Political Theory in the Twentieth Century

Embed Size (px)

DESCRIPTION

Senior thesis on 20th century political theory.

Citation preview

  • PoliticsintheTwentiethCenturybyAdrianRutt

    Itisclearthatthetwentiethcenturywasdisastrous.Somethingmusthavecausedthe

    ongoingconflicts,death,anddestructionsocharacteristicoftheearlycentury.Attheturnofthe

    centurytherewasaconfidencefeltwiththeadvancesmadeinscience,technology,andideas

    nationswereforcedtoshedtheireighteenthcenturyisolationistattitudesandwelcomethese

    changes.However,thepromisingcenturymadeaturnfortheworse:twomassivelydestructive

    worldwarsforcedpeopletoreanalyzetheirconfidenceinmodernization.

    Somethingwaswrongwithmodernity,andweoweittofigureslikeHannahArendt,

    AlasdairMacIntyre,andMichaelOakeshottfornotonlydiagnosingsomeoftheproblemsbut

    offeringsolutionstosomeoftheproblemsthatmaterializedinthetwentiethcentury.However,

    eachphilosopherapproachedtheirsituationdifferentlywhichinturnclarifiedwhatitwasthey

    believedtobewrongaboutmodernsociety.HannahArendtwasoneofthefirstpoliticalthinkers

    toaddressthetotalitarianismandmassmovementsofhertimewiththelandmarkbookThe

    OriginsofTotalitarianismpublishedin1951.

    Arendtrealizedthatalthoughmansabilitytothinkwasanecessaryandgoodthing,a

    particularuseoforemphasisonreasonhadthepotentialtoleadtoamultitudeofproblems.The

    Enlightenmentsfocusonapurerationalandlogicalmannerofthinkingledmentobelievethat

    thesenewadvancesinscienceallowedmantoknowmoreabouthimselfthatwasmuddledby

    experienceorthesenses.Sheclaimedthatmanrealizedhisnewlywonfreedomfromthe

    shacklesofearthboundexperienceinsteadofobservingnaturalphenomenaastheyweregiven

  • tohim,heplacednatureundertheconditionsofhisownmind,thatis,underconditionswon

    froma..cosmicstandpointoutsidenatureitself.HereArendtassertsthatmanhasfreedhimself

    fromtheempiricallensbywhichhepreviouslylookedattheworldandattemptedtoshifthis

    perspectivetosomepointoutsideofnature.Inshort,manisnolongeracreaturelookingoutinto

    theworld,butisnowoutsideoftheworldattemptingtolookin.TheproblemforArendtisthat

    thoughtsaboutsteppingoutsideofmanscontextwillalwaysbecoloredwiththeindividual

    biases,prejudices,andcontextsofthatparticularindividualsthoughtssotherewillalwaysbean

    inabilitytostepoutsideofourpersonalhistoriesandcircumstancesandviewourselvesfromthat

    outsidepointofview.FromthisideastemstheassertionthatArendtbelievedtobecomea

    massivemisstepinhumanthought:mansthinkingthattheycanviewthemselvesfroma

    completelyobjectivepointofview.

    ThisArchimedeanpointthatArendtreferstohelpsexplainmansattempttouniversalize

    lawsofnature,andthussomeoftheproblemsdoingsocreates.Sincemanisconstantlytryingto

    stepoutsidethemselvesinanefforttodescribeandobservenaturefromacompletelyobjective

    viewpoint,theyareunawarethattheyareactuallyprojectingtheirownthoughtsuponthis

    Archimedeanpointfromwhichtoobservenature.Shethinksthatthisprojectisnotonlybound

    tofailbutwillbeusedbythosewhothinktheyhavetheobjectiveviewofhumanityfor

    disastrousresults.Again,thispresentsenormousproblemsforArendt,anditisuponthisidea

    whichshecentersmanyofhercriticismsofmodernsociety.Sincemanwassocaughtupin

    tryingtostepoutsideourselvestoviewourselvesobjectivelymanalsolosttouchwithhimselfin

    theprocess.LosingtouchforArendtwashavingthearrogancetobelievethatmancouldfigure

    outthepuzzlethatwashimself,wheninrealitymanisntaproblemtobesolvedbutacondition

  • inwhichwelive.Attemptingtostepoutsideourselvesisusefulforcertaintypesofthinking,but

    itcannotbetheonlyprocessbywhichtointroducenewideasorview,anditcertainlyisnta

    justificationforthem.Itisanincompleteprocessoneofmanyprocessesbywhichto

    discovermoreaboutourselves.Arendtspositioncanbesummedupassuch:humansthemselves

    canneverbecompletelyobjectiveaboutthemselvesorhumanity.

