Pokot Origin and Traditions

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MASTERS THESIS

IDENTITY STRATEGIES OF THE AGRO-PASTORAL POKOT

Analysing ethnicity and clanship withina spatial framework

By Kim de VriesStudent number 0100706

Supervisor Prof. dr. Ton DietzSecond assessor Dr. Fred Zaal

Third assessor Dr. Virginie MamadouhSubmission December 6, 2007

UNIVERSITEIT VAN AMSTERDAMFACULTEIT DER MAATSCHAPPIJ- EN GEDRAGSWETENSCHAPPEN

ONDERWIJSINSTITUUT GEOGRAFIE, PLANOLOGIE EN INTERNATIONALE ONTWIKKELINGSSTUDIES


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis thesis has come a long way and could not have been accomplished without the supportof many people. First and foremost, I want to thank Prof. Ton Dietz, my supervisor, forguiding me all the way through, carefully reading chapter after chapter and providing mewith valuable comments that structured the research. His enthusiasm was what brought meto Pokot, and I am grateful that, despite his already demanding schedule, he was willing toaccept my request for supervision. He allowed me time, both during the fieldwork as well asthe writing stage, to fine-tune my theoretical thoughts and combine them with the resultsfrom the fieldwork. In addition, I benefited greatly from his extensive knowledge about thePokot community as well as his personal library that provided a true Pokot archive.

During the fieldwork, I received great help from my research assistants: RachelAndiema, Simon Lopeyok Lokomolian, Albino Kotomei, Moses Kamomai and Jacob KalalyoAitaruk. I thank them for their interest and perhaps even more so, for their patience.Introducing a foreign student, bridging a gap between two cultures which could not havediffered more, arranging transport and places to stay, translating what to them seemedquestions with obvious answers, working without structured questionnaires at hand, andmoreover reading through all the typed interviews again, meant hard work. In particular, Iwould like to thank Rachel for providing me access to the office, where I could work quietlyand for her excellent lunches that kept me going, Simon for being an expert in interpretationand making me laugh about unheard -of things, Albino for his interest in Pokot culture andhistorical matters that led to revealing stories, Moses for his energetic appearance and hiseagerness to interview as many people as possible, and lastly, Jacob for assistance witharranging interviews during the short time I returned to the area in 2007.

While I conducted the fieldwork, many supported me in terms of shelter. Above all, Iwould like to thank the following for their hospitality; the health centre in Kacheliba, the AICprimary school in Kodich, the secondary school in Konyao, the home of Grace in Amakuriat,and the missions in Chepnyal and Kiwawa.

Furthermore, a number of institutions have allowed me to make use of theirfacilities. In Kenya, the Documentation and Information Centre in Kapenguria offeredinteresting information. In addition, the School of Environmental Studies of Moi Universityand the Institute of African Studies of the University of Nairobi were helpful in letting mework on their computers. In the Netherlands, the libraries of the African Studies Centre andthe University of Amsterdam provided important literature. Finally yet importantly, I wasallowed to make maps and images at the Geographical Informat ion Systems centre of our

institute.Then of course, I am indebted to the many respondents who openly shared their

stories with me, as without them this work would not have been possible in the first place;Sere Nyowow (Thank you very much). Repeatedly I was moved by what the Pokot regardas the art of storytelling, and I enjoyed familiarizing myself with the active style of listeningthat accompanies this. In general, I felt warmly welcomed. People were curious and oftenglad to see an outsider interested in their personal experiences. Especially the elderly peoplethought the attention for cultural heritage, was something that was really needed. I can onlyhope that I recorded their traditional knowledge accurately and that through this thesis itmay somehow be conveyed for future generations. Responsibility for the views expressed

however, as for any errors and omissions, is mine alone.


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A special thanks to Dr. Karen Witsenburg of the University of Amsterdam and Prof.dr. Joshua Akonga of Moi University, who provided me the opportunity to bring out someparts of this research in a book about conflict and identity in Kenya, which is due to bepublished next year. The book conference they organized in Nairobi this year, gave me achance to visit Pokot again, and reconfirm some of the data I had collected during the firstfieldwork period in 2005. Moreover, the discussions during the conference supplied me withworthwhile comments from other researchers. Two of them I want to mention in particular,Friederike Mieth and Dave Eaton, who both studied the raiding conflict in Pokot thoroughlyin the same period. I gained a lot from their critical insight knowledge and I am happy wehave been able to share our, at times very amusing, experiences.

