics is far from being a popular area of activity;politicians rank below those modern btes noire,estate agents, in some opinion polls. They are oftenheld to be, among other failings: self-serving, venal,dishonest, power-obsessed people who are morelikely to be a danger to society rather than its salva-tion. Politics and its politicians have changed overthe years, both in its practices and the way it isregarded. Originally, it is fair to say, politicians weremostly people who had seized control by force andexercised it in their own interests. Power was oftenused merely to reflect the will and the glory of thechief conqueror and the changing nature of hiswhims.

Since those days a number of changes haveoccurred:

1 Rulers who are interested only in power for them-selves, have become a recognised phenomenonagainst whom society must protect itself.Aristotle, the Greek philosopher argued thatman is by nature a political animal who requireda robust system of law to be kept in check.

2 He also argued that government was best under-taken by a relatively disinterested group of welleducated men, in effect a stratum of culturedgentlemen.

3 Two groups, long assumed to be excluded fromthe governing class the very poor (originallyslaves) and women are no longer regarded asbeyond the pale, though neither are as well represented as their numbers might justify.

4 Democracy or a system whereby every citizen isentitled to some kind of say in their own govern-ment has become widely accepted as desirable,especially in developed countries in Europe,North America and increasingly large parts of therest of the world.

Defining politics

What precisely did Aristotle mean when he said manis by nature a political animal? The word is muchused and most people think they know what it meansbut usually they cannot give a clear explanation. Atypical reply might be that its concerned with: Poli-tical parties, you know, Labour and Conservatives.

4 Politics UK Part 1 Context

Chapter 1 Politics in perspective 5

The Times, in his wonderfully perceptive bookHonest Opportunism, looks at this topic in somedetail. He quotes Disraeli, who perhaps offers us amore rounded and believable account of his interestin politics to his Shrewsbury constituents: There is nodoubt, gentlemen, that all men who offer themselvesas candidates for public favour have motives of somesort. I candidly acknowledge that I have and I willtell you what they are: I love fame; I love public reputation; I love to live in the eye of the country.

Riddell also quotes F.E. Smith, who candidly gloried in the endless adventure of governing men.For those who think that these statements weremerely expressions of nineteenth-century roman-ticism, Riddell offers the example of RichardCrossmans comment that politics is a never endingadventure with its routs and discomfitures, rushesand sallies, its fights for the fearless and goals forthe eager. He also includes Michael Heseltine,whom he once heard, irritated, asking at one ofJeffrey Archers parties in 1986: Why shouldnt I bePrime Minister then?

The tendency of politicians to explain their tastefor politics in terms of concern for the people is seldom sincere. In the view of Henry Fairlie this is nothing more than humbug. William Waldegrave

agrees: Any politician who tells you he isnt am-bitious is only telling you he isnt for some tacticalreason; or more bluntly, telling a lie I certainlywouldnt deny that I wanted ministerial office; yes,Im ambitious. As if more proof were needed, DavidOwen once said on television that Ambition drivespolitics like money drives the international economy.Ambition, of course, is good for society only if itworks for the general good; if it is purely self-inclinedwe end up with the likes of Saddam Hussein. AsEdmund Burke noted: Ambition can creep as wellas soar. Politics is also an all-consuming obsessionfor some people. Writing in The Guardian, 11March 2006, Michael Heseltine, that famously ambi-tious Conservative politician who narrowly missedgaining the top prize, probably spoke for all thosebitten by the political bug when he said: Politics is a life sentence. Its an obsessive, all demanding,utterly fascinating, totally committing profession stimulating, satisfying, stretching.

Riddell goes on in his book now dated butimportant as it discerned an important trend toanalyse how the ambitious political animal hasslowly transformed British politics. He follows upand develops Anthony Kings concept of the careerpolitician, observing that a decreasing number of

BOX 1.1 IDEAS AND PERSPECTIVES

What does government do?If politics is largely about government then what are the things that governments do? Anthony Giddens,in his The Third Way, provides the following analysis:

provide means for the representation of diverse interests; offer a forum for reconciling the competing claims of those interests; create and protect an open public sphere, in which unconstrained debate about policy issues can be

carried on; provide a diversity of public goods, including forms of collective security and welfare; regulate markets in the public interest and foster market competition where monopoly threatens; foster social peace through the provision of policing; promote the active development of human capital through its core role in the education system; sustain an effective system of law; have a directly economic role, as a prime employer, in macro and micro intervention, plus the provi-

sion of infrastructure; more controversially, perhaps, have a civilising aim government reflects the widely held norms and

values, but can also help shape them, in the educational system and elsewhere; foster regional and trans-national alliances and pursue global goals.