    HannahArendtwitnessedthedawnoffascistandcommunistgovernmentsinthe

    twentiethcenturyandsoughtanswerstowhytheseobviouslycorruptformsofgovernmentwere

    forming,gainingpopularity,andsucceeding.Sheplacespartoftheblameontheintellectual

    changethattookplaceinthemidnineteenthcentury,thatis,theideawecangetsomeobjective

    grasponourselvesorabouttheworldinwhichwelive.Thischangematerializedinitiallywith

    theinventionofthetelescopebyGalileo,whichArendtsaidtobethebeginningofthisscientific

    enterprisetheviewingofourselvesfromsomewheremaybespacetolookdownonus.

    Thescientificenterprisereacheditsclimaxintheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturieswhichsaw

    theinventionanddiscoveryofmorescienceanddiscoverythananyothercenturysince.

    However,evenafterallofthesediscoveries,Arendtbelieved,manwasneversatisfiedbutrather

    refusedtoacceptanythingasconcrete.Manbelievedeverythingtobemerelyastepinamuch

    largerprojectandwhatwasneededwasmoreinformationandscientificdiscovery.Withthehelp

    ofscientificprinciplesmanstartedtoquestioneveryinstitutionandideainsearchofuniversal

    lawsthatcouldbeprovedandappliedtoallofhumanity,andfromthissearchcametheriseof

    totalitariangovernments.Thesetotalitarianrulersandideologiesreplacedexperientialliving

    insteadoflivingwithexperienceasaguide,ideologiescreatedallencompassingworldviewsand

    narrativesthatservedasinfallibleguidelinesforliving(e.g.ideasliketheinferiorityofother

  • ethnicitiesortheinherentwrongnessofthisorthatreligion).ThisiswhereArendtbelieves

    scienceandtotalitariangovernmentsareintertwined:thethoughtthatmancouldbeexplained

    objectivelyinscientifictermsledtotheideathatallthatwasneedwasaplanorguidefor

    humanitytofollowittookthefocusfromindividualthinkingandputitinthehandsoftheselect

    fewwhoownedtheseplans.

    ForArendtthen,totalitarianismdiminishesaction.Actionisthemostimportantaspectof

    man,anditwasalsothemostimportantpartofamanslifeinancientGreece.Theriseofcruel

    andoppressivegovernments,sheargued,wasinpartduetomansneglectofactionandthe

    increasingdesiretoconformandbecomfortableinthefaceofoverwhelmingcomplexity

    broughtaboutbymonstrousleapsinscientificdiscovery.Atthemomentmanstartedtocraved

    individualismandpursuitofpersonalgain,hewasalsooverwhelmedandconfusedbythenew

    complexityandchaosthesituationpresentedthisconfusiondrovepeopleintocomforting

    ideologiesandpartiesinwhichtheybecameanonthinkingmembers.Theseideologiesisms

    whichtothesatisfactionoftheiradherentscanexplaineverythingandeveryoccurrenceby

    deducingitfromasinglepremisecalmedthechaoticconfusingworldforpeople.

    Incontrast,thepublicsphereinGreeklifewasaplacewheremancoulddistinguish

    himselffromothersbyhisactionsandindividuality.Modernity,however,moldedlifetobecome

    almostexclusivelyintrospectiveandthusvaluethepursuitofpersonalgainoverthegainofthe

    community.Manhadsacrificedtheideaofthecommunityattheexpenseofindividualismand

    pursuingonesownends:thefocuswasonthefamily,wealth,andpersonalenrichmentinstead

    ofanactivelifeinthecommunityworkingtowardaparticulargoal.InAncientGreece,freedom

    andindividualityinthepublicspheremeanttakingaction.Itwastakingpartinthedaily

  • arrangementsofsocietythatdefinedthecitizenandhisfreedom.Action,theonlyactivitythat

    goesondirectlybetweenmenwithouttheintermediaryofthingsormatter,correspondstothe

    humanconditionofplurality..thispluralityisspecificallytheconditionnotonlytheconditio

    sinequanon,buttheconditioperquamofallpoliticallife.HereArendtassertsthatgenuine

    individualityonlyexistsinsofarasthecommunitydoes:thesocialandtheindividualare

    inextricablybound.Withouttheabilitytodistinguishonesselfwithinthecommunity,we

    becomemereanimalslaboringandreproducingbydisavowingthecommunityandseeing

    freedomasthefreedomtonotact,wearenolongerhuman.Thetwentiethepitomizedthis

    divisionbetweentheindividualandthesocial.

