Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    1/24

    Enabling Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus:

    Shortcomings, Underlying Market Failures, and Policy Solutions

    Matthew Bruchon

    ESD.103 Political Economy Paper

    November 20, 2012

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    2/24

    I. Introduction

    To maintain stable operations, a power grid must constantly balance electricity supplied

    to the grid and electricity consumed every minute of every hour of every day. This is often

    achieved by treating demand as an exogenous, inelastic, unresponsive variable and adjusting

    power generation to match it. Underlying this paradigm is the notion that electricity generation

    is easily controllable and predictable, whereas demand is not.1 Recent developments in the

    island nation of Cyprus challenge that notion, including national plans to bring large amounts of

    unpredictable wind and solar power onto the grid in the next decade.2 Also, a catastrophic

    explosion at a power plant in 2011 took much of islands electricity supply offline without

    warning, providing a reminder that even conventional thermal power generation is not perfectly

    reliable.3 One option that has been explored in other power systems around the world is making

    demand more responsive to supply-side dynamics; in other words, some amount of energy

    consumption could be capable of being curtailed, shifted in time, or increased at a given time to

    match the current availability and cost of electricity. Cypruss grid can be made more stable by

    this approach.

    The growing value of responsive energy demand in Cyprus casts light on failures of the

    Cyprus electricity market to enable any sort of dynamism on the demand side of the energy

    equation; these market failures are common in many nations,4 and analyzing Cyprus lends some

    1 Ilic M., Black J.W., and Watz J.L. (2002). Potential Benefits of Implementing Load Control.IEEE PowerEngineering Society Winter Meetingvolume 1, pp. 177-182.

    2 Stylianou, Stelios (2012). The Future Development of the Cyprus Electricity Market on Conventional and

    Renewable Energy Sources. Electricity Authority of Cyprus. 2nd Gulf Intelligence Levant Energy Forum.

    3 Sharpe, Lorna (2011). Cyprus Over the Worst of Power Crisis. Engineering & Technology 6(8):8.

    4Ilic M., Black J.W., Fumagalli E., Visudhiphan P. and Watz J.L. (2001). Understanding Demand: The Missing

    Link in Efficient Electricity Markets. Energy Laboratory Publication, MIT, EL 01-014WP.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    3/24

    general insights. The islands electricity supply is dominated by one firm, the Electricity

    Authority of Cyprus (EAC). EAC possesses near-complete market power,5 and likely has little

    incentive to enact programs making demand more responsive or to reduce total demand via

    efficiency improvements. Even if the electricity market were competitive, thus erasing market

    failures due to imperfect competition, a more fundamental market failure from imperfect

    information exists. Nearly all consumers pay a flat electricity rate throughout the day and year,

    and are not exposed to, nor aware of, the actual cost of producing the energy they consume at

    any given time.6 Until a signaling mechanism of some type is created to communicate the cost of

    electricity to consumers, demand cannot be made responsive to the needs of the grid. This

    problem is made worse due to growing demand; electricity consumption in Cyprus has more than

    doubled since 1990, and is forecast to triple in the next 20-25 years.7

    In order to enable truly responsive demand, the nation of Cyprusand other nations with

    similar concernsshould evaluate policy options to mitigate these market failures. Reducing

    market concentration is a challenge, since Cypruss small size makes EAC a natural monopoly.

    Fortunately, pragmatic policies can stimulate demand-side innovation regardless of this

    imperfect competition. At a minimum, existing energy efficiency subsidies can be expanded to

    encourage the use of modern building technologies that allow demand management to be

    automated more readily. A more robust policy would go further, addressing imperfect

    information by creating signals between the supply and demand via opt-in usage curtailment

    programs or a dynamic pricing scheme. These policies are susceptible to regulatory capture, and

    5 Zachariadis T. (2010). Forecast of Electricity Consumption in Cyprus up to the Year 2030: The Potential Impact

    of Climate Change.Energy Policy 38:744-750.

    6 Electricity Authority of Cyprus: Annual Report 2010.

    7 Ibid.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    4/24

    may be challenging to even implement due to collective actions issues, but ideally, the result

    could be electricity markets that operate more efficiently and stably.

    II. Motivations for Enabling Responsive Demand

    In order to understand the value that responsive energy demand can provide to Cyprus, an

    examination of the context of Cypruss energy supply is necessary. Cyprus has historically dealt

    with less than ideal security of its energy supply. Like any island without a connection to a

    mainland power grid, all electricity must be generated locally in Cyprus. 95% of this electricity

    currently comes from burning fuel oil, which is imported from international sources at high cost.8

    One source of supply-side insecurity comes from the availability and price of oil from its

    international suppliers; most imports come from Syria and the Russian Federation.9 The

    historical impact of this insecurity has been largely limited to high electricity rates, but the

    impacts of two new developments on the supply sidea catastrophe at the Evangelos Florakis

    Naval Base power plant, and growing solar and wind generationare more drastic.