Source: Giddens (1998: 478)

affected by the perception that he was an arrogantman, impatient with views with which he did notagree. So his 2007 book The Hubris Syndrome:Bush, Blair and the Intoxication of Power (he alsowrote a paper on the same subject for the journal ofthe Royal Society of Psychiatrists in March 2009),made interesting reading for students of politics. Heidentifies the tendency to be intoxicated with poweras an occupational hazard in politics and names assufferers, Lloyd George, Neville Chamberlain,Thatcher, Blair and George Bush.

Owen, who admits to have exhibited elements ofthe syndrome himself, believes he has discerned amedical condition:

I have seen the isolation this extraordinary pressureunder which leaders in business or in politics live, withshortages of sleep a generally very high-pressuredexistence. Id liken it to . . . a long-distance runner. Yougo through a pain threshold and something changes.The public are way ahead. The man in the street startsto say the prime minister has lost it. They put it all downto adrenaline. They see these people as supercharged.

Are politicians viewed generallywith too much cynicism?

Certainly politics and its practitioners, according tomany opinion polls, are seen in the present day, vari-ously, as untrustworthy, self-seeking, power mad orcynical manipulators. My own view is that the cyni-cism has been excessive. Most politicians are quitedecent people, trying hard to make a difference forthe better. One of the problems is that in a 24-7

MPs had backgrounds in professions, or properjobs in Westminster parlance, compared with thosewho centred their whole lives on politics. The jobs of these people were of secondary importance,merely anticipating or supporting the Westminstercareer. In 1951 the figure was 11 per cent; by 1992it was 31 per cent. By contrast, the proportion ofnew MPs with proper jobs fell from 80 per cent to 41 per cent.

Many of this new breed begin life as researchersfor an MP or in a partys research department, thenproceed to seek selection as a candidate and fromthere into parliament and from then on, everonwards and upwards. The kind of MP who enterspolitics in later life is in steep decline; the new breedof driven young professionals has tended to dom-inate the field, proving firmer of purpose and moreskilled in execution than those for whom politics isa later or learned vocation. The kind of businessmanwho achieves distinction in his field and then goes into politics is now a rarity rather than thefamiliar figure of the nineteenth century or the earlier decades of the twentieth century.

Ambition to hubris: a shortjourney?

Lord David Owen trained as a doctor and became an MP in 1966. He was made Labour ForeignSecretary at the precocious age of 38. His subse-quent resignation from the party and involvement inthe short-lived Social Democratic Party, denied himthe senior role in government which many had pre-dicted. There is little doubt his career was adversely

6 Politics UK Part 1 Context

BOX 1.2 The Hubris Syndrome

Symptoms of the hubris syndrome are as follows:

A narcissistic propensity to see ones world primarily as an arena in which to exercisepower and seek glory.

A disproportionate concern with image and presentation.

A messianic manner. Excessive confidence in ones own judgement

and contempt for advice.

Exaggerated self-belief, bordering on omni-potence.

A belief that one is accountable solely to historyor god.

Loss of contact with reality; often associatedwith progressive isolation.

Restlessness, recklessness and impulsiveness.

*Extracted from Sarah Boseleys A Doctor Writes:Politicians Pride is a Medical Disorder,

The Guardian, 28 March 2009

Chapter 1 Politics in perspective 7

news age the media know that negative storiesabout political transgressions, whether sexual,financial or merely concerning incompetence, willattract great interest. The public loves to havesomeone to blame for things they do not like highprices, poor public services, inflation, or whatever and too often politicians are on the receiving end.

For example, Labour Home Secretary Jaqui Smithreceived a terrible press in late March 2009 when it transpired her husband had bought two bluemovies and charged them to his wifes Parliament-ary expenses. The media really went to town; theminister was not directly involved but was at thesame time embroiled in another well publicised dis-pute as to which was her main home for expensespurposes. The accumulation of such stories tends to construct a default negative image of MPs, gar-nished perhaps by a national tradition or habit ofsometimes savagely non-deferential, satirical criti-cism of our rulers. There is much evidence to sug-gest we are excessively cynical about our politiciansbut the history of their own behaviour makes it clearthat they should be treated with, at minimum, a cau-tious discrimination. I think the closest to the truthI have found was encapsulated by Estelle Morris, aLabour Education Secretary who resigned in 2002.Upon being elevated to the Cabinet she asked a colleague what its members were really like andreceived the reply:

The good news they are just like all the rest of us; butthe bad news is . . . they are just like all the rest of us.