    AlthoughArendtseparatedlifeintothreeparts:labor,work,andaction,itisclearthat

    actionwasthetraitthatshebelieveddistinguishedusfromanimalsandthusthemostimportant.

    Actioninvolvedbothfreedomandplurality.Byfreedomshemeantthathumanshadtheability

    tostartsomethingnew,createnewideas,orcritiqueolderideastomakethembetterorrelevant

    againwithinthecommunity.Freedomwasnotthefreedomtowithdrawfromthecommunityit

    hadnodefinitionwithintheprivaterealm.Thesecondpartwasplurality,andwithoutplurality

    theideathattherearemanydifferentviewsandcompetingperspectivesfreedommeant

    nothing.Ifhumansdonothaveastageinwhichtopresentthesedifferentideastobecritiqued

    andtocritiqueothers,freedombecomestransformedintoselfishnessandpersonalpursuits.The

    differencebetweenancientfreedomandmodernfreedomforArendtisthattheancientsviewed

    freedomastakingactioninthepublicsphere,makingdecisions,andimmortalizingonesself

    amongpeerscreatingsomethingnewornoteworthy.Themodernideaoffreedom,however,is

    choosingwhetherornottoparticipateinthepoliticalarenanotparticipatingmeantfollowing

  • onesownindividualpathwithoutthehindranceofthecommunityasawhole.Thisiswhere

    Arendtsawnonparticipationinpoliticsleadtomassmovementsofsecurityseekingpeople

    unitedundertheideologyandideasofasingle,idiosyncraticleaderorregime.Sincethe

    communitywasdissolvedinfavoroftheprivate,peoplewholackedanysignificantrelationships

    feltlonely,and,unitedunderoneideaorpremise,thisispreciselywhereideologicalthinking

    takesitsfoothold.ForArendt,theindividualismthattookoverinthetwentiethcentury,

    combinedwithideologiesthatmadelifesensicaltoremovedcitizens,couldonlyleadto

    totalitarianism.

    Arendtalsodefineddistinctionandindividualismdifferentlyandbothledto

    extremelydifferentoutcomes.Sheclaimedthatdistinctionmeantdistinguishingonesselffrom

    agroupofpeoplewithinacommunitybyproducingsomethingnoteworthyornovelthiswas

    synonymouswiththeancientideaofindividualism.However,inthetwentiethcentury

    individualismtransformedintohavingasenseoffreedomtodoanythingonewantswithout

    havingregardforthecommunityoritsmembers.Fortheancients,theindividualandthesocial

    wereoneinthesameinthetwentiethcenturytherenowexistedachasmbetweenthetwo.

    Clearly,themoderntypeofindividualismisdangerousduetoitsapathyinthepoliticalarenain

    favorofanactivepersonallife.

    Arendtfearedthatlifeandpoliticswerebeingreducedtoaprocessofpredictablepatterns

    (namelythepatternthatlifewasallaboutfreedomintheprivatesphereoflabor,family,

    economics,etc.lifeascomfort,ratherthanlifeasdistinctionandgenuinedifferenceand

    individuality)fedbytheconstantprogressionofscience.Shearguedthatthisconstant

    progressionwasactuallydetrimentaltotheinherentlyspontaneousnatureofman.This

  • spontaneityorlivingwithoutbeingconfinedtoscientificboundariesstandardizationand

    predictabilityisexpressedthroughactionanideathathassincebeenlostbutisdesperately

    neededinthemodernageaccordingtoArendt.Humanbeingswillneverbeabletostepoutside

    themselvestocreateauniversalsetofrulesthatallmanmustadhere.Thepluralityofman,his

    inherentspontaneity,andhisneedtocreateandimmortalizehimselfamonghispeersstandsin

    directcontrasttotheideathatwecancreateorviewtheworldfromanobjectivepoint

    somewhereoutsideofourselves.