    On July 11, 2011, a large stockpile of explosive munitions stored at the Evangelos

    Florakis Naval Base self-detonated suddenly and unexpectedly. The explosion killed 13 people,

    injured 62, and damaged every house in a nearby village.10 The nearby Vasilikos Power Station

    was severely damaged, thus taking roughly half of Cypruss generation capacity offline. For the

    following month, widespread rolling residential blackouts were necessary due to supply

    shortages. For a longer period of time, Cyprus also had to lease very expensive temporary

    8 Stylianou,supra note 2.

    9 Pilavachi P.A., Kalampalikas N.G., Kakouris M.K. et al (2009). The Energy Policy of the Republic of Cyprus.

    Energy 34:547-554.

    10 Cyprus Mail (2011): The Victims of the Naval Base Tragedy. Cyprus Mail.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    5/24

    generators from Israel.11 This cost, coupled with the repair costs for the Vasilikos plant of nearly

    one billion US dollars, drastically raised the cost of generation; the total economic impact of the

    catastrophe has been estimated at 2.83 billion US dollars.12

    More broadly, the Vasilikos catastrophe demonstrated that building a power system under

    assumptions of exogenous demand, and thus a reliance on supply being fully controllable and

    reliable, is risk-laden. Power systems are typically built to meet the peak level of aggregate

    demand required at any instant, plus some safety margin; because it is an island, Cypruss safety

    margin is stressed more easily. If Cyprus were connected to the European power grid, for

    instance, a much larger safety margin would exist and blackouts may have been avoided, but the

    costs of building a long-distance underwater grid interconnect are likely to be prohibitive, and no

    such plan has been seriously considered.13 If a small amount of energy usage could be delayed

    or brought forward in time to lower the peak demand level, more of the existing generation

    capacity would exist purely to meet that safety margin, rather than being used every day; in the

    case of Cyprus, the scale of the rolling blackouts might have been reduced. The value of

    responsive demand as a partial mitigation for low safety margins is high in Cyprus because it is

    an island; this is also true in other isolated power systems.14,15

    11 Hajipapas A. and Hope K. (2011). Protests Follow Cyprus Navy Fire Deaths.Financial Times.

    12

    Al Jazeera (2011): Cyprus Ruling Coalition Partner Drops Out.

    13 Pivalachi,supra note 9.

    14Busche S., Connors S. and Critz D.K. (2012). Power Systems Balancing with High Penetration Renewables: The

    Potential of Demand Response in Hawaii. National Renewable Energy Laboratory draft report.

    15Livengood D, Sim-Sim F.C., Ioakimidis C.S., and Larson R. (2010). Responsive Demand in Isolated Energy

    Systems.Island Sustainability 130:197.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    6/24

    A second source of unpredictability in Cypruss energy supply is both expected and

    planned. In order to meet European Union regulations, Cyprus plans to generate at least 16%

    percent of its energy from renewable sources by 2020.16 The island currently generates roughly

    5% of its energy from renewables, the majority of which comes from an 82 megawatt (MW)

    wind farm at Orites that opened in 2010 and is the largest in the Mediterranean region. 17 By

    2020, the island plans to increase its total wind capacity from 135 MW to 300 MW and its total

    solar capacity from 9 MW to 267 MW.18 Compared to the slow and steady evolution over many

    decades that characterize many power systems, these transformations are relatively rapid and

    drastic. Solar and wind power are inherently intermittent, and also subject to forecasting errors.

    This increasing unpredictability of supply may stress the grids ability to balance supply and

    demand. As in the case of unexpected outages, this problem is exacerbated by the inability to

    connect to a larger mainland power grid.

    The typical method of mitigating this intermittency is to run very expensive, inefficient

    peaking thermal generators on standbythe most inefficient output levelso they can react

    quickly to fluctuations.19 This is sometimes complemented by the use of storage in the form of

    pumped water, batteries or flywheels to smooth power supply fluctuations.20 Unfortunately,

    Cypruss resources for large-scale pumped water storage are minimal; severe water shortages are

    16Stylianou,supra note 2.

    17 Ktisti, Sarah (2009). Cyprus Unveils Mammoth Wind Farm. Reuters.

    18Stylianou,supra note 2.

    19 Critz D. K. (2011). Power System Balancing with High Renewable Penetration: The Potential of Demand

    Response. SM thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    20 DeAmicis P. (2011). Seasonal and Diurnal Variability of Wind and Hydro Energy Sources on the Azores,

    Portugal and the Effectiveness of Utilizing Energy Storage to Achieve Maximum Penetration. SM thesis,

    Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    7/24

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    8/24

    responsive demand draws attention to structural failures in Cypruss electricity market that form

    obstacles to any meaningful demand-side innovations.

    III. Market Concentration as an Obstacle to Innovation

    The concentrated nature of Cypruss electricity generation may be one obstacle to

    enabling more responsive demand, although the evidence available suggests this obstacle may be

    secondary. This market concentration is not universal, but it is also not rare. Massive economies

    of scale are needed to create the capital-intensive infrastructure to supply electricity, and natural

    monopolies often arise,27an effect one might expect to see in small-scale or isolated power

    systems such as Cyprus. In fact, this is why the European Union has exempted Cyprus from

    certain aspects of liberalization.28 Still, even if these natural monopolies exist for perfectly valid

    reasons, there is a risk that they may opt to exploit their market power in an unfair manner. At

    any rate, their market dominance may reduce their incentive to invest in demand-side

    innovations that could reduce the cost of providing electricity by allowing the grid to function

    more efficiently.

    The concentration of electricity supply in Cyprus is clear. Until 2004, EAC was the only

    seller in a closed electricity market; at that point, 35% of the market was officially opened. In

    2009 the market was opened with the exception of residential households, and plans exist to fully

    liberalize the market by 2014 (Cyprus obtained an exemption from the European Commission

    allowing it to delay full liberalization until that date). Despite this de jure liberalization, the

    market is still largely de facto concentrated. EAC completely owns the transmission and

    27 Black J.W. (2005). Integrating Demand into the U.S. Electric Power System: Technical, Economic and

    Regulatory Frameworks for Responsive Load. PhD dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

    28 Cyprus Energy Regulatory Authority (2010). Report to the European Commission in Line with the Electricity

    and Gas Directives for the Period July 2009 to July 2010.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    9/24

    distribution networks; a recently established independent transmission system operator (TSO)

    exists, but EAC operates the distribution network. In other words, electricity provision is largely

    vertically and horizontally integrated. Cyprus has no functioning market for electricity in the

    day-ahead or intraday time frames, and purchase agreements must be negotiated bilaterally

    between EAC and the independent TSO.29

    There is a current controversy in Cyprus regarding the question of whether EAC

    exercises its market power in an undue fashion. Electricity is expensive in Cyprus, and

    frustrated citizens have alleged that the high rates are due to EACs monopoly.30 On the other

    hand, EAC has argued via press releases that high rates are reflective of the high costs

    throughout the energy supply chain: imported oil is extremely costly, the national government

    has been slow to allow creation of a less costly natural gas supply, and a fraction of the monthly

    bill is a surcharge to cover a government-mandated rate paid to independent producers of

    renewable generation.31 Furthermore, a precise formula approved by regulators links electricity

    prices to the cost of imported oil.32 It is not obvious from available data that the EAC has been

    exercising its market power unfairly; it could simply be operating as efficiently as it can in a

    highly constrained position.

    A more general, and perhaps less controversial, concern related to EACs market

    dominance is their resulting lack of incentive to innovate in new demand-side innovations. If the

    29

    European Commission (2007). Cyprus Internal Market Fact Sheet.

    30 Psyllides, George. Fed Up Consumers Call for End to EAC Monopoly. Cyprus Mail.

    31 Electricity Authority of Cyprus (2012). The Cost of Electricity Generation in Cyprus-29/2/12.

    32 Zachariadis,supra note 4.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    10/24

    market functioned with perfect competition, EAC would undertake various economically rational

    actions to reduce generation costs and maintain market share. Studies have shown that modest

    levels of responsive demand can easily pay back the required investments by allowing existing

    conventional thermal generation to run more efficiently, and by allowing renewables to be used

    to their maximum potential.33 Without the threat of competition to motivate EAC to attempt

    such a strategy, the utility may be unlikely to be a leader of any such demand-side innovation; a

    business-as-usual strategy yields an equally captive market.

    One promising development in favor of competitive electricity generation lies in the

    national policy for integrating distributed generation from renewables. The independent TSO is

    obligated to offer a grid connection to independent renewable generators if they meet certain

    technical requirements, and the feed-in tariff ensures a return on investment for the independent

    generators. These incentives, coupled with a climate conducive to renewable generation

    including very strong potential for solar generation compared to the rest of Europe34should

    help bring online distributed renewables. However, a recent study indicated that bureaucratic

    hurdles are a major impediment to distributed generation; approval is needed from 19 different

    offices simply to get a building permitthe first of many steps in gaining a grid connection

    and while no licenses have been rejected by the TSO, delays are severe.35 It is not clear that

    there is any kind of nefarious institutional motivation behind these delays, so it is reasonable to

    believe they are simply due to lack of resources to process applications quickly.

