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Senior thesis on 20th century political theory.
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PoliticsintheTwentiethCenturybyAdrianRutt
Itisclearthatthetwentiethcenturywasdisastrous.Somethingmusthavecausedthe
ongoingconflicts,death,anddestructionsocharacteristicoftheearlycentury.Attheturnofthe
centurytherewasaconfidencefeltwiththeadvancesmadeinscience,technology,andideas
nationswereforcedtoshedtheireighteenthcenturyisolationistattitudesandwelcomethese
changes.However,thepromisingcenturymadeaturnfortheworse:twomassivelydestructive
worldwarsforcedpeopletoreanalyzetheirconfidenceinmodernization.
Somethingwaswrongwithmodernity,andweoweittofigureslikeHannahArendt,
AlasdairMacIntyre,andMichaelOakeshottfornotonlydiagnosingsomeoftheproblemsbut
offeringsolutionstosomeoftheproblemsthatmaterializedinthetwentiethcentury.However,
eachphilosopherapproachedtheirsituationdifferentlywhichinturnclarifiedwhatitwasthey
believedtobewrongaboutmodernsociety.HannahArendtwasoneofthefirstpoliticalthinkers
toaddressthetotalitarianismandmassmovementsofhertimewiththelandmarkbookThe
OriginsofTotalitarianismpublishedin1951.
Arendtrealizedthatalthoughmansabilitytothinkwasanecessaryandgoodthing,a
particularuseoforemphasisonreasonhadthepotentialtoleadtoamultitudeofproblems.The
Enlightenmentsfocusonapurerationalandlogicalmannerofthinkingledmentobelievethat
thesenewadvancesinscienceallowedmantoknowmoreabouthimselfthatwasmuddledby
experienceorthesenses.Sheclaimedthatmanrealizedhisnewlywonfreedomfromthe
shacklesofearthboundexperienceinsteadofobservingnaturalphenomenaastheyweregiven
tohim,heplacednatureundertheconditionsofhisownmind,thatis,underconditionswon
froma..cosmicstandpointoutsidenatureitself.HereArendtassertsthatmanhasfreedhimself
fromtheempiricallensbywhichhepreviouslylookedattheworldandattemptedtoshifthis
perspectivetosomepointoutsideofnature.Inshort,manisnolongeracreaturelookingoutinto
theworld,butisnowoutsideoftheworldattemptingtolookin.TheproblemforArendtisthat
thoughtsaboutsteppingoutsideofmanscontextwillalwaysbecoloredwiththeindividual
biases,prejudices,andcontextsofthatparticularindividualsthoughtssotherewillalwaysbean
inabilitytostepoutsideofourpersonalhistoriesandcircumstancesandviewourselvesfromthat
outsidepointofview.FromthisideastemstheassertionthatArendtbelievedtobecomea
massivemisstepinhumanthought:mansthinkingthattheycanviewthemselvesfroma
completelyobjectivepointofview.
ThisArchimedeanpointthatArendtreferstohelpsexplainmansattempttouniversalize
lawsofnature,andthussomeoftheproblemsdoingsocreates.Sincemanisconstantlytryingto
stepoutsidethemselvesinanefforttodescribeandobservenaturefromacompletelyobjective
viewpoint,theyareunawarethattheyareactuallyprojectingtheirownthoughtsuponthis
Archimedeanpointfromwhichtoobservenature.Shethinksthatthisprojectisnotonlybound
tofailbutwillbeusedbythosewhothinktheyhavetheobjectiveviewofhumanityfor
disastrousresults.Again,thispresentsenormousproblemsforArendt,anditisuponthisidea
whichshecentersmanyofhercriticismsofmodernsociety.Sincemanwassocaughtupin
tryingtostepoutsideourselvestoviewourselvesobjectivelymanalsolosttouchwithhimselfin
theprocess.LosingtouchforArendtwashavingthearrogancetobelievethatmancouldfigure
outthepuzzlethatwashimself,wheninrealitymanisntaproblemtobesolvedbutacondition
inwhichwelive.Attemptingtostepoutsideourselvesisusefulforcertaintypesofthinking,but
itcannotbetheonlyprocessbywhichtointroducenewideasorview,anditcertainlyisnta
justificationforthem.Itisanincompleteprocessoneofmanyprocessesbywhichto
discovermoreaboutourselves.Arendtspositioncanbesummedupassuch:humansthemselves
canneverbecompletelyobjectiveaboutthemselvesorhumanity.
HannahArendtwitnessedthedawnoffascistandcommunistgovernmentsinthe
twentiethcenturyandsoughtanswerstowhytheseobviouslycorruptformsofgovernmentwere
forming,gainingpopularity,andsucceeding.Sheplacespartoftheblameontheintellectual
changethattookplaceinthemidnineteenthcentury,thatis,theideawecangetsomeobjective
grasponourselvesorabouttheworldinwhichwelive.Thischangematerializedinitiallywith
theinventionofthetelescopebyGalileo,whichArendtsaidtobethebeginningofthisscientific
enterprisetheviewingofourselvesfromsomewheremaybespacetolookdownonus.
Thescientificenterprisereacheditsclimaxintheeighteenthandnineteenthcenturieswhichsaw
theinventionanddiscoveryofmorescienceanddiscoverythananyothercenturysince.
However,evenafterallofthesediscoveries,Arendtbelieved,manwasneversatisfiedbutrather
refusedtoacceptanythingasconcrete.Manbelievedeverythingtobemerelyastepinamuch
largerprojectandwhatwasneededwasmoreinformationandscientificdiscovery.Withthehelp
ofscientificprinciplesmanstartedtoquestioneveryinstitutionandideainsearchofuniversal
lawsthatcouldbeprovedandappliedtoallofhumanity,andfromthissearchcametheriseof
totalitariangovernments.Thesetotalitarianrulersandideologiesreplacedexperientialliving
insteadoflivingwithexperienceasaguide,ideologiescreatedallencompassingworldviewsand
narrativesthatservedasinfallibleguidelinesforliving(e.g.ideasliketheinferiorityofother
ethnicitiesortheinherentwrongnessofthisorthatreligion).ThisiswhereArendtbelieves
scienceandtotalitariangovernmentsareintertwined:thethoughtthatmancouldbeexplained
objectivelyinscientifictermsledtotheideathatallthatwasneedwasaplanorguidefor
humanitytofollowittookthefocusfromindividualthinkingandputitinthehandsoftheselect
fewwhoownedtheseplans.
ForArendtthen,totalitarianismdiminishesaction.Actionisthemostimportantaspectof
man,anditwasalsothemostimportantpartofamanslifeinancientGreece.Theriseofcruel
andoppressivegovernments,sheargued,wasinpartduetomansneglectofactionandthe
increasingdesiretoconformandbecomfortableinthefaceofoverwhelmingcomplexity
broughtaboutbymonstrousleapsinscientificdiscovery.Atthemomentmanstartedtocraved
individualismandpursuitofpersonalgain,hewasalsooverwhelmedandconfusedbythenew
complexityandchaosthesituationpresentedthisconfusiondrovepeopleintocomforting
ideologiesandpartiesinwhichtheybecameanonthinkingmembers.Theseideologiesisms
whichtothesatisfactionoftheiradherentscanexplaineverythingandeveryoccurrenceby
deducingitfromasinglepremisecalmedthechaoticconfusingworldforpeople.
Incontrast,thepublicsphereinGreeklifewasaplacewheremancoulddistinguish
himselffromothersbyhisactionsandindividuality.Modernity,however,moldedlifetobecome
almostexclusivelyintrospectiveandthusvaluethepursuitofpersonalgainoverthegainofthe
community.Manhadsacrificedtheideaofthecommunityattheexpenseofindividualismand
pursuingonesownends:thefocuswasonthefamily,wealth,andpersonalenrichmentinstead
ofanactivelifeinthecommunityworkingtowardaparticulargoal.InAncientGreece,freedom
andindividualityinthepublicspheremeanttakingaction.Itwastakingpartinthedaily
arrangementsofsocietythatdefinedthecitizenandhisfreedom.Action,theonlyactivitythat
goesondirectlybetweenmenwithouttheintermediaryofthingsormatter,correspondstothe
humanconditionofplurality..thispluralityisspecificallytheconditionnotonlytheconditio
sinequanon,buttheconditioperquamofallpoliticallife.HereArendtassertsthatgenuine
individualityonlyexistsinsofarasthecommunitydoes:thesocialandtheindividualare
inextricablybound.Withouttheabilitytodistinguishonesselfwithinthecommunity,we
becomemereanimalslaboringandreproducingbydisavowingthecommunityandseeing
freedomasthefreedomtonotact,wearenolongerhuman.Thetwentiethepitomizedthis
divisionbetweentheindividualandthesocial.
AlthoughArendtseparatedlifeintothreeparts:labor,work,andaction,itisclearthat
actionwasthetraitthatshebelieveddistinguishedusfromanimalsandthusthemostimportant.
Actioninvolvedbothfreedomandplurality.Byfreedomshemeantthathumanshadtheability
tostartsomethingnew,createnewideas,orcritiqueolderideastomakethembetterorrelevant
againwithinthecommunity.Freedomwasnotthefreedomtowithdrawfromthecommunityit
hadnodefinitionwithintheprivaterealm.Thesecondpartwasplurality,andwithoutplurality
theideathattherearemanydifferentviewsandcompetingperspectivesfreedommeant
nothing.Ifhumansdonothaveastageinwhichtopresentthesedifferentideastobecritiqued
andtocritiqueothers,freedombecomestransformedintoselfishnessandpersonalpursuits.The
differencebetweenancientfreedomandmodernfreedomforArendtisthattheancientsviewed
freedomastakingactioninthepublicsphere,makingdecisions,andimmortalizingonesself
amongpeerscreatingsomethingnewornoteworthy.Themodernideaoffreedom,however,is
choosingwhetherornottoparticipateinthepoliticalarenanotparticipatingmeantfollowing
onesownindividualpathwithoutthehindranceofthecommunityasawhole.Thisiswhere
Arendtsawnonparticipationinpoliticsleadtomassmovementsofsecurityseekingpeople
unitedundertheideologyandideasofasingle,idiosyncraticleaderorregime.Sincethe
communitywasdissolvedinfavoroftheprivate,peoplewholackedanysignificantrelationships
feltlonely,and,unitedunderoneideaorpremise,thisispreciselywhereideologicalthinking
takesitsfoothold.ForArendt,theindividualismthattookoverinthetwentiethcentury,
combinedwithideologiesthatmadelifesensicaltoremovedcitizens,couldonlyleadto
totalitarianism.
Arendtalsodefineddistinctionandindividualismdifferentlyandbothledto
extremelydifferentoutcomes.Sheclaimedthatdistinctionmeantdistinguishingonesselffrom
agroupofpeoplewithinacommunitybyproducingsomethingnoteworthyornovelthiswas
synonymouswiththeancientideaofindividualism.However,inthetwentiethcentury
individualismtransformedintohavingasenseoffreedomtodoanythingonewantswithout
havingregardforthecommunityoritsmembers.Fortheancients,theindividualandthesocial
wereoneinthesameinthetwentiethcenturytherenowexistedachasmbetweenthetwo.
Clearly,themoderntypeofindividualismisdangerousduetoitsapathyinthepoliticalarenain
favorofanactivepersonallife.
Arendtfearedthatlifeandpoliticswerebeingreducedtoaprocessofpredictablepatterns
(namelythepatternthatlifewasallaboutfreedomintheprivatesphereoflabor,family,
economics,etc.lifeascomfort,ratherthanlifeasdistinctionandgenuinedifferenceand
individuality)fedbytheconstantprogressionofscience.Shearguedthatthisconstant
progressionwasactuallydetrimentaltotheinherentlyspontaneousnatureofman.This
spontaneityorlivingwithoutbeingconfinedtoscientificboundariesstandardizationand
predictabilityisexpressedthroughactionanideathathassincebeenlostbutisdesperately
neededinthemodernageaccordingtoArendt.Humanbeingswillneverbeabletostepoutside
themselvestocreateauniversalsetofrulesthatallmanmustadhere.Thepluralityofman,his
inherentspontaneity,andhisneedtocreateandimmortalizehimselfamonghispeersstandsin
directcontrasttotheideathatwecancreateorviewtheworldfromanobjectivepoint
somewhereoutsideofourselves.
AlasdairMacIntyresharedsomeofArendtsworries.LikeArendt,MacIntyrealso
observedthedawningoftyrannyandtotalitariangovernmentsandwasdissatisfiedwith
modernityaswell.Hediagnosedthesituationnotasthelossofapublicspherewhereonecould
engageingenuinepoliticalactionbutratherasmoralcrises.FromtheoutsetMacIntyreclaims
thatweashumansareinastateofmoralconfusion:sincetherearemanydifferentoften
competingvocabulariesandconceptualframeworksfromwhichtotalkaboutmoralsthe
entireconversationendsupinsubjectivismandthusconfusion.Subjectivismforhimmeant
beingunabletomakeanymeaningfulmoraljudgementsgivencompetingmoralcodes,andwe
becomeunabletodistinguishbetterfromworseandbecomeeasilyconvincedrightandwrong
aresubjectivepreferences.MacIntyrebelievedthatinthefaceofthisemotivismthedoctrine
thatallevaluativejudgmentsandmorespecificallyallmoraljudgmentsarenothingbut
expressionsofpreference,expressionsofattitudeorfeeling,insofarastheyaremoralor
evaluativeincharactersocietyhaslosttheabilitytoreasonmorally.
MacIntyrewasalsointriguedbytheancientGreeksparticularlytheideaofthepolis,and
hebelievedthatpartsofthepoliscouldberesurrected,reformed,andappliedtomodernsociety.
Ultimately,hewantedtolearnfromthepolis,andhebelievedthatthisparticularGreek
institutionwassuperiortoanywehavetoday.Specifically,itwastheideaofheroisminthepolis
thatfascinatedhim.Thisheroism,whichisalmostsynonymouswithArendtsviewoftheman
ofactioninancientGreece,camefromindividualsknowingtheirplacewithinsociety,and
attemptingtocreateanimmortallegacywithinthesocialconstructsofthepolis.Hewantsusto
askquestionslikewhatdoesitmeantobeheroic?orwhatwouldaherodointhissituation?
Theseleadtoquestionsaboutwhatitistobeagoodhuman,andwhatitmeanstoactmorally
withthisheroorgoodhumaninmind.Wehavethefreedomtochoose,soourmisstepis,for
MacIntyre,notliningupourpossiblemoralchoiceswiththechoicesaheroorgoodhuman
wouldmakewithinacommunityofpeople.Again,freedominthepoliswasdifferentiatedfrom
freedominthetwentiethcenturyinthatthemoderndefinitionMacIntyre,likeArendt,thinksof
asmerelyanindividualbearingrightsandseekingpureautonomyseparationfroma
community.Havingthistypeoffreedom,though,breedsasubjectiveemotivistictypeofsociety
andalackofanidentitywithinacommunityofpeople.BothMacIntyreandArendtthinkwe
cannotdividetheindividualfromthesocial,andtodosoleadstoanindividualismthat
inevitablyleadstoamoralsubjectivism.
Fromthisideaofheroism,Maclntyresetsthefoundationforhismoralandpolitical
philosophy.Hestatesthateachindividualhasagivenroleandstatuswithinawelldefinedand
highlydeterminatesystemofrolesandstatuses......Insuchasocietyamanknowswhoheisby
knowinghisroleinthesestructuresandinknowingthisheknowsalsowhatheowesandwhat
isowedtohimbytheoccupantofeveryotherroleandstatus.BythisMacIntyremeantthatall
peoplebelongtoaparticularnarrativethatisthestoryoftheirlives,andthisnarrativeisthe
forcebehindhisabilitytostatethatpeoplecanmakegoodandbaddecisions.Forexample,a
fatherhasparticularpictureofagoodfatherthatheshouldattempttomirror,andheshould
makedecisionsbasedonthatpicture.Inotherwords,thepictureofthisgoodfatherpresents
whatexactlyagoodfatherwoulddointhisorthatsituationitisnotanidealorrule,but
ratherhowagoodfatherwouldactinaparticularsituation.ThisishowMacIntyresayswe
shouldallmakeourmoraldecisionseachandeveryday.LikeArendt,hedoesntbelievethat
makinggoodorbadchoicesisbaseduponsomeobjectiveviewofhumannatureorideal,and
attemptingtodouseidealsorrulesonlyservestoconfuseusinouractualmoralandpolitical
deliberations.
SowithArendt,hebelievedthatpeoplecouldnotberippedfromtheircontextandbe
forcedtoapplyasetofabstractobjectiverulestotheirextremelyspecific,individualized
situation.Tostepoutsideonesselfistonothaveanygroundsformakingmoralchoices
because,forMacIntyre,thereisnoobjectiveportiontoaparticularcontextsavetheobjectivity
withinanindividualscontext.Putanotherway,whatisobjectiveforonepersonisonly
objectiveasitrelatestotheirparticularcircumstance,butitisnotnecessarilyobjectivefor
anyoneelsesincetheircircumstanceisdifferent.Howdoesamanknowwhattodoina
particularsituation?Intheabsenceofstrictrulefollowing,MacIntyresaysthatthrough
collaborationandagreementwithothersaboutwhatconstitutesvirtuousactioninlightofwhata
manistobecome,mancanactuallymakerightmoraldecisions.HereheusesAristotelian
philosophyandhumantelostoarguehiscase.AccordingtoAristotle,tobehappyandtolivelife
inaccordancewiththevirtuesisagoodlife.Atfirstthisvirtueisambiguous,butMacIntyresays
thatifasmall,particularcommunityagreesonthishumantelos,andaparticularindividualfails
toliveparallelwithit,thenthewordvirtueisgivenmeaningwithinthatcommunitysparticular
context.Inshort,mansharesacommongoodandatelosthatisonlyrelevanttoaparticular
communityorgroupofpeople.Andthatteloscanonlybemeasuredupagainstwhatitsmembers
agreeuponitcannotbemeasuredfromsomeoutsidesourceorfromsomewhereoutsideitself.
ItisobviousthatMacIntyreisdissatisfiedwithcurrentmoralthinking,butheisequally
dissatisfiedwithcurrentpoliticalinstitutions.UnderstandingMacIntyresmoralphilosophyis
criticaltounderstandinghispoliticaldiscontent.He,likeArendt,wishestoseethe
reestablishmentoftheindividualinpublicsphere,andbelieveseverymanwhoisableshould
participateinthedaytodaydealingsofpolitics,becausetheactivityitselfholdsintrinsicvalue.
Forhim,therearecertainactivitiesthataregoodnotbecausetheyproducesomeexternalresult
suchaswealth,butbecausetheactionproducesaninternalgoodwithintheperson.Playinga
sportisnotgoodorbadinsofarthatitresultsinawinoraloss,butitisgoodbecausetheaction
ofparticipatinginthesportitselfisgood.Hereheassertsthathumanslikerocksortrees
haveadefinedteloswhichwasgiventousbyAristotle:tobehappylivinginaccordancewith
thevirtues.Assoonasweacceptthatthisisourtelos,weseethatrulefollowingandpure
rationalisminmoralitybecomesdangeroustolivingahappylife.MacIntyrebelieves
participationinpoliticsworksidenticaltoparticipationinasport,buteverysinglepersonmust
participatetoreapthebenefitsbothintrinsicallyandmorallyasacommunity.Politicsfor
MacIntyreisthistypeofmoraldeliberationaboutwhathumanscanpracticallycomeabout
giventheiruniquesituationandcircumstancessothatboththeindividualqualitiesofthe
individualsurfaceandthecommunitycanflourish.Withthisview,MacIntyrecanthelpbut
criticizetwentiethcenturycapitalismandclassicliberalismwhichonlybreedspolitical
disengagementandapathy.
Politics,then,constitutesatypeofdialogueandfairness:withtheabsenceofstrictrule
following,humans(withatelos)candeliberateamongstthemselvesaboutwhetherornota
particularmemberofthecommunityhasfulfilledthattelos.Withoutrulesorundueweightgiven
totheories,thecommunityreleasesfromideologicalthinkingmadetofitspecificandindividual
circumstancesitismorefluidinnature.Buttherewillalwaysbe,forMacIntyremoreandless
experiencedpeopleplayingthisgameofmoralandpoliticaldeliberation.Soexperientialor
practicalknowledgewasvitalforMacIntyrespoliticstofunctionproperlyasitwastoo,and
possiblymoreimportant,forphilosopherMichaelOakeshottsunderstandingofpolitics.
MichaelOakeshott,liketheprevioustwophilosophers,wasdissatisfiedwithcertain
elementsinmodernsociety.However,hetooapproacheditfromadifferentperspective.For
Oakeshotttheproblemwasthatourworldanditspoliticswereinfectedwithrationalism.
Oakeshottbelievedthatthemideighteenthcenturybroughtonaninfluxofrationalthinkersto
thestage,though,forhimpurerationalisminthefieldofpoliticsormoralitywasdangerous.
Althoughheclaimedtobeconservative,itwasnotaparticularbrandorideological
conservatismhewantedtodownplaytheideologicalthinkingthathebelievedcamedirectly
fromthemindoftherationalist.Rationalism,forOakeshott,wasabeliefthatanyhumanpractice
couldbereducedtoasetofguidelineswhichanyonecouldreadoruseasguidelinestoconduct.
LikeMacIntyre,Oakeshottbelievedthatmoralityisneitherasystemofgeneralprinciplesnora
codeofrules,butavernacularlanguageWhathastobelearnedinmoraleducationisnota
theoremsuchasalwaystellthetruth,buthowtospeakthelanguageintelligently.Itisnota
deviceforformulatingjudgementsaboutconduct,butapractice.Moraleducationtakesplace
betweenmembersofacommunitywhodeliberate,practice,anddecideuponacertainmorality
notuponsomemoralprinciplearrivedatrationally.Withoutthisideaofpractice,masteryinany
areaisthenreducedfortherationalisttoanabstracttheorybywhichexperientialknowledge
becomesahindrancetotheoreticalpractice.Oakeshottdoesnotdenytheexistenceoftheoretical
learningorreason,ratherhebelievesthetwotypesofknowledgeboththeoreticaland
experientialareinseparablemuchlikeArendtandMacIntyrebelievetheindividualandthe
socialareinseparable.
Therationalistsmistakeistoattempttoseparatethesetwotypesoflearning,andmoreover
believethattheoreticallearningistheonlyessentialpartofknowledge.Oakeshottdisagrees
statingthatitisfoolishtotrytoseparateknowledgeintotwodistinctandclearpartsbecause
botharerequired.Knowledgeisacombinationofknowthatandknowhowhesaysknow
thatknowledgereferstotheguidelinesonewouldfollowinordertostartorproceedina
particularproject,likearecipeorconcretedirections.Knowhowknowledge,ontheother
hand,referstotheknowledgethatonesimplycannotlearnfromguidelinesorbooks,butmust
learnfromactuallylivingtheexperiencepracticalknowledge.Asimpleexamplewouldbethat
ofplayingasport.Onecouldonlyreasonablyparticipateandfunctioninasportafterspending
daysreadingabouttherulesnotbecausetheyhaveagoodgraspoftheparticularsport,but
becauseofsomepreviousknowledgeofwhatasportis.Stillthatparticularpersonwouldnot
succeedinthesport.Nomatterhowmuchlearningisdoneonthetheoreticallevel(reading
directions,recipes,guidelines,etc.),thereisnosubstituteforexperientialknowledgeofthelived
experiencewhetherthatbeinpoliticsormorality.Thistypeoflearning,accordingtoOakeshott,
canonlybedonethroughtheintimacyofpersonalexperienceandthatanyruleoruniversalisby
definitionabstractinthatitisonlyapartoftheactuallivedexperiencethatcreateditinthefirst
place.HereOakeshottmakesclearwhathebelievestobetheshortcomingsofpolitical
education:itistooabstractandtheoretical.Politicaleducation,iswronglyaccordingto
Oakeshott,believedtohavetakenplaceonceoneisequippedwithapoliticalideologytoguide
onespoliticalchoices.
ForOakeshotthowever,topracticepoliticscorrectlytakesmorethanjustatheoretica
knowledgeofpolitics.Usinganideologyasaguidetopoliticalchoicesisakintothe
rulefollowingconceptofmoralitythatArendtandMacIntyreseeasharmful.Ifeveryissuein
modernsocietyisdifferent(duetothepluralityofviews)howcouldarationalapproachbeable
toencompassthemultitudeofspecificcircumstances?Theserationalisticideasaresimply
ideologiesappliedtoprecisesituationswithoutconcernforanyoftheindividual,contextual
factorsofthesituation:thingssuchasreligion,customs,ortradition.Again,rationalismisthe
searchforsomethinghighertoreferencesomethingoutsideofourselves.Oakeshottbelieved
thatthispurelyrationalisticthinkinginpoliticalsettingswasdevastatingtosociety:itpresenteda
welltrainedmindratherthananeducatedone.Onethathasreadmanybooks,buthasnever
practicallyimplementedanythinghehaslearned.Hesaysabouttherationalist:andif,withas
yetnothoughtofanalysis,weglancebelowthesurface,wemay,perhaps,seeinthe
temperament,ifnotinthecharacter,oftheRationalist,adeepdistrustoftime,animpatient
hungerforeternityandanirritablenervousnessinthefaceofeverythingtopicalandtransitory.
Therationalistpresentssolutionsthataredisconnectedwiththeactualcircumstancesinwhich
theproblemisset,becausetheyaretooimpatienttosolveaproblemthantounderstandthe
natureoftheproblemitselffullyandthinkthroughpossibleresponses.Thiswasdirectlyaresult
ofpoliticaleducationleaningtooheavilyonabstractprinciplesratherthanthepolitical
judgementofpracticalexperiencegives.
Theaimofrationalismistofindthebestapproachtoanygivensituation,buttheproblem
isthatapproachingasituationfromapurelyrationalperspectiveleavesnoroomforthecurrent
situation.Forexample,politicstodayaimsatfindingsolutionstotheproblemswithinourcurrent
state.Whatisproblematiciswhenleaderspresentideasforabetterlife,theycompletely
disregardanythingthatmightbeusefulthatisworkingi.e.theymakesweepingchangesinan
attempttoperfectsomethingallthewhileditchingwhatmayhavebeenusefulinaprevious
system.Politics,inshort,seemstolookateverythingasmalfunctioningandsearchesforone,
overarchingsolutiontothemalfunction.Oakeshottwouldproposealternativelythatmodernday
politicsshouldlookatwhatisworkingandwhatisusefulandexpanduponthoseideasinaslow
andthoughtfulmanner.Progressshouldoccurcarefullyandcautiouslywithasmallerscale
trialanderrorprocessthatcontinuallyanalyzesthepresentsituationwhileatthesametime
comparingwithtradition,which,forOakeshott,isthepractical,knowhowtypeofknowledge.
EvenwiththispracticalknowhowknowledgeOakeshott,alongwithArendtandMacIntyre,is
skepticalofperfection(ortheattemptatperfection)inanyhumanendeavor.
Inthetwentiethcentury,totalitarianregimeswereaimingatthekindofrationalist
perfectionandattemptingtoharnesstoharnessalloftheresources(humanincluded)toachieve
thatvisionofperfection,whichOakeshottisskepticalwearecapableof.Theseregimes
inevitablybecome,Oakeshottconcludes,oppressiveandmisguided.Oakeshottcomparespolitics
toaboathesaysmensailaboundlessandbottomlessseathereisneitherharborforshelternor
floorforanchorage,neitherstartingplacenordestination.Theenterpriseistokeepafloatonan
evenkeeltheseaisbothfriendandenemyandtheseamanshipconsistsinusingtheresources
ofatraditionalmannerofbehaviorinordertomakeafriendofeveryhostileoccasion.For
Oakeshott,ideologyconsistsinthinkingthereisadestination,butthetruejobofproperand
effectivepoliticsistosimplyaddressissuesastheyrise.Politicscannotbeprescriptive,andmust
usewhatisgiventousthroughtraditionandinnovationtoaddresswhateverissuesarisetokeep
thesystemworkingsmoothly.
Whatunitesthesethreethinkersistheirdisdainfortheprojectofhumanperfection,
thinkingthatweashumanscanhaveanobjective,purelyrational,andcomprehensiveviewof
ourselves,andtheirbeliefthatindividualismwasattherootofmanyofthetwentiethcenturys
problems.Arendt,MacIntyre,andOakeshottallbelievethereissomethingfoolishabouta
humanprojectthatconsistsinthesearchforhumanuniversalsoronetruesysteminaworldof
plurality.Itisthinkingthatwehavediscoveredthetruththatwethenpushitontootherswho
liveindifferentcircumstancesandwithdifferentideas.Thougheachintheirownwayhave
diagnosedandattemptedtoaddressthisfoolishnessindifferentways.