    AlasdairMacIntyresharedsomeofArendtsworries.LikeArendt,MacIntyrealso

    observedthedawningoftyrannyandtotalitariangovernmentsandwasdissatisfiedwith

    modernityaswell.Hediagnosedthesituationnotasthelossofapublicspherewhereonecould

    engageingenuinepoliticalactionbutratherasmoralcrises.FromtheoutsetMacIntyreclaims

    thatweashumansareinastateofmoralconfusion:sincetherearemanydifferentoften

    competingvocabulariesandconceptualframeworksfromwhichtotalkaboutmoralsthe

    entireconversationendsupinsubjectivismandthusconfusion.Subjectivismforhimmeant

    beingunabletomakeanymeaningfulmoraljudgementsgivencompetingmoralcodes,andwe

    becomeunabletodistinguishbetterfromworseandbecomeeasilyconvincedrightandwrong

    aresubjectivepreferences.MacIntyrebelievedthatinthefaceofthisemotivismthedoctrine

    thatallevaluativejudgmentsandmorespecificallyallmoraljudgmentsarenothingbut

    expressionsofpreference,expressionsofattitudeorfeeling,insofarastheyaremoralor

    evaluativeincharactersocietyhaslosttheabilitytoreasonmorally.

    MacIntyrewasalsointriguedbytheancientGreeksparticularlytheideaofthepolis,and

    hebelievedthatpartsofthepoliscouldberesurrected,reformed,andappliedtomodernsociety.

  • Ultimately,hewantedtolearnfromthepolis,andhebelievedthatthisparticularGreek

    institutionwassuperiortoanywehavetoday.Specifically,itwastheideaofheroisminthepolis

    thatfascinatedhim.Thisheroism,whichisalmostsynonymouswithArendtsviewoftheman

    ofactioninancientGreece,camefromindividualsknowingtheirplacewithinsociety,and

    attemptingtocreateanimmortallegacywithinthesocialconstructsofthepolis.Hewantsusto

    askquestionslikewhatdoesitmeantobeheroic?orwhatwouldaherodointhissituation?

    Theseleadtoquestionsaboutwhatitistobeagoodhuman,andwhatitmeanstoactmorally

    withthisheroorgoodhumaninmind.Wehavethefreedomtochoose,soourmisstepis,for

    MacIntyre,notliningupourpossiblemoralchoiceswiththechoicesaheroorgoodhuman

    wouldmakewithinacommunityofpeople.Again,freedominthepoliswasdifferentiatedfrom

    freedominthetwentiethcenturyinthatthemoderndefinitionMacIntyre,likeArendt,thinksof

    asmerelyanindividualbearingrightsandseekingpureautonomyseparationfroma

    community.Havingthistypeoffreedom,though,breedsasubjectiveemotivistictypeofsociety

    andalackofanidentitywithinacommunityofpeople.BothMacIntyreandArendtthinkwe

    cannotdividetheindividualfromthesocial,andtodosoleadstoanindividualismthat

    inevitablyleadstoamoralsubjectivism.

    Fromthisideaofheroism,Maclntyresetsthefoundationforhismoralandpolitical

    philosophy.Hestatesthateachindividualhasagivenroleandstatuswithinawelldefinedand

    highlydeterminatesystemofrolesandstatuses......Insuchasocietyamanknowswhoheisby

    knowinghisroleinthesestructuresandinknowingthisheknowsalsowhatheowesandwhat

    isowedtohimbytheoccupantofeveryotherroleandstatus.BythisMacIntyremeantthatall

    peoplebelongtoaparticularnarrativethatisthestoryoftheirlives,andthisnarrativeisthe

  • forcebehindhisabilitytostatethatpeoplecanmakegoodandbaddecisions.Forexample,a

    fatherhasparticularpictureofagoodfatherthatheshouldattempttomirror,andheshould

    makedecisionsbasedonthatpicture.Inotherwords,thepictureofthisgoodfatherpresents

    whatexactlyagoodfatherwoulddointhisorthatsituationitisnotanidealorrule,but

    ratherhowagoodfatherwouldactinaparticularsituation.ThisishowMacIntyresayswe

    shouldallmakeourmoraldecisionseachandeveryday.LikeArendt,hedoesntbelievethat

    makinggoodorbadchoicesisbaseduponsomeobjectiveviewofhumannatureorideal,and

    attemptingtodouseidealsorrulesonlyservestoconfuseusinouractualmoralandpolitical

    deliberations.

    SowithArendt,hebelievedthatpeoplecouldnotberippedfromtheircontextandbe

    forcedtoapplyasetofabstractobjectiverulestotheirextremelyspecific,individualized

    situation.Tostepoutsideonesselfistonothaveanygroundsformakingmoralchoices

    because,forMacIntyre,thereisnoobjectiveportiontoaparticularcontextsavetheobjectivity

    withinanindividualscontext.Putanotherway,whatisobjectiveforonepersonisonly

    objectiveasitrelatestotheirparticularcircumstance,butitisnotnecessarilyobjectivefor

    anyoneelsesincetheircircumstanceisdifferent.Howdoesamanknowwhattodoina

    particularsituation?Intheabsenceofstrictrulefollowing,MacIntyresaysthatthrough

    collaborationandagreementwithothersaboutwhatconstitutesvirtuousactioninlightofwhata

    manistobecome,mancanactuallymakerightmoraldecisions.HereheusesAristotelian

    philosophyandhumantelostoarguehiscase.AccordingtoAristotle,tobehappyandtolivelife

    inaccordancewiththevirtuesisagoodlife.Atfirstthisvirtueisambiguous,butMacIntyresays

    thatifasmall,particularcommunityagreesonthishumantelos,andaparticularindividualfails

  • toliveparallelwithit,thenthewordvirtueisgivenmeaningwithinthatcommunitysparticular

    context.Inshort,mansharesacommongoodandatelosthatisonlyrelevanttoaparticular

    communityorgroupofpeople.Andthatteloscanonlybemeasuredupagainstwhatitsmembers

    agreeuponitcannotbemeasuredfromsomeoutsidesourceorfromsomewhereoutsideitself.

    ItisobviousthatMacIntyreisdissatisfiedwithcurrentmoralthinking,butheisequally

    dissatisfiedwithcurrentpoliticalinstitutions.UnderstandingMacIntyresmoralphilosophyis

    criticaltounderstandinghispoliticaldiscontent.He,likeArendt,wishestoseethe

    reestablishmentoftheindividualinpublicsphere,andbelieveseverymanwhoisableshould

    participateinthedaytodaydealingsofpolitics,becausetheactivityitselfholdsintrinsicvalue.

    Forhim,therearecertainactivitiesthataregoodnotbecausetheyproducesomeexternalresult

    suchaswealth,butbecausetheactionproducesaninternalgoodwithintheperson.Playinga

    sportisnotgoodorbadinsofarthatitresultsinawinoraloss,butitisgoodbecausetheaction

    ofparticipatinginthesportitselfisgood.Hereheassertsthathumanslikerocksortrees

    haveadefinedteloswhichwasgiventousbyAristotle:tobehappylivinginaccordancewith

    thevirtues.Assoonasweacceptthatthisisourtelos,weseethatrulefollowingandpure

    rationalisminmoralitybecomesdangeroustolivingahappylife.MacIntyrebelieves

    participationinpoliticsworksidenticaltoparticipationinasport,buteverysinglepersonmust

    participatetoreapthebenefitsbothintrinsicallyandmorallyasacommunity.Politicsfor

    MacIntyreisthistypeofmoraldeliberationaboutwhathumanscanpracticallycomeabout

    giventheiruniquesituationandcircumstancessothatboththeindividualqualitiesofthe

    individualsurfaceandthecommunitycanflourish.Withthisview,MacIntyrecanthelpbut

    criticizetwentiethcenturycapitalismandclassicliberalismwhichonlybreedspolitical

  • disengagementandapathy.

    Politics,then,constitutesatypeofdialogueandfairness:withtheabsenceofstrictrule

    following,humans(withatelos)candeliberateamongstthemselvesaboutwhetherornota

    particularmemberofthecommunityhasfulfilledthattelos.Withoutrulesorundueweightgiven

    totheories,thecommunityreleasesfromideologicalthinkingmadetofitspecificandindividual

    circumstancesitismorefluidinnature.Buttherewillalwaysbe,forMacIntyremoreandless

    experiencedpeopleplayingthisgameofmoralandpoliticaldeliberation.Soexperientialor

    practicalknowledgewasvitalforMacIntyrespoliticstofunctionproperlyasitwastoo,and

    possiblymoreimportant,forphilosopherMichaelOakeshottsunderstandingofpolitics.

    MichaelOakeshott,liketheprevioustwophilosophers,wasdissatisfiedwithcertain

    elementsinmodernsociety.However,hetooapproacheditfromadifferentperspective.For

    Oakeshotttheproblemwasthatourworldanditspoliticswereinfectedwithrationalism.

    Oakeshottbelievedthatthemideighteenthcenturybroughtonaninfluxofrationalthinkersto

    thestage,though,forhimpurerationalisminthefieldofpoliticsormoralitywasdangerous.

    Althoughheclaimedtobeconservative,itwasnotaparticularbrandorideological

    conservatismhewantedtodownplaytheideologicalthinkingthathebelievedcamedirectly

    fromthemindoftherationalist.Rationalism,forOakeshott,wasabeliefthatanyhumanpractice

    couldbereducedtoasetofguidelineswhichanyonecouldreadoruseasguidelinestoconduct.

    LikeMacIntyre,Oakeshottbelievedthatmoralityisneitherasystemofgeneralprinciplesnora

    codeofrules,butavernacularlanguageWhathastobelearnedinmoraleducationisnota

    theoremsuchasalwaystellthetruth,buthowtospeakthelanguageintelligently.Itisnota

    deviceforformulatingjudgementsaboutconduct,butapractice.Moraleducationtakesplace

  • betweenmembersofacommunitywhodeliberate,practice,anddecideuponacertainmorality

    notuponsomemoralprinciplearrivedatrationally.Withoutthisideaofpractice,masteryinany

    areaisthenreducedfortherationalisttoanabstracttheorybywhichexperientialknowledge

    becomesahindrancetotheoreticalpractice.Oakeshottdoesnotdenytheexistenceoftheoretical

    learningorreason,ratherhebelievesthetwotypesofknowledgeboththeoreticaland

    experientialareinseparablemuchlikeArendtandMacIntyrebelievetheindividualandthe

    socialareinseparable.

    Therationalistsmistakeistoattempttoseparatethesetwotypesoflearning,andmoreover

    believethattheoreticallearningistheonlyessentialpartofknowledge.Oakeshottdisagrees

    statingthatitisfoolishtotrytoseparateknowledgeintotwodistinctandclearpartsbecause

    botharerequired.Knowledgeisacombinationofknowthatandknowhowhesaysknow

    thatknowledgereferstotheguidelinesonewouldfollowinordertostartorproceedina

    particularproject,likearecipeorconcretedirections.Knowhowknowledge,ontheother

    hand,referstotheknowledgethatonesimplycannotlearnfromguidelinesorbooks,butmust

    learnfromactuallylivingtheexperiencepracticalknowledge.Asimpleexamplewouldbethat

    ofplayingasport.Onecouldonlyreasonablyparticipateandfunctioninasportafterspending

    daysreadingabouttherulesnotbecausetheyhaveagoodgraspoftheparticularsport,but

    becauseofsomepreviousknowledgeofwhatasportis.Stillthatparticularpersonwouldnot

    succeedinthesport.Nomatterhowmuchlearningisdoneonthetheoreticallevel(reading

    directions,recipes,guidelines,etc.),thereisnosubstituteforexperientialknowledgeofthelived

    experiencewhetherthatbeinpoliticsormorality.Thistypeoflearning,accordingtoOakeshott,

    canonlybedonethroughtheintimacyofpersonalexperienceandthatanyruleoruniversalisby

  • definitionabstractinthatitisonlyapartoftheactuallivedexperiencethatcreateditinthefirst

    place.HereOakeshottmakesclearwhathebelievestobetheshortcomingsofpolitical

    education:itistooabstractandtheoretical.Politicaleducation,iswronglyaccordingto

    Oakeshott,believedtohavetakenplaceonceoneisequippedwithapoliticalideologytoguide

    onespoliticalchoices.

    ForOakeshotthowever,topracticepoliticscorrectlytakesmorethanjustatheoretica

    knowledgeofpolitics.Usinganideologyasaguidetopoliticalchoicesisakintothe

    rulefollowingconceptofmoralitythatArendtandMacIntyreseeasharmful.Ifeveryissuein

    modernsocietyisdifferent(duetothepluralityofviews)howcouldarationalapproachbeable

    toencompassthemultitudeofspecificcircumstances?Theserationalisticideasaresimply

    ideologiesappliedtoprecisesituationswithoutconcernforanyoftheindividual,contextual

    factorsofthesituation:thingssuchasreligion,customs,ortradition.Again,rationalismisthe

    searchforsomethinghighertoreferencesomethingoutsideofourselves.Oakeshottbelieved

    thatthispurelyrationalisticthinkinginpoliticalsettingswasdevastatingtosociety:itpresenteda

    welltrainedmindratherthananeducatedone.Onethathasreadmanybooks,buthasnever

    practicallyimplementedanythinghehaslearned.Hesaysabouttherationalist:andif,withas

    yetnothoughtofanalysis,weglancebelowthesurface,wemay,perhaps,seeinthe

    temperament,ifnotinthecharacter,oftheRationalist,adeepdistrustoftime,animpatient

    hungerforeternityandanirritablenervousnessinthefaceofeverythingtopicalandtransitory.

    Therationalistpresentssolutionsthataredisconnectedwiththeactualcircumstancesinwhich

    theproblemisset,becausetheyaretooimpatienttosolveaproblemthantounderstandthe

    natureoftheproblemitselffullyandthinkthroughpossibleresponses.Thiswasdirectlyaresult

  • ofpoliticaleducationleaningtooheavilyonabstractprinciplesratherthanthepolitical

    judgementofpracticalexperiencegives.

    Theaimofrationalismistofindthebestapproachtoanygivensituation,buttheproblem

    isthatapproachingasituationfromapurelyrationalperspectiveleavesnoroomforthecurrent

    situation.Forexample,politicstodayaimsatfindingsolutionstotheproblemswithinourcurrent

    state.Whatisproblematiciswhenleaderspresentideasforabetterlife,theycompletely

    disregardanythingthatmightbeusefulthatisworkingi.e.theymakesweepingchangesinan

    attempttoperfectsomethingallthewhileditchingwhatmayhavebeenusefulinaprevious

    system.Politics,inshort,seemstolookateverythingasmalfunctioningandsearchesforone,

    overarchingsolutiontothemalfunction.Oakeshottwouldproposealternativelythatmodernday

    politicsshouldlookatwhatisworkingandwhatisusefulandexpanduponthoseideasinaslow

    andthoughtfulmanner.Progressshouldoccurcarefullyandcautiouslywithasmallerscale

    trialanderrorprocessthatcontinuallyanalyzesthepresentsituationwhileatthesametime

    comparingwithtradition,which,forOakeshott,isthepractical,knowhowtypeofknowledge.

    EvenwiththispracticalknowhowknowledgeOakeshott,alongwithArendtandMacIntyre,is

    skepticalofperfection(ortheattemptatperfection)inanyhumanendeavor.

    Inthetwentiethcentury,totalitarianregimeswereaimingatthekindofrationalist

    perfectionandattemptingtoharnesstoharnessalloftheresources(humanincluded)toachieve

    thatvisionofperfection,whichOakeshottisskepticalwearecapableof.Theseregimes

    inevitablybecome,Oakeshottconcludes,oppressiveandmisguided.Oakeshottcomparespolitics

    toaboathesaysmensailaboundlessandbottomlessseathereisneitherharborforshelternor

    floorforanchorage,neitherstartingplacenordestination.Theenterpriseistokeepafloatonan

  • evenkeeltheseaisbothfriendandenemyandtheseamanshipconsistsinusingtheresources

    ofatraditionalmannerofbehaviorinordertomakeafriendofeveryhostileoccasion.For

    Oakeshott,ideologyconsistsinthinkingthereisadestination,butthetruejobofproperand

    effectivepoliticsistosimplyaddressissuesastheyrise.Politicscannotbeprescriptive,andmust

    usewhatisgiventousthroughtraditionandinnovationtoaddresswhateverissuesarisetokeep

    thesystemworkingsmoothly.

    Whatunitesthesethreethinkersistheirdisdainfortheprojectofhumanperfection,

    thinkingthatweashumanscanhaveanobjective,purelyrational,andcomprehensiveviewof

    ourselves,andtheirbeliefthatindividualismwasattherootofmanyofthetwentiethcenturys

    problems.Arendt,MacIntyre,andOakeshottallbelievethereissomethingfoolishabouta

    humanprojectthatconsistsinthesearchforhumanuniversalsoronetruesysteminaworldof

    plurality.Itisthinkingthatwehavediscoveredthetruththatwethenpushitontootherswho

    liveindifferentcircumstancesandwithdifferentideas.Thougheachintheirownwayhave

    diagnosedandattemptedtoaddressthisfoolishnessindifferentways.