    33 Critz,supra note 19.

    34 Koroneos et al, supra note 21.

    35 Maroulis, G. (2011). RES-Integration Country Report Cyprus. Eclareon gmbh and Institute for Applied

    Ecology.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    11/24

    Regardless of licensing and permitting issues, some studies indicate that large-scale wind

    farms and new natural gas plants may decrease market concentration in the long term. But even

    if this does not occur, a concentrated market is not necessarily the market failure of most concern

    to developing responsive demand. Even if the electricity markets were fully competitive, more

    fundamental aspects of the markets structure creating imperfect information on the demand side

    would still hinder development of responsive demand. This problem of imperfect information is

    the crux of the issue of largely unresponsive demand, in Cyprus and in other electricity markets,

    and it warrants further examination.

    IV. Obstacles due to Imperfect Information

    In Cyprus, as in many energy systems worldwide, the end consumer is not made aware of

    the real cost to create the electricity they consume at any given time. Rather, the consumers

    monthly bill is based on the total energy usage that month, regardless of when the energy was

    consumed. If the consumer uses a given amount of energy heavily during peak hoursrunning

    an air conditioner in the late afternoon, for examplethey are charged the same amount as if

    they had used that energy during the middle of the night, when very few other people are

    consuming much energy. There are two tariff scheme alternatives for consumers who wish to

    opt into coarse, two-tiered time-of-use tariffsone in which there is a special low rate for

    overnight hours, and a separate rate structure option in which there is a special high rate for

    midday peak hoursbut flat pricing is the default, and the plan used by 96% of consumers .36 It

    is not clear from available evidence whether the lack of participation in alternate tariff schemes

    is due to poor publicity on the part of EAC, consumer risk-aversion, or other factors.

    36 Electricity Authority of Cyprus,supra note 6.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    12/24

    This flat pricing structure is far from optimally efficient, because the real costs of energy

    are not flat. During peak hours, generators are operating at full capacity (sometimes including

    extremely expensive peaking generators). At other times, transmission lines may be

    congested. At still other times, there may be a surplus or deficit of generation from renewables

    which cause an excess or shortfall of available electricity supply. Aside from these effects at a

    relatively short, hourly timescale, the power system must operate more or less efficiently

    different days of the week, since energy is consumed differently on weekends than on weekdays.

    There are also seasonal variations in power system operation due to climate and tourism

    patterns.

    37

    An additional factor in Cyprus is the variation in imported oil costs. None of these

    effects are communicated in a flat rate price, and many of them are not conveyed via the optional

    two-tier pricing schedule.

    In an idealized electricity market operating in a fully efficient manner, generators and

    consumers would negotiate the price of each kilowatt-hour exchanged to reflect the current costs

    of supplying electricity and the current demand level. When costs of generation were higher, the

    market price would reflect so, and the consumer would either consume less or pay more money

    to consume the same amount. Similarly, when costs were low, market prices would also be low

    (or negative in some cases, such as if the utility prefers to raise demand rather than quickly ramp

    down a large generator), and the consumer would be more inclined to consume. A flat electric

    rate, as used in Cyprus at present, is the antithesis of this market structure. The consumer simply

    pays a rate determined by the regulatory authority and EAC. The relatively opaque translating of

    ones energy usage habits into a monthly bill helps explain the publics frustration with EAC.

    The lack of such price information is a form of imperfect information: the consumers monthly

    37 Black,supra note 27.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    13/24

    bill should be proportional, at least in theory, to the costs of running the Cyprus power system to

    generate the power they used, but there is no signaling mechanism (price-based or otherwise) to

    inform them of the impact their behavior has on the system operation costs.

    The value of fixing this lack of signaling is clearer in a hypothetical scenario. If a person

    were to arrive home from work at 5 P.M. and then start a load of laundry to prepare for the next

    workday, they would be consuming energy at the least efficient time of the day, when the

    expensive peaking generators must be utilized. If they were to start the laundry at 8 P.M.

    instead, when overall demand levels are lower, there might be no negative impact on their

    personal welfare. The power grid could operate more efficiently by relying less on peaking

    generators and more on relatively cheap base load generation, thus lowering total system costs.

    This transaction would be a Pareto improvement; overall welfare would be improved without

    reducing any individuals welfare. However, the lack of complete information prevents the

    transaction from being carried out. The result is essentially a cross-subsidy in which the

    consumer who does laundry during peak hours is subsidized by the consumer who does laundry

    power later in the evening.38 The negative or positive impacts of different energy consumption

    patterns are pricing externalities, and fixing the imperfect information problem on the demand

    side could allow for those impacts to be internalized into the market price.

    To be clear, the shielding of the consumer from the actual cost of generation has a valid

    historical basis. Traditional economic analyses often assume transactions are frictionless,39 an

    assumption that does not apply to energy usage transactions. The consumer would tire quickly

    38 Borenstein S. (2005). The Long-Run Efficiency of Real-Time Electricity Pricing.Recent Work, Center for the

    Study of Energy Markets, University of California Energy Institute, U.C. Berkeley.39 Golove W.H. and Eto J.H. (1996). Market Barriers to Energy Efficiency: A Critical Reappraisal of the Rationale

    for Public Policies to Promote Energy Efficiency. Energy & Environment Division, Lawrence Berkeley National

    Laboratory, U.C. Berkeley.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    14/24

    of having to adjust their consumption patterns minute by minute to match the whims of the

    power grid and many households are empty (or the occupants are asleep) much of the day.

    Having to do so may well decrease his overall personal economic welfare. It is also a technical

    challenge for a fair market price to be set rapidly when there is no truly functional market, and

    no two-way communication between buyers and sellers; even calculating the cost of generating

    the electricity at a specific instant may be hard for the utility to do. Furthermore, exposing the

    end user to instantaneous price fluctuations might be unfair, since distributional effects arise

    when certain consumers can react more efficiently than others. There may be a risk that dynamic

    prices would encourage suppliers to change prices faster than consumers could react, although

    this concern is tempered by the fact that flat-rate designs also offer a temptation for generators

    to manipulate the market in various ways.40 In all of these respects, flat rate pricing does

    appear to insulate consumers from volatility.41

    However, much recent work has explored technological systems to enable automated

    communication and transactions between suppliers and consumers, and automated

    responsiveness of demand to signaling. For example, Daniel Livengood and Richard Larson

    explored a household energy management system, dubbed the Energy Box, which could act as a

    proxy for the houses inhabitants. The inhabitants could input their personal temperature

    preferences, for example, and the Energy Box could automatically react to price signals by

    changing the thermostats set point.42 Woei Ling Leow extended this work to include per-room

    automation of thermostats, automatic learning of individual occupancy patterns, and remote

    40 Spees K. and Lave L. (2007). Demand Response and Electricity Market Efficiency.Electricity Journal 2007,

    20(3):69-85.

    41 Black, supra note 27.

    42 Livengood D. and Larson R. (2009). The Energy Box: Locally Automated Optimal Control of Residential

    Electricity Usage. Service Science 1(1):1-16.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    15/24

    updating via smartphones.43 There are also various real-world building energy management

    systems currently in use, with varying levels of usability and intelligence.

    These technological developments are promising, since they enable dynamic pricing

    schemes without requiring constant consumer attention. Viewing the problem from a behavioral

    science standpoint, more advanced energy management systems make passive consumption,

    such as simple thermostats with little direct human intervention, relatively more active on the

    part of the consumer by incorporating their preferences; studies dating back to 1983 note a

    general need for systems and policies favoring less passive energy consumption patterns.44 Still,

    without a market structure creating an incentive for demand to respond to supply-side signals,

    many demand-side management technologies are largely impotent.45

    V. Policy Solutions and Complications

    Cypruss current policy strategy to address the demand side of the energy equation is

    minimal, consisting largely of subsidies and mandates to encourage the introduction of more

    energy efficient electric appliances and the improvement of the energy behavior of buildings in

    the residential and service sectors.46 For example, in 2009 the governments policy included

    providing five free compact fluorescent lamps to every household and providing subsidies to

    improve insulation. There are also several command-and-control style mandates in place; for

    example, installation of solar thermal water heaters is mandatory in new houses (due to strong

    43 Leow W. L. (2012). Zoning and Occupancy-Moderation for Residential Space-Conditioning under Demand-Driven Electricity Pricing. PhD dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Techhnology.

    44 Dholakia R.R. and Dholakia N. (1983). From Social Psychology to Political Economy: A Model of Energy Use

    Behavior.Journal of Economic Psychology 3:231-247.

    45 Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (2009). A National Assessment of Demand Response Potential.

    Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Staff Report.

    46 Pilavachi,supra note 7.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    16/24

    sunlight and historical reasons, one in every five existing houses has a solar thermal water heater

    rather than a gas- or electricity-powered one), and periodic maintenance and inspection of air

    conditioning systems is required.47

    These efficiencies and mandates are sensible policies, and a strong first step in enabling

    energy consumers to behave more optimally in the larger power system. A recent study showed

    that much of the islands energy usage surge in recent history has been due to more widespread

    use of electric applianceslargely those used for heating and cooling buildingswhich are not

    designed for efficiency.48 This surge is largely driven by increasing temperatures, and one study

    found that global warming alone may cause an increase of 95 MW in demand levels by 2030.49

    Implementing measures to make these appliances more efficient, and to make buildings better

    insulated, will lower total and peak demand levels. This will have the effect of increasing the

    safety margin of generation capacity with existing infrastructure, and potentially help stem the

    long-term growth in demand which will require large investments in new generation. Reducing

    the amount new generation required will make it easier for renewables to meet the 16% of total

    generation as mandated by the E.U., and one study found that bringing the growth of

    consumption under control is crucial to meet those E.U. requirements.50 Furthermore, due to

    recent disproportionate increases in consumption during hot summer months, literally every

    generator on the island has been running at a level which violates E.U. emissions quotas.51

    47 Cyprus Institute of Energy (2009). Energy Efficiency Policies and Measures in Cyprus.Monitoring of Energy

    Efficiency in EU 27, Norway and Croatia (ODYSSEE-MURE).

    48 Zachariadis T. and Pashourtidou N. (2007). An Empirical Analysis of Electricity Consumption in Cyprus.

    Energy Economics 29:183-198.

    49 Zachariadis T.,supra note 5.

    50 Maroulis,supra note 35.

    51 Zachariadis T.,supra note 5.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    17/24

    These efficiency standards fall largely into the category of passive efficiency; that is, they

    simply favor common-sense designs which use less energy to allow the same status quo behavior

    and comfort level. However, efficiency is only one part of the equation, since a recent study

    found the rise in household appliances has decreased the potential to respond to prices.52 The

    subsidies should be modified to include new standards requiring (or at least subsidies to

    encourage) installation of automated energy management devices. This is a broad category of

    technologies which could include anything from thermostats that can be scheduled to turn off at

    certain hours to the more advanced integrated management systems described by Livengood,

    Larson and Leow.

    53

    These devices are a crucial first step to reducing peak demand levels (which

    generation must be built around) and, more broadly, enabling energy demand to be more

    responsive to the dynamic state of the grid. These building management technologies dont

    necessarily need to be rolled out to entire sectors at once; in fact, if they are introduced to a

    smaller number of households first, lessons can be learned as their use spreads. One idea is to

    offer a subsidy for all houses, but a stronger subsidy (or perhaps a mandate) to new construction.

    The specific type of energy management technology to subsidize depends on the policies

    regulating electricity markets; this is why efficiency and building management technology

    policies should be coupled with changes to the market structure. As noted above, market

    restructuring policies to address imperfect information issues and the related pricing externalities

    due to flat electricity rates are of the most importance; increasing competition should be

    considered secondary. Top-down command-and-control policies to regulate energy demand are

    likely to be politically infeasible. They clearly have a rolesuch as when rolling blackouts were

    arranged following the Vasilikos catastrophe, and targeted at residential users to minimize

    52 Ibid.

    53 Livengood D. and Larson R.,supra note 43; Leow W.L.supra note 44.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    18/24

    overall economic impactbut seem inadvisable in the day-to-day grid operations. Robust

    policies to make demand more responsive should focus instead on dynamic pricing schemes

    which essentially enable Coasian transfer payments between energy users at different hours of

    the day. Aside from this ambitious goal, policies should at least use taxes or subsidies to

    incentivize the good behavior of responding to the conditions of the grid.

    The most direct way of addressing the externalities arising from imperfect information on

    the demand side is to expose energy consumers to prices more reflective of actual grid

    conditions. This could take the form of real-time pricing (RTP), in which the independent TSO

    could send pricing signals directly to households. This could take various forms; typically,

    prices are published no more often than once per hour, and price forecasts are typically provided

    to customers in advance of the hourly updates. This is perhaps the most efficient type of pricing

    scheme, since it most closely ties electricity price to generation costs and captures a far larger

    share of the variation in supply-side costs compared to other schemes.54 However, the setup

    costs are high compared to other options; RTP participants must have a meter capable of

    receiving instantaneous pricing signals, whether via a cellular antenna, the Internet, or some

    other communications method. Ideally, such a program participant would also have an

    automated energy management system responding to those price signals and adjusting each

    appliances usage in real time.55

    If such a program were deemed impractical due to the need advanced metering in houses,

    a less capital-intensive but also less optimal option is to institute time of use (TOU) pricing. In

    54 Borenstein S., Jaske M., and Rosenfield A. (2002). Dynamic Pricing, Advanced Metering, and Demand

    Response in Electricity Markets.Recent Work, Center for the Study of Energy Markets, University of California

    Energy Institute, U.C. Berkeley.

    55 Mohsenian-Rad A. (2010). Optimal Residential Load Control with Price Prediction in Real-Time Electricity

    Pricing Environments.IEEE Transactions on Smart Grid1(2).

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    19/24

    this scenario, each hour of the day would have a pre-determined price regardless of the day of

    year; for instance, rates at 5 PM of every day could be set at a certain level. Under TOU pricing,

    pricing schedules are set based on historical average, and need only be communicated once via

    mail or some other low-tech method, so no two-way communication is needed.56 There are

    variations on this; for example, one TOU pricing schedule with drastically higher prices could be

    used for the hottest, most energy-intensive weeks of the summer and another could be used for

    the rest of the year; there could also be different weekday and weekend pricing schedules.

    However, there is a basic tradeoff between the number of different pricing schedules and the

    ability of the consumer to understand and respond to them. Because costs are not simply

    dependent on the day of the week or the hour of the day, this is still less optimal than RTP

    schemes. After all, wind and solar can fluctuate, both on an hourly and a daily timescale; these

    effects on generation costs would not be internalized and the benefits of the program would be

    reduced.

    A third class of responsive demand policy could focus on load curtailment programs. In

    these programs, participants often pay a reduced (but still flat) electricity rate in exchange for

    consenting to curtail load at peak hours; the number of hours per year a given customer will

    curtail usage is typically agreed upon in advance. In another type of load curtailment program,

    consumers tell the TSO the level of reimbursement at which they are willing to cut energy usage;

    when prices rise above this level, the TSO can request or instruct the consumer to curtail usage.

    These strategies are designed not to improve the overall market efficiency in a continual manner,

    as in an RTP scheme, but rather to meet the more targeted goal of shaving demand at the highest

    peak hours. One issue with load curtailment programs is that there is often a rebound effect in

    56 Critz D.K., supra note 19.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    20/24

    which curtailing energy demand at one hour leads to even higher energy usage later, as the

    energy use makes up for lost time (as in the case in which an air conditioner is switched off).

    Peak demand levels are reduced, but average demand levels may actually increase.57

    Each of these classes of policy has been attempted in various electricity markets around

    the world, often as small-scale pilot programs to begin, which allows for learning and

    improvement via experimentation.58 Cypruss own coarse two-level TOU pricing options, with

    4% enrollment thus far, likely have provided lessons from which Cyprus can learn, although

    relatively little data is currently publicly available. Pricing the program well is vital, particularly

    in terms of how drastic pricing differences are hour-to-hour and in terms of the payments given

    for responding to signals to curtail or shift load. For example, if subsidies for participating in a

    load curtailment program are too low, then the reduction in total system costs caused by the

    program participants is not fully internalized by the program, and there is a free rider effect

    due to those who opt to keep flat rate pricing. On the other hand, if pricing variations from hour

    to hour are too high, consumers could conceivably all increase or decrease usage in unison,

    which can cause system instability.59

    A 2009 study examined 50 years worth of demand data in Cyprus to analyze the

    behavioral aspects of energy consumers, both residential and commercial, on the island. One

    key finding was that demand is mostly dependent on weather and outside temperature, and that

    large price fluctuations will have small influence on electricity consumption.60 At first glance,

    this seems to suggest that a dynamic pricing scheme is likely to be ineffective. However, the

    57 Ibid.58 Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (2011). Assessment of Demand Response and Advanced Metering.

    Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Staff Report.59 Black J.W.,supra note 29.

    60 Zachariadis T.,supra note 5.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    21/24

    consumers analyzed in the 2009 study did not have the ability to see price fluctuations, nor did

    they have devices to automatically adjust electricity usage of appliances, so the finding is not

    directly indicative of dynamic pricings potential. In fact, a FERC analysis of a responsive

    demand program in the Washington State found that program participants (who manually

    adjusted their power usage, without automated devices) were initially overly eager to adjust their

    load in response to even very weak price signaling. Because of this, they quickly grew tired of

    the program when their monthly savings were too small to justify the inconvenience.61 Finding a

    happy medium between weak and strong price signals is challenging but possible.

    Any policy implemented to make demand more responsive has the potential to reduce

    generation costs, lower prices, reduce pollution (by reducing the need for inefficient peaking

    generators), and increase overall welfare. However, virtually any policyin this context or

    elsewhereis susceptible to capture, as described by Stigler.62 As Jason Black notes, electricity

    utilities profits rise as more energy is consumed at more expensive, inefficient hours, so they are

    likely to favor demand-side programs that have a strong appearance of efficiency and green-ness

    but a low degree of actual efficacy.63 In the case of Cyprus, it may help that the TSO is

    independent and designed to lower total system costs; however, the political influence of EAC,

    as the owner of all electricity infrastructure, may outweigh all other concerned parties. Various

    new players may enter the electricity sector in Cyprus, including manufacturers of building

    management technologies and telecommunications providers responsible for enabling

    communication between homes and the TSO. If policies are designed in a way that requires the

    61 Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, supra note 49.

    62 Stigler G.J. (1971). The Theory of Economic Regulation. The Bell Journal of Economics and Management

    Science 2(1):3-21.

    63 Black J.W., supra note 29.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    22/24

    government selecting winners, the potential for Stiglerian capture and rent-seeking exists. There

    are mitigations for these risks, such as open bidding processes for new infrastructure work and

    more generally a transparent policymaking process, but they are not foolproof.

    Because of its near-complete ownership of Cypruss electricity infrastructure, EAC is in

    all likelihood the largest employer of electricity specialists on the island. Accordingly, for those

    specialists who work at the Cyprus Electricity Regulatory Authority, EAC is likely to be one of

    the most appealing job alternatives. Because of this, EACs dominance may have a chilling

    effect on development of potential regulationswhether via regulatory capture or influence of

    the legislative processeven if it hasnt traditionally been exercised in a nefarious manner.

    EAC is likely to be resist policies that give any other parties an interest in gaining the power to

    affect Cypriot electricity markets. Some of the new players in a responsive demand-equipped

    electricity market may have interests aligned with, or at least orthogonal to, EAC, but others may

    have conflicting goals. For example, automated energy management systems may reduce total

    demand, and thus the total generation sold by EAC. Regardless of whether the overall effect is

    negative or positive for EAC, the degree of market uncertainty would rise for EAC versus the

    status quo. Also, since responsive demand programs tend to reduce the cost of integrating

    intermittent generation by helping balance the grid, producers of wind and solar might be able to

    enter the market more easily, thus reducing EACs market share even more than existing

    renewable feed-in tariffs alone will. Resistance to these changes on the EACs part seems

    logical. Various policy options exist to limit a large firms influence on policymaking. For

    example, limitations could be placed on jumping from public sector work to a regulated

    company, or political contributions from heavily regulated institutions could be limited.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    23/24

    Aside from these issues of regulatory capture by affected institutions such as EAC, a

    broader political failure problem associated with new responsive demand programs is that of

    collective action. As described by Olson, collective action problems arise when the costs of an

    action or policy are concentrated but the benefits are dispersed.64 There is not any single

    institution on the ground in Cyprus which would benefit greatly from more responsive demand.

    Rather, the benefits would be dispersed among the populace in the form of somewhat lower

    electricity bills and a more stable grid. Put another way, the options are to continue the status

    quobuilding more generation capacity owned and operated by the utility, thus increasing its

    total profitsor to implement demand-side policies and build slightly less new capacity. The

    latter option represents a sacrifice on the part of EAC, and benefits that are widely dispersed. In

    the absence of a top-down impetus from the Cypriot government or EU, it would require political

    support, and organization, of the populace at large to advocate for those dispersed benefits,

    which Olson considers quite difficult. If the case can be made to the public that demand-side

    investment pays for itself by lowering the high cost of electricity in Cyprus, then perhaps public

    support and advocacy for such investments can grow.

    Even if these policies are open to capture, and difficult to even implement due to

    collective actions issues, they are still worth exploring. There is a wide body of evidence

    showing the potential economic value of responsive demand programs, particularly on islands

    such as Cyprus, and the technology exists. While real-time pricing may be the most optimal

    policy in terms of absolute efficiency, time-of-use pricing or load curtailment incentive programs

    would also increase the grids ability to balance supply and demand. If these responsive demand

    programs are deemed infeasible, simply extending existing efficiency subsidies and standards to

    64 Olson M. (1982). The Rise and Decline of Nations: Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities. Yale

    University Press.

  • 7/30/2019 Political Economy of Responsive Energy Demand in Cyprus (2012)

    24/24

    include automated energy management devices would lay the groundwork for future demand-

    side policy. Given that supply of electricity in Cyprus is far from fully predictable and

    controllable, and that demand is increasing at an unsustainable rate, the incentive to start

    assessing responsive demand policies sooner rather than later is growing.