Key concepts in the study ofpolitics

What is a concept?A concept is usually expressed by a single word oroccasionally by a phrase. Concepts are frequentlygeneral in nature, representing a specific function orcategory of objects. For example, the word tableusually refers to an individual human artefact, but it also embodies the whole idea of a table, which we might understand as a flat platform usually sup-ported by legs and designed to have objects restedupon it. Without this definition a table would be ameaningless object; it is the concept that gives itpurpose and function. As Andrew Heywood (1994: 4)explains:

a concept is more than a proper noun or the name of a thing. There is a difference between talking about achair, a particular and unique chair, and holding theconcept of a chair, the idea of a chair. The concept of a chair is an abstract notion, composed of the variousfeatures which give a chair its distinctive character inthis case, for instance, the capacity to be sat upon.

It follows, therefore, that the concept of a parlia-ment refers not to a specific parliament in a givencountry but to the generality of them the abstractidea underlying them. By the same token, as wegrow up, we come to attribute meaning and functionto everyday objects through learning the appropri-ate concepts plates, cups, windows, doors and soforth. Without these concepts we would be totallyconfused, surrounded by a mass of meaninglessphenomena. In one sense concepts are the meaningwe place on our surrounding world, impose on it, to enable us to deal with it. Similarly, we come tounderstand the political world through conceptsthat we learn from our reading, the media and ourteachers. Over the years we come to extend themand refine them in order to achieve a sophisticatedunderstanding, to become politically literate. Touse a slightly different analogy, concepts are like thedifferent lenses opticians place in front of us whenattempting to find the one that enables us to seemore effectively. Without them we cannot bring ablurred world into focus; with them we achieve, orhope to achieve, some clarity and sharpness.

Power and authority and other ideasThese are two central ideas in the study of politicsand need to be understood from the outset.

Power In essence this means the ability to getsomeone else to do what they otherwise would nothave done. This could be achieved through directcoercion: threatening or delivering violence; point-ing a gun at someone. While this relationship mightbe widely reflected in relations between states, it is rare, except in brutal tyrannies, for it to occurwithin organised states. Here there is a system for the management of disputes and usually thisprecludes the use of force or coercion, except as abackground resort if all else fails.

Bachrach and Baratz (1981) argued that power ismore subtle than this: decisions made by politiciansnot to do things were just as important as thoseactually made. If a matter is marginalised or ignored

discuss and pass the laws by which it wishes to begoverned. It is the election which provides the demo-cratic authority the government needs to governeffectively. So in the case of the UK, it is Parliament,comprising the Commons, Lords and the Queen. Ithardly needs saying that, at the time of writing, onlythe first element is democratically elected.

Executive This element is responsible for imple-menting the policies and laws produced by the leg-islature. In the Westminster model of government,the government is formed by the party winning amajority at a general election. In the US model, thePresident is elected separately and has a legitimacysimilar to that of the legislature, producing a rela-tionship between them which is essentially one ofconflict and cooperation through negotiation.

Judiciary This is the part of government whichinterprets the laws, running the legal system ofcourts and the machinery of justice. It also handlesappeals against alleged miscarriages of justice andrules whether laws are compatible with EU lawwhich, since 1972, has taken precedence overdomestic law by virtue of the terms of the Treaty ofParis.

Some political concepts are merely descriptive, forexample election, but others embody a normativequality they contain an ought. Such a concept is:

Democracy This notion of citizen involvement ingovernment goes back to the Greeks who pioneeredit in their city states. Churchill famously said ofdemocracy that:

No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all wise.Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worstform of government, except for all the others that havebeen tried from time to time.

In Britain it evolved out of conflicts between anabsolute monarchy and an advisory council-cum-parliament reflecting the wealth all monarchsneeded to rule. After centuries of gradually emer-ging authority the latter refused to endorse the royalwill and a short but bitter civil war in which parliamentary forces took the field under OliverCromwell against royalist armies saw the kingdeposed and executed in 1649. In 1660 the mon-archy was restored but had lost its supremacy toParliament which was now set on a trajectory of

completely through the ability of someone or agroup to exclude it, then considerable power isbeing exercised. Marx argued that those with con-trol over wealth and its production effectively ruledsociety as they were able, through their control ofthe main institutions of society, to permeate it withthe values upon which their own power rested.Thus, in his view, rich capitalists were able to winacceptance for their economic system as unarguablecommonsense.

Authority is the acceptance by someone of anothers right to tell them what to do, for examplea policeman or a judge. In other words this is powerwith the crucial added ingredient of legitimacy. Forit to work the means whereby authority is granted a process of discussion in an elected parliament the related institutions must also be regarded aslegitimate and authoritative. Few governments cansurvive without this characteristic.

Interests This term relates to what politicians areconcerned to achieve. It could be more resources for a specific group in society, or more generally aclass of people. It could be the reversal of a politicaldecision for example withdrawal from the EU or it might be the obtaining of a place of status and power in government or merely an honour like a knighthood or a peerage. George Orwell in hisdystopic novel, Nineteen