Last of all, I am grateful to many friends for moral support. In Kenya, above all, MarkLolem, Jacinta Chebet, Aziza Njiro, and Teddy Odiambo Ochieng. In the Netherlands, inparticular, Eva Stegmeijer and Annemarie de Graaf. Also, I would like to thank fellowresearchers from the University of Amsterdam Aenne Post, Rob Smiers, Hanneke Gorter,Judith van der Weerd and Boaz Van Muijen, with whom I could acclimatize to the research

area and share some witty experiences.Finally, I thank my parents for making possible my studies. I appreciate their

forbearance during the course of this research. It is to them that I dedicate this work.

Haarlem, November 30, 2007,

Kim de Vries

Young Pokot girls in their colourful dresses


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TABLE OF CONTENTSLIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................ 7

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 9

1.1 THEPOKOT AND THEIR ENVIRONMENT ................................................................................. 91.2 THE THEORETICAL DEBATE ............................................................................................... 101.3 Q UESTIONS AND REPORT STRUCTURE................................................................................. 101.4 THE RESEARCH AREA....................................................................................................... 12

CHAPTER 2: THEORY ....................................................................................................... 16

2.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 162.2 CULTURE, SPACE AND IDENTITY IN SOCIAL SCIENCES .............................................................. 16

2.2.1 Cultural geography ............................................................................................... 16 2.2.2 The cultural turn and constructed space .............................................................. 17 2.2.3 Identity and its spatial dimension ........................................................................ 18 2.2.4 Grasping identities through narratives and myths .............................................. 20 2.2.5 Summary .............................................................................................................. 20

2.3 ETHNICITY.................................................................................................................... 212.3.1 Ethnicity arising out of interaction ....................................................................... 21 2.3.2 The cultural stuff .................................................................................................. 22 2.3.3 The spatial dimension of ethnicity ....................................................................... 22 2.3.4 Summary .............................................................................................................. 23

2.4 CLANSHIP..................................................................................................................... 232.4.1 Clan identity.......................................................................................................... 23

2.4.2 Criticizing the segmentary lineage model ............................................................ 24 2.4.3 Summary .............................................................................................................. 25

2.5 PASTORALISM............................................................................................................... 252.5.1 Pastoral spatiality and self-perception ................................................................ 25 2.5.2 The decline of pastoralism ................................................................................... 25 2.5.3 Summary .............................................................................................................. 26

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................... 27

3.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 273.2 TIMEFRAME.................................................................................................................. 27

3.3 METHODS.................................................................................................................... 293.3.1 Semi-structured interviews ................................................................................... 29 3.3.2 Informal talks and participant observation .......................................................... 30 3.3.3 Literature analysis ................................................................................................ 30

3.4 CONSIDERATIONS .......................................................................................................... 31

CHAPTER 4: POKOT ORIGINS AND MIGRATION HISTORYREMNANTS; A FUSION OF HISTORY AND MYTH ................................................................ 33

4.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 334.1.1 Classification ......................................................................................................... 33 4.1.2 Sources of history ................................................................................................. 35 4.1.3 Clanship ................................................................................................................ 35

4.2 THENORTH.................................................................................................................. 38


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4.2.1 Nilotes ................................................................................................................... 38 4.2.2 Proto-Kalenjin at Koten ........................................................................................ 39 4.2.3 Merille and Siger .................................................................................................. 43

4.3 THEKALENJIN MIGRATORY VEIN THEORY ............................................................................ 444.3.1 Proto-Kalenjin at Mount Elgon ............................................................................. 44 4.3.2 Pokot as first offshoot .......................................................................................... 46 4.3.3 Individual clan origins ........................................................................................... 47

4.4 CRADLE LAND ............................................................................................................... 484.4.1 Harmonica-like migratory movement .................................................................. 48 4.4.2 Remnants at Mwino ............................................................................................. 50

4.5 EARLIER INHABITANTS AMONGPOKOT CLANS ...................................................................... 544.5.1 Oropom ................................................................................................................. 55 4.5.2 Oropom traces among Pokot clans ...................................................................... 57 4.5.3 Sirikwa .................................................................................................................. 58 4.5.4 Sirikwa traces among Pokot clans ........................................................................ 59

4.6 FURTHER ORIGINS AMONGPOKOT CLANS ........................................................................... 614.6.1 Various origins ...................................................................................................... 62 4.6.2 Clan adoption as a survival strategy .................................................................... 66

4.7 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 69

CHAPTER 5: ESTABLISHING THE POKOT TERRITORYCORE-PERIPHERY RELATIONS; ETHNIC UNITY THROUGH DEPENDENCE .............................. 70

5.1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 705.2 SPREADING FROM THE CORE AREA..................................................................................... 70

5.2.1 Territorial sections ................................................................................................ 70

5.2.2 Eastward expansion ............................................................................................. 72 5.2.3 South and westward expansion ........................................................................... 76 5.3 DICHOTOMY OF SUBSISTENCE LIFESTYLE ............................................................................. 78

5.3.1 People of the grains .............................................................................................. 78 5.3.2 People of the cattle .............................................................................................. 80 5.3.3 Links between farmers and pastoralists ............................................................... 82 5.3.4 Pastoralism as the superior lifestyle..................................................................... 83 5.3.5 Respect for the highlands ..................................................................................... 87

5.4 WESTWARD EXPANSION.................................................................................................. 895.4.1 Cultural fusion ...................................................................................................... 89 5.4.2 A dual system of age-organization ...................................................................... 94 5.4.3 Merkol as a hero ................................................................................................... 96 5.4.4 Survival factor explaining ethnic unity ................................................................. 98

5.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 99

CHAPTER 6: CONFLICT AND CULTURAL CHANGE ............................................................. 101

6.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 1016.2 THE TRADITION OF RAIDING ........................................................................................... 103

6.2.1 Warriorhood and violence against the other ................................................... 103 6.2.2 Resource scarcity as an explanation? ................................................................ 106 6.2.3 The authority of the elders and prophets ........................................................... 107

6.3 CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OFDEPASTORALISATION .......................................................... 1096.4 GUN CULTURE AND INEFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT SECURITY .................................................... 112


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6.5 POLITICS AND THE DISCOURSE OF MARGINALIZATION .......................................................... 1176.6 COMMERCIALIZATION OF LIVESTOCK TRADE ....................................................................... 1206.7 THE GUN SYMBOLIZING A REBELLIOUS YOUTH .................................................................... 1226.8 DEVELOPMENT AND CULTURAL CHANGE ......................................................................... 1236.9 PEOPLE FROM THE BUSH ............................................................................................... 1296.10 CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................. 132

APPENDIX A: RESEARCH AREA ........................................................................................ 135

APPENDIX B: ETHNIC MAPS ............................................................................................ 137

APPENDIX C: LIST OF INTERVIEWS .................................................................................. 143

APPENDIX D: LIST OF CLANS ........................................................................................... 145

BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................... 168


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List of figures

1.1 The research area. ........................................................................................................131.2 Mount Kacheliba with the Suam River at the forefront.........................141.3 Suam River in Kacheliba...............................................................................................151.4 Steep earth walls caused by soil erosion. .....................................................................151.5 The state of the roads in the research area. ................................................................151.6 Makutano; the economical centre of West-Pokot District..........................................15

4.1 Ethno-linguistic classification of the Pokot and affiliate Nilotic groups...............344.2 Ear-cuts; the marks that signify livestock as clan property. .........................................374.3 Peoples of West Turkana..........................................................................................404.4 Tentative Tribal Movements 1000 1800 AD..........................................................414.5 Kalenjin migratory vein theory.....................................................................................454.6 Honey production in Pokot..........................................................................................494.7 Irrigation in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location.......................................................514.8 Hillside Terracing in the Tamkal valley, Mwino location...........................................514.9 Mwino, the cradle land of the Pokot. ...........................................................................534.10 Sirikwa Territory, c. AD 1200-1700 (after Azania, 1982)............................................604.11 Origins of Pokot clans...................................................................................................64

5.1 Intensive crop cultivation along the Weiwei River near Sigor.....................................715.2 Pokot core and extent: 1880 -1930...........................................................................735.3 Pokot Territory around 1880...............................................................................755.4 Part of General map illustrating Count Samual TelekisExpedition in

East Africa 1887-1888.................................................................................................775.5 The huts of agricultural and pastoral Pokot. ................................................................785.6 Terracing in the Mnagei highlands...............................................................................805.7 Views from Kiwawa......................................................................................................815.8 Pastoral Suk showing head-dress (siolip)..................................................................915.9 The fashion which the Suk call Siolip......................................................................915.10 Young Suk of Tirioko.................................................................................................915.11 Suk at the District Commissioners House at Baringo...............................................925.12 Young Suk displaying their desert finery...................................................................92

5.13 Part of Approximate delimitation of southern Nilo-Hamitic tribal areas.................935.14 Part of Tribal & Ethnographic map of Kenya............................................................93

6.1 Soil erosion in the surroundings of Kacheliba....................................................1026.2 Elderly man and young boy..................................................................................1086.3 Border pillar on the road from Amudat to Konyao.................................................1146.4 Fire-arms collected during the disarmament operation in 2005 ....................115 6.5 Livestock market in Chepareria.......................................................................1206.6 Wall paintings at the catholic missionary clinic in Amakuriat....................................1246.7 Sign at a school compound mentioning English Please.......................126

6.8 Woman selling vegetables at Konyao market 130


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A.1 Statistics West-Pokot District.....................................................................................135A.2 West-Pokot District, administrative borders..............................................................136

B.1 Administrative and Ethnic Regions: NW Kenya, NE Uganda, 1986.........................137B.2 Linguistic map Kenya..............................................................................................138B.3 Linguistic map Uganda............................................................................................139B.4 The area in which most Kalenjin-speaking people live today.................................140B.5 A physical map of Marakwet..................................................................................141B.6 Karamoja.................................................................................................................142


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CHAPTER 1

1.1 The Pokot and their environment

These enclosed people in the warmth of a psychological and material security. ThePokot have tamed their wilderness and learned how to live with it. They are not bendon replacing it with some other man-made environment. They see no need for changeor improvement, even though change may be trust upon them. They live much asdozens of other African peoples once lived, before Europeans began to interfere.Miraculously they have survived the intrusions of missionaries, conquerors andcolonizers, who could never bear to leave Africans as they found them. They triedinstead to impose their own ideas of progress. What the Pokot have now, may seem to provide little comfort and much hardship, but they are ready to remain content with it,leaving the outside world to its strange ways and destructive ambitions. (Davidson,1984)

This rather romanticized comment about the Pokot and their environment is given by thenotable Africanist historian Davidson, who made a documentary about the Pokot in hisVoyage of Discovery through the African continent. By showing how a group of Pokotherders sophistically used the natural environment to their advantage, he aimed todemonstrate that African civilizations were not backward or uncivilized.

The commentary of Davidson is obviously situated in postcolonial theory, whereinthe primitivism of other than the Western civilizations was attested. However, even thoughhe was still trapped in seeing the community as static and conservative to change, Davidsonis right in the sense that the Pokot live in close relation to their natural environment,something which has made them to integrate pastoralism, agriculture and to a lesser extenthunting and gathering in their lifestyles. Pastoralism traditionally has the highest value, alsoamong the agriculturalists, as for all Pokot livestock is integrated in every aspect of theirlives.

The view Davidson expresses by talking about the Pokot as enclosed people who seeno need for change or improvement has its actual origins in colonial times, when policyfavoured agricultural interests and focused on the more centrally located areas of Kenya.The remote area inhabited by the agro-pastoral Pokot, became a closed zone during thistime, and has therefore been entered sparsely by modernization forces, even in the post-colonial setting. Because attempts to modernize the Pokot failed to a large degree,especially among the pastoralists, they were long seen by outsiders both governors andscientists - as conservative people who were resistant to change (e.g. Schneider, 1959; Patterson, 1969) . Dietz (1987: 281) strongly criticizes this ethnocentric perspective; in hisstudy of survival strategies among the Western Pokot, he found remarkably adaptive

people, forced to change and doing so with an ingenuity which is striking. It is against thisbackground that ethnicity of the Western Pokot is studied.

INTRODUCTION


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1.2 The theoretical debateThe debate concerning ethnicity has long been divided by the camps of primordialists andinstrumentalists. While the former define ethnicity as a fixed category that comes forth froma pre-existing set of cultural givens most notably biological descent, the latter argue that

ethnicity is to be seen as a fluid category, whereby the boundaries are open to debate andcan be invoked upon according to circumstances. While most social scientists came to agreeon the instrumental character of ethnicity, this is not to say that the importance ofprimordial notions should be denied (Jenkins, 1997). As Waller (1993: 302) notes: The factthat identity is fashioned not given does not, however, rob it of its evocative power; it isthe very means of survival.

In this thesis, ethnicity is analysed through the preliminary theory of integration andconflict proposed by Schlee (2001, 2003, 2004). In this theory, identity consists of certainmarkers, such as descent, language, social organization, religion, etc. Strategies of inclusionand exclusion can be negotiated upon through changing the importance of these markers,

and conditions can be identified under which it is advantageous for individual or collectiveactors to define either wider or narrower identities. The focus is on strategies aimed at thecontrol of resources, both natural/physical as well as political and socio-economical. Thenarrative approach is used to investigate how these strategies are storied. In order tobecome aware of how people make sense of these strategies, it is important to examinewhich aspects of identity are emphasized and remembered, and which are forgotten orrepressed.

Schlee (2004) reminds us that if we want to study identities from a constructivistperspective, we have to acknowledge that they cannot just be invented, but rather - as themetaphor suggest: they consist of elements which support each other, and they make useof local materials. These local materials, the cultural contents, are formed within a specifichistorical and regional context (Lentz, 1995). It is within this context that ethnic identity isstudied, thereby stressing the dimensions of time and space equally.

This cultural geographic study is attributed specifically to investigate ethnicity withina spatial framework. This is significant because research about the role of place and space inthe construction of ethnic identity and the process of boundary making is still limited. Spaceis looked at from a constructivist perspective, meaning that it is both shaping and beingshaped by society. Place - or rather territory, when we emphasize the control of resources is an identity marker in itself. Place matters for identification, because who we are is relatedin fundamental ways to where we are, and how we make use of the place we live in. Thespatial framework allows us to go further: it lets us think of how place relates to the othernon-spatially defined identity markers.

1.3 Questions and report structureThe case study presented in this report, forms a contribution to the above-mentioneddebate, whereby the main goal is to add the spatial dimension into the analysis of ethnicity.The following research question will be answered in this thesis: How has the spatiality ofPokot ethnicity and clanship been defined by the control or regulating access to theresources crucial to survival, and which identity strategies aiming at the security of thoseresources, can be recognized?

This question is divided into three sub-questions, whereby each is answered in asubsequent chapter. After having set out the theoretical framework and the methods used


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in the research, chapter 4 will start with the first sub-question: How is common descentdefined by the Pokot and which stories and explanations prevail about the early

formation of their community? Definitions of both ethnicity and clanship are principallydrawn around the common descent of the groups members. This common descent is basedon ideas of blood ties, a shared past as well as a history of union. The literature about thePokot does not provide a full picture of where the Pokot have come from and how theycame to identify as a group. Because the Pokot are part of the Kalenjin cluster, their historyis mostly discussed in terms of a proto-Kalenjin group, which dispersed at a certain point intime to form the subsequent Kalenjin groups. However, inquiring about individual clanorigins, revealed quite a different picture of the early formation of Pokot. Clans among thePokot have come from various places and different communities. In this chapter, I will try toshed light on these migrations, how they were influenced by environmental factors, and howdespite different origins these diverse clans came to unify as one group with a certainhomeland.

Chapter 5 deals with the second sub-question: Which internal spatial identitysections are recognized as a result of the territorial expansion of the Pokot, and how,despite cultural differences between them, has ethnic unity been storied in this process? Different sections of the Pokot are characterized by distinct forms of subsistence lifestyles predominantly pastoral on the lowlands and agricultural in the highlands. In this chapter, it isfirstly explored why unity between these sections has prevailed, despite the fact thatpastoralism is regarded as the superior lifestyle. The latter part of this chapter deals with adifference in cultural characteristics between sections of the Pokot. The Pokot arepositioned in the area where the Southern Nilotes are adjacent to the Eastern Nilotes andthis has resulted in an interesting process of acculturation. They have adopted culturalfeatures of the neighbouring Karimojong and Turkana, most notably their age-organization

based on the initiation rite sapana , which was added to the Pokot age-system based on theinitiation rite of circumcision. It is investigated why the Pokot chose to widen their scope ofidentification. Furthermore, because this adoption of cultural characteristics is moreimportant to the pastoral Pokot of the lowlands it is examined how the Pokot as a wholehave storied their unity despite the differences among them.

Chapter 6 answers the third and last sub-question: Which new identity strategiesamong the Pokot can be recognized because of the changing scope of the raiding conflictand increased external interventions during the last three decades? A lot has changed forthe Pokot since the time the documentary of Davidson came out. From the late 1970sonwards, pastoralism traditionally the main source of identification has been

undermined. This was firstly triggered by severe crises of insecurity problems, rinderpest,drought, epidemic diseases and famine. Furthermore, the area opened up for developmentactivities and the Pokot became gradually incorporated into the national states. This hasmade more people to settle and look for other than pastoral means of survival. How then dopeople look at their more traditional pastoral background and is there a widening gapbetween the people who live sedentary and more modernized lifestyles, and those that arestill living as semi-nomadic pastoralists?


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1.4 The research areaThe research area (see figure 1.1) is comprised of the western part of the (former 1) West-Pokot District, and is predominantly inhabited by Pokot 2 (sing. Pochon, sometimes spelled asPakot or Pkoot, under the colonial administration referred to as Suk). 3 The Pokot are

classified as a subgroup of the Kalenjin cluster4

of the Southern Nilotes (formerly known asNilo-Hamites) and are found along both sides of the international border. In Uganda, theylive in Pokot County (formerly known as Upe County) of Nakapiripirit District in theKarimojong Region.5 Upe and the western area of Kenyas West -Pokot District form oneeconomic region because of a shared economic history and herd mobility realm duringdroughts (Dietz, 1987).

The Pokot are able to cross the border easily for grazing or security purposes sincethe area is expansive and hardly controlled by security forces. Therefore, the Western Pokotfrom Kenya have strong links with, and indeed are in many cases, the Pokot from Uganda asmany Pokot are said to be in possession of both a Kenyan and a Ugandan identity card.

Furthermore, many respondents who once lived in Uganda, have migrated since the 1970sto the Kenyan side as a r esult of Amins brutal regime, continuing conflict between the Pokotand Karimojong, and several disarmament operations.

The Pokot neighbour the Karimojong (also referred to as Karamojong by someauthors) community to the west and the Turkana to the east, both belonging to the Atekergrouping among the Eastern Nilotes. In between the Pokot and Karimojong, the Tepeth (alsotermed So, Soo or Sorat; classified as Kuliak) are found on Mount Kadam and Mount Moroto.Furthermore, the Pokot neighbour the Sebei to the southwest in Uganda. To the southeastof our research area one finds the Marakwet, who occupy the northern section of the Kerioescarpment. The Pokot neighbour the Sengwer community - often portrayed as a section ofthe Marakwet, but actually a distinct ethnic grouping in the Cherangani hills. Lastly, thearea of Trans-Nzoia to the south has a mixed ethnic population, consisting of Luhya, Kikuyuand other ethnic groups who settled there after the white settlers had left (see Appendix Bfor maps about the ethnic groups in the region).

The most striking geographical feature of the research area is the great variety ofaltitudes. On the east side rise high mountainous areas such as the Chemerongit hill rangeand the Sekerr Mountains (rising up to 3325 metres) which are suitable for extensiveagriculture and livestock production. Stretching to the west, naturally bounded by aspectacular escarpment of more than 700 metres, we find predominantly flat lowland areasthat continue into the Ugandan side and which are mainly used as pastoral grazing land. Insharp contrast to the highlands, the plains are arid and hot, and high evaporation makesthem less favourable for the production of crops. The vegetation is dominated by shrubs andacacia. The area is prone to extensive erosion, which can be confirmed by the deep gullies

1 During a return to the research area in May 2007, it was noted that the government had installed a new District in theresearch area since the beginning of 2007, namely North-Pokot District. The new District is carved out of the former West-Pokot District and covers the area west of the Suam River (the divisions of Alale, Kasei, and Kacheliba). Because of therecent introduction, the District is not shown on the maps in this study.2 Despite the fact that Pokot is the correct plural form, the people are often referred to as Pokots (as can be seen fromquotes from interviews and newspaper articles in this thesis).3 For additional information about the research area (administrative borders and statistics), see Appendix A. 4 Apart from the Pokot, other ethnic groups identified as belonging to the Kalenjin cluster are: Endo-Marakwet, Keiyo,

Kipsigis, Nandi, Sebei-Sabaot, Tugen, and lastly the Okiek and Sengwer, originally hunters and gatherers, who live inscattered bands throughout the Kalenjin territory to whom they have assimilated (see Appendix Bfor maps).5 In Uganda, the Pokot County is possibly getting a District status(New Vision, October 14, 2007).


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Figure 1.1: The research area.Based on: Dietz, 1987: 24, 80.

(Note that the research focuses mostly on the Kenyan side of the Western Pokot area).


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that can be observed when descending from the southern highlands (see figure 1.4).The major drainage system in the research area consists of the perennial River Suam,

which originates at Mount Elgon (see figure 1.2 and 1.3). Furthermore, the Kanyangarengand Konyao Rivers fill periodically and may cause profound difficulties when passing theroads on the plains as they are transformed into slippery paths. A bimodal type of rainfallcharacterizes the research area, whereby the long rains appear between April and August,and the short rains appear between October and February.

The division between predominantly pastoral and agricultural areas is gradual.Agriculture is mainly practiced in the lower parts of the highlands, the upper parts of theplains and along the Suam River. The settled more agricultural Pokot traditionally growmillet (sorghum) and eleusine (finger millet) and more recently maize and horticulturalcrops. Besides this, they possess small numbers of livestock. The life of the semi-pastoralPokot in the lowlands centres on herding of cows, sheep, goats, and in smaller numbersdonkeys and camels. Life is characterized by high mobility as movement in search of pasture,water and saltlicks is persistent.

The twin towns of Makutano (see figure 1.6) and Kapenguria, where respectivelyeconomic and political life of the District are centred, are connected by a 40 km tarmac roadto the regional centre of Kitale, the capital of Trans-Nzoia District. The road continues afterKapenguria up to Lodwar, whereby one passes Chepareria, the second urban centre of theDistrict. The rest of the roads in the research area are not asphalted (see figure 1.5).According to the latest District Development Plan, the state of road netwo rk remainedpathetic and greatly hampered service delivery; it was regarded as an important indicatorof poverty (GoK, 2002: 17, 24).

Figure 1.2: Mount Kacheliba with the Suam River at the forefront.(Photo by: Aenne Post, April 2005)


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Figure 1.3: Suam River in Kacheliba.

(Photo by : Rob Smiers, April 2005)

Figure 1.6: Makutano; the economical centre of West-Pokot District.(Photo by: Aenne Post, April 2005)

Figure 1.4: Steep earth walls caused by soil erosion.These can be viewed during the descending trip from

Makutano to the western lowlands(May 2007)

Figure 1.5: The state of the roadsin the research area.

The photo shows Kapchok hill in the background(May 2007)


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CHAPTER 2

2.1 IntroductionThe theoretical perspective of this research is Interpretivism, which is closely linked to theepistemology of constructivism. This philosophical background rejects the objectivisticstandpoint that reality exists independently of consciousness. Inherent to constructivism isthe notion that there is not an objective reality out there, and therefore truth and meaning

cannot be discovered. Instead, this research aims at investigating how reality is sociallyconstructed, implying that meaning is produced through the subjects interactions with theworld.

Interpretivism forms a major anti- positivist stance, which looks for culturally derivedand historically situated interpretations of the social life- world (Crotty, 1998: 67). From thistheoretical perspective science does not start from theory, but from observation. Theresearch results will therefore not be presented as objective facts because it is believed theyare based on values and perceptions of the researcher as well as those of the researchedgroup. Interpretivism asserts that the social and natural realities are different and thereforerequire different research methods. 6 The research will consequently be primarily qualitativeof nature.

This chapter is concerned with the theoretical discussions about the main concepts ofthis research. An overview of the evolution of the major concepts will be presented. Criticalnotes will aid in evaluating the research afterwards. Before focussing on ethnicity andclanship, the underlying concepts of culture, space and identity will be discussed. The lastparagraph of this chapter deals with the concept of pastoralism, the livelihood that is centralto the identity of the Pokot.

2.2 Culture, space and identity in social sciences

2.2.1 Cultural geographyThis cultural geographic study seeks to investigate how Pokot identity has been shaped inrelation to their environment . Cultural geography is about understanding how space, placeand landscape shape culture at the same time that culture shapes space, place andlandscape (Knox & Marston, 2004: 506). Culture is best described as a shared set ofmeanings that are embodied in the material and symbolic practices of everyday life. Theshared set of meanings consists of beliefs, values, traits, ideas and practices concerning

6 This different orientation is often linked to the thought of Weber (1864-1920), who suggested that social sciences were

concerned with understanding the ideographic (Verstehen ), while the natural sciences were aimed at explaining thenomothetic (Erklaren).

THEORY


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identities that are based around language, religion, sexuality, age, gender and, most relevantto this study; ethnicity and clanship.

Culture should be considered as a dynamic process that is subject to change withtime, and because cultures are socially determined, they are not divorced from powerrelations (McEwan, 2005). Culture is to be seen as an overarching process that revolvesaround and intersects with a complex set of political, social, historical and economicalfactors. Contrary to what many geographers and anthropologists have focused on for muchof the 20 th century, culture is not necessarily tied to a specific place and not only concernedwith material expressions.

Sauer (1889-1975), a geographer who taught at the University of California inBerkeley, is often regarded as the founding father of cultural geography. He developed theconcept of cultural landscape: a characteristic and tangible outcome of the complexinteractions between a human group and a natural environment (Knox & Marston, 2004:506). By stressing the agency of culture in shaping the physical environment, his approachstrongly argues against environmental determinism, a scientific approach that in its various

forms dominated geographical thinking during the first decades of the 20 th century. 7 Sauer(1925) argued that landscapes were changing in phases under influence of a given culture,which itself was changing through time. Landscape was thus no longer an independentvariable.

Although Sauer emphasized the links between society and the environment, andcultural geographers followed his work for roughly five decades, his view did not come todominate the geographical discipline, which was still heavily influenced by the logicalpositivistic perspective, especially in the Anglophone world (Unwin, 1992). Here, geographyhad allied more closely with the natural sciences, whereby little attention was paid to thephilosophical underpinnings of the discipline.

Even though cultural geography had made important steps in Europe, especiallythrough the works of Vidal de la Blache during the first two decades of the 20 th century,historically focused disciplines proved more successful here. 8 In line with this, Soja (1989)argues against an overdeveloped historical contextualization within social theorization thathas submerged and restrained the geographical or spatial imagination. He stresses that thedimension of space and time are equally important in the formation of social identity, butthe first needs to be recognized and rediscovered as such.

2.2.2 The cultural turn and constructed spaceThe interpretation of space in social science changed radically during the 1970s as a

consequence of the so-called cultural turn . Because of worldwide changes generallygrasped under the term globalization - broadly referring to the increasinginterconnectedness of different places of the world through integration of social, economic,

7 The environmental deterministic doctrine holds that human activities are controlled by the environment in which theytake place. It was used in particular to draw a link between climatic conditions and human development (Clokeet al. , 2005).Though it is the German Ratzel who has become most widely thought of as the founder of environmental determinismwithin geography, it is through much more extreme arguments of American geographers such as Semple and Huntington,that the ideas reached a wider audience in the English speaking world (Unwin, 1992).8 However, the regional historiography of the Annales School, which was building on the work of Vidal de la Blache,exemplifies that spatial aspects were long considