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“I do not want to be a burden”: Polite Dissonance of Aging in Korean America
Final Report Submitted to the Georgia Department of Human Services
Division of Aging Services
January 2014
by Jung Ha Kim, Ph.D. Hye Young Kim, MS
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Jung Ha Kim, Professor in the Department of Sociology at Georgia State University and the Director of the Asian American Community Research Institute at CPACS, and Hye Young Kim, Director of Aging Services at CPACS, are the authors of this report. CPACS (Center for Pan Asian Community Services, Inc.) is an Atlanta-based nonprofit organization that is oldest and largest in the Southeast region to serve Asian Pacific Islander communities since 1980.
Copyright© CPACS (Center for Pan Asian Community Services) All rights reserved.
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Table of Contents:
Executive Summary ………………… 2 In English In Korean
**(In the full report, you will find the following discussion) Full Report
Part 1: The Context …………………. 8
Korean/Asian Americans in Georgia
Part 2: The Discussion
Demographic Tables of Focus Group Participants: ………………… 12
Korean American Elders Korean American Caregivers
Guiding Questions ………………… 14
Emerging Themes: ………………… 16
From the Korean American Elders’ Focus Group From the Korean American Caregivers’ Focus Group
Part 3: The Analyses and Recommendations ………………… 28
The Study in a Nutshell ………………… 32
Constructive Proposals ………………… 33 A Programmatic Proposal as a Synthesis ………………… 36
Selected Resources ………………… 37
Bibliography Other Resources
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Executive Summary
This report proceeds in three parts. First, we contextualize experiences of aging and of care-giving in Korean America. We lift up demographic and (im)migratory characteristics of Korean- and Asian- Americans in Georgia and the United States as the contexts to situate experiences of aging and care- giving. We then identify emerging themes from focus groups that were conducted in summer 2013. Along with results of these focus groups, we used previously conducted surveys of Korean, Vietnamese, and Chinese senior citizens to provide further (comparative) analyses. We also integrated the selected literature on aging. Both in discussing and analyzing emerging themes from the focus groups, we tried as much as possible to lift up what the participants have shared in their own words and in their own terms. Finally, we offer constructive proposals and recommendations for future directions. Some proposals are for programmatic initiatives and improvements, while others are for policy implications and further research. We believe that all three components – programs, research, and policy – are essential for better serving ever-growing senior populations.
While this report is based specifically on Korean American experiences of aging and care-giving, some
similarities can be made about other ethnic Asian American seniors. It is our hope that this report can inform and guide actions of service-providers, researchers, and policy-makers in their effort to serve (Korean) aging populations, both specifically and broadly.
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In this report, we offer 12 emerging themes (7 from Korean American seniors and 5 from caregivers) from focus groups. They are:
From Korean American seniors
1. “I do not want to be a burden to my children, but I want them in my life” 2. “I live in ‘Little Korea’ in America”
3. “I may be physically healthy but need more mental support.”
4. “Staying active is good, but not easy”
5. “Initiating conversation about sensitive issues is difficult, and doubly difficult, if spoken in
Korean”
6. “Information maybe just a phone call away, but we cannot call on our own.”
7. “I want to volunteer, but don’t know how to go about doing it.”
From Korean American caregivers 8. “It’s children’s duty to live with and take care of aging parents.” 9. “We are all aging. Provide more life-enriching educational programs for both seniors and
caregivers.” 10. “We need the third party to lead difficult and sensitive conversations” 11. “Word-of-mouth is the most effective way to get the information out.” 12. “ Volunteering is easier said than done.”
By discussing and unpacking these twelve themes, we make 7 constructive proposals and recommendations. The report also includes a concrete programmatic proposal as a synthesis of integrating many of these recommendations.
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The reference group The sandwich generation The classification, LEP
As a way to lift up and summarize WHAT Korean American senior citizens and caregivers have said about aging in the United States and HOW they expressed in their own terms, we discussed 3 core constructs in this report. And we argue that these core constructs are relevant to understand the process of aging and caregiving, not only in the Korean American context, but in many other Asian-American and LEP communities. They are:
The reference group (discussed as “Negotiating the ‘Korean culture’ in the U.S.” in this report); The sandwich generation (across age cohorts and the length of U.S. residency); and The classification, LEP (Limited English Proficiency).
Korean seniors and caregivers refer to the real and perceived filial responsibilities and cultural norms of S. Korea as the standards to judge and evaluate their own experience of aging and caregiving in the United States. While both generations refer to the same “Korean culture” and “tradition,” they draw strikingly different evaluations about the eldercare systems and consequences of aging. Rather than merely attributing (Korean/Asian) culture as an important component of understanding aging, further studies to unpack and document what Korean/LEP populations mean by “cultural” expectations and norms can shed much-needed light on aging in multicultural America.
The notion of the sandwich generation is mentioned frequently by both Korean American seniors and caregivers alike. Seniors tend to see themselves as sandwiched between “here” (the U.S.) and “there” (the native country), and caregivers tend to regard themselves caught in between Korean cultural expectations to care for their aging parents (in law) and American cultural expectations to be self- sufficient and independently prepare for one’s own (post)retirement. Regardless of the length of U.S. residency, both generations consider themselves as members of the sandwich generation. Seniors are afraid of becoming burdens to their family in their ‘neither fully here, nor there’ worldview. And caregivers are afraid of hurting aging parents (in law) with their cross-cultural inadequacy in caring for aging parents in the U.S. And too often, their mutual well-meaning and polite dissonance across generations have been interpreted and experienced as misunderstanding, imposed silence, or worse, indifference, in addressing sensitive issues regarding aging in the community.
The classification, LEP -- Limited English Proficiency -- is based, obviously, on language skills (or lack thereof). Attaining English proficiency is a matter of survival, as Korean seniors and caregivers attempt to access resources and assistances. In this report, however, we highlight the multilayered challenges of a LEP population; for Korean American seniors and caregivers are not only linguistically isolated, but geographically and technologically isolated as well. If outreaching to under-served and/or LEP populations is one of the priorities of agencies and institutions, then the methods of reaching out to such communities in need must be also culturally competent, even with added costs and care.
We offer this report not just as the result of a study, but also as an advocacy for further documenting multilayered needs and struggles of many LEP populations. We hope this report can be a resource for better serving Korean/Asian American and other LEP communities that are confronting similar challenges of aging. As a participant of the focus group states, “We all age one way or other, and whether we like it or not.”
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이 보고서에서는 한인 노인 세대 및 자녀 세대와의 개별적 포커스 그룹 논의를 통해 얻어진 12 가지
주제(노인세대에서 7 가지, 자녀세대에서 5 가지)를 살펴보고자 한다. 12 가지 주제는 다음과 같다:
(노인 그룹)
1. “자식들한테 기대고 싶지 않아요. 다들 먹고 사느라 바쁜데 짐이 될 순 없잖아요” 2. “여긴 미국이지만 우린 한국처럼 살고 있어요.” 3. “몸은 그럭저럭 괜찮아요. 그런데 정신적으로도 건강한 게 필요한 거 같아요.”
4. “좀 활동적으로 살았으면 좋겠는데 그게 말처럼 쉽지가 않더라고요.” 5. “한국 사람들은 자식들하고 이런 민감한 문제에 대해서는 말을 잘 안 해요.”
6. “미국사람들이야 전화 한통으로 필요한 정보를 얻기가 쉽겠죠. 우리는 영어로 전화하는 것
자체가 불가능하잖아요.”
7. “남을 돕고 싶은 마음은 있어요. 그런데 뭘 어떻게 해야 하는지 모르겠어요.”
(자녀 그룹)
1. “부모님이 연로하시면 모시고 사는 게 자식 된 도리죠.” 2. “우리도 나이를 먹어 가는데, 노후를 잘 준비할 수 있도록 두 세대가 같이 배울 수 있는
교육프로그램이 있었으면 좋겠어요.”
3. “터놓고 이야기하기 쉽지 않은 민감한 주제는 제 삼자가 나서서 이끌어 주었으면 해요”
4. “요새 아무리 기술이 발달했다 해도 노인 분들한테는 여전히 입소문이 가장 효과적인 정보
공유 방법 같아요.”
5. “자원봉사에 마음이 없는 건 아닌데 하기가 쉽진 않아요.”
이와 같은 12 가지 주제를 각각 살펴보고 이를 통해 얻어진 7 가지 건설적인 제안 및 건의 사항을
제시하였다. 이 보고서는 또한 건의된 내용을 포괄적으로 적용한 구체적인 프로그램 제안도 포함하였다.
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미국에 거주하고 있는 한인노인과 그 자녀세대가 생각하고 경험하는 노후란 무엇 인지, 어떠한 어려움
호소하는지, 또 그러한 어려움을 어떻게 대처해 나가는지 등을 살펴보고자 포커스그룹 논의를 통해 나온
내용을 바탕으로 3 가지 주요 요소를 조명하였다.
이 주요 요소는 한인사회 뿐 아니라 아시아 및 다른 비영어권 사회의 노후 및 부양 문제를 전체적으로
이해하는데 적절하게 적용될 수 있다고 본다. 주요 요소는 다음과 같다:
기준집단 ( Reference Group)
미국에 살면서도‘한국 문화’를 가치나 판단 기준으로 삼는 것을 의미 한다.
샌드위치 세대 (Sandwich Generation)
연령 및 미국에서 거주한 기간에 상관없이 노인과 자녀세대 모두 자신이 샌드위치 세대라고
인식 한다.
분류의 한계 (LEP-Limited English Proficient)
서류상 영어미숙련으로 분류했지만 실생활에는 좀 더포괄적인 한계를 의미 한다. 한인 노인 및 그 자녀 세대들은 노후와 부양에 관련된 경험을 평가하고 판단할 때 자신들이 인식하고
있는 한국 문화적 부모 또는 자식 된 도리에 기준을 둔다. 두 세대 모두 동일한‘한국의
문화’와‘전통’을 언급하지만, 그 내면을 살펴보면 각 세대가 기대하고 경험하는 노후에
관해서는 매우 상반된 평가와 결과를 내놓고 있다.
미국에 거주하는 한인의 노후를 이해하는 주요 요소로 단순히 한국(아시아) 문화를 부각시키기 보다는,
한인 각 세대가 말하려 하는 “문화적 기대치”가 무엇인지를 좀 더 연구하고 고찰해야 하겠다. 이러한
문화와 전통에의 다각적 조명과 한인의 실태를 직시하는 것이 다문화적 미국사회의 노인문제에 그동안
필요했던 조명을 비추는 것이라고 할 수 있겠다.
샌드위치 세대라는 개념은 한인 노인세대와 자녀세대 양쪽 모두에 널리 알려져 있고 자주 언급되어 왔다.
노년층은 자신들이 이곳(미국)과 저곳(한국) 사이에 놓여있는 샌드위치라고 생각하고 있고, 자녀세대는
연로한 (시)부모님을 돌봐야 하는 한국적 문화 기대치와 노후를 독립적으로 준비하고 은퇴 후 자립해야
한다는 미국적 문화 기대치 사이에 놓여 있는 자신들을 샌드위치 세대라고 지칭하고 있다. 이렇게 노인
및 자녀세대 모두 미국에 거주한 기간과 상관없이 자신들을 샌드위치 세대의 일환이라고 생각하고 있는
것이다.
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노인들은‘여기도 아니고 저기도 아닌’세계관에 근거해 가족들에게 부담이 되는 것을 피하려 하고 있고,
자녀들은 한국과 미국 두 문화사이의 부적격함으로 미국에서 (시)부모님을 잘 모시지 못하거나 상처를
드리지 않을까 두려워하고 있다. 이로 인해 한인사회 노인 문제에 관한 민감한 사안들을 다룰 때에 이러한
세대 간 선의의 공손한 불협화음이 빈번하게 오해를 사고 무관심 또는 침묵으로 잘못 해석 되어지고
경험되기도 한다.
영어 미숙련자라는 분류는 언어적 기술(또는 그러한 기술의 부재)에 근거를 두고 있다. 미국에서 한인
노인과 자녀세대에게 영어는 필요한 도움과 자원을 얻는 것과 직접적인 연관이 있는 생존의 문제이다.
그러나 본 보고서에서는 한인 노인과 자녀세대의 언어적 고립 뿐 아니라 지역적, 기술적 고립도 조명하고,
영어 미숙련자들이 겪는 여러 가지 문제점들도 함께 살펴보았다. 만약 이 사회에서 소외되고 영어가 자유롭지
못한 사람들에게 다가가는 것이 정부 기관 또는 사회단체가 중요시하는 사안이라면 추가적인 비용과 노력이
들더라도 그 문화와 친근하고 적절한 방법으로 그들에게 접근해야 한다.
이 보고서를 통해 연구의 결과를 발표할 뿐 아니라 많은 영어 미숙련자들이 겪는 이중 삼중의 어려움과
그들이 필요로 하는 것들을 대변하고자 하였다. 이 보고서가 노후 관련 유사한 어려움을 겪는 한인과
아시안, 그리고 기타 비영어권 커뮤니티를 더 잘 이해하는데 보탬이 되는 유용한 자료가 되었으면 하는
바램 이다. 포커스 그룹 논의 중 한 참가자가 표현한 대로,“인정하든 인정하지 않던, 우리 모두 결국엔
노인”이 될 수밖에 없기 때문이다.
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The Context
According to the U.S. Census 2010, there are almost six million Americans age 85 or older. By 2040, the Census Bureau projected, the racial-ethnic minority population will comprise of some 50% of the U. S. population and the number of Americans age 85 or older will reach more than 14 million. Like many other post-industrialized countries with over one-third of population being “seniors,” such as Japan and Belgium, the United States will be included in the list of the “aging” societies in the world by the middle of the twenty-first century. The National Center for Health Statistics reports that the likelihood that an American who reaches the age of 65 will survive to age 90 has almost doubled over the last forty years –
from 14% of 65 years olds in 1960 to 25% in 2000, to a projected 40% in 2025.1 Further, more than 10,000 people per day are expected to turn 65 through 2030 in the United States.2 Preparing for adequate health care, transportation, and housing for elderly and addressing comprehensive support systems for caregivers are, indeed, essential and urgent social issues.
Adding to the complexity of serving growing aging populations in the U.S. is addressing the needs of seniors with limited English proficiency (LEP) who is not only linguistically isolated, but often geographically, culturally and socially isolated as well. What follows in this report is a glimpse of how Korean Americans -- one of the highest rates of LEP populations living in Georgia – experience aging and caregiving.
We would like to acknowledge the Cultural Ambassador Program through the Georgia System’s Integration Grant, managed by Ms. Cynthia Haley Dunn, for providing an opportunity to conduct the preliminary study based on focus groups of Korean American seniors and caregivers.
1
Fact Sheet on Aging in America, Experience Corps, Washington, D.C., 2000.
2 In the article, “Is Atlanta Prepared for Growing Baby Boomers?” by Gracie Bonds Staples and Sheila M. Poole on
the Atlanta Journal Constitution, July 16, 2013 (D1 & D3). The authors drew the resounding verdict that the city of
Atlanta is not ready to adequately preparing for aging baby boomers.
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Korean/Asian Americans in Georgia
While Korean Americans are generally considered as “new” immigrants, their history of immigration and community-formation in the United States goes back more than 100 years. Although there have been disputes among scholars as to how the Korea-America Treaty of 1882 came about, scholars unanimously agree that the history of Korean immigration to the U.S. began in the year 1903 with 101 Koreans who entered Honolulu, Hawai’i on January 13.
In terms of documenting the migration history and the size of Korean population in Georgia, however, are challenging for at least two main reasons. The ethnic classification of “Koreans” did not appear until the 1970 U.S. Census; and first mentioning of Koreans in Georgia in writings did not specify their
number.3 A few mentioning of “some” or “handful” Korean students at University of Georgia and Emory University in the late 1950s and the early 1960s can be found as passing comments in writings and oral
history projects.4 And even after 1970 when the Census Bureau started to use “Korean” as an ethnic category, accounts of its population size varied significantly. It is safe to say, just as with many other Asian ethnic communities, Koreans grew significantly during the 1970s and 1980s, after the passing of the Immigration Act of 1965. By 1990, Koreans were the largest Asian American community in the Greater Atlanta area.
With the hosting of the World Olympic Games in 1996, Atlanta has become a popular destination for many Asians to immigrate and migrate domestically to make their new homes. From 1990 to 2000, Georgia experienced the second fastest Asian American growth in the nation. During this time Georgia’s Asian American population more than doubled in size. And Gwinnett County experienced the fastest growing Asian American population in the nation by 2000.
And from 2000 to 2010, Georgia ranked fourth highest growth of Asian Americans in the nation.5 In this decade, Asian American population growth outpaced that of any other racial group, including Hispanic and African American. For example, while non-Hispanic White population grew 1%, Asian American grew 46% from 2000 to 2010 nationally. And Koreans ranked fourth largest among Asian American communities in Georgia by 2010 due to the great growth of Chinese (mostly from the mainland), Asian Indians, and Vietnamese. The residential concentration of Koreans can be found especially in pockets of
3 For more in-depth discussion of Korean American immigration history, see Jung Ha Kim’s Bridge-makers and
Cross-bearers (1997), especially chapter 2.
4 The Korean American Association of the Greater Atlanta Area conducted an oral history project to mark the
centennial anniversary of Korean immigration in the United States in 2003. And the Korean Church of Atlanta,
UMC, also embarked on both oral history and publication projects to celebrate its 40th
anniversary in 2010 as the
first Korean ethnic church in the region.
5 More detail demographic information can be found in A Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans and Pacific
Islanders in the United States, Demographic Profile, produced by the Asian American Justice Center in 2006 and A
Community of Contrasts: Asian Americans in the United States: 2011 by the Asian American Center for Advancing
Justice.
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Duluth,GA / 26,600
Swanee, GA / 15,355
Johns Creek, GA / 76,728
Gwinnett County and scattered all around the Greater Atlanta Areas. Koreans in general are urbanites, unlike many Southeastern Asian groups, such as Laotians, Cambodians, and Burmese. According to the “Georgia Korean Population Percentage City Rank” based on the U.S. Census 2010, two cities in Gwinnett County and another city in DeKalb County ranked as cities with the three highest percentages of Korean residents.
1. 9.8% Duluth, GA / 26,600 2. 9.6% Suwanee, GA / 15,355 3. 6.5% Johns Creek, GA / 76,728
The make-up of Asian American ethnic communities in the Greater Atlanta area differs from the U.S. overall. Nationally the top four ethnic Asian American populations are Chinese, Filipino, Asian Indians, and Korean, but in Georgia are Asian Indians, Chinese, Vietnamese and Korean.
Table 1: Four largest Asian American populations in the United States and in Georgia
Ranks Ethnicity in the U.S. Ethnicity in Georgia
1 Chinese Asian Indian
2 Filipino Chinese
3 Asian Indian Vietnamese
4 Korean Korean
And since 2010, significant numbers of Bhutanese, Bangladeshi, Burmese, and Nepalese – all with the high rates of LEP (Limited English Proficiency) -- are making Georgia their new home. Based on the U.S. Census 2010, three jurisdictions with highest percentiles of Asian American residents are Clarkston, Duluth and Johns Creek.
1. Clarkston 21.8 % Asian American residents 2. Duluth 22.7% Asian American residents 3. Johns Creek 23.5% Asian American residents
Inquiry of the Aging Service, Please, contact
Inquiry of the Asian American Community Research Institute, Please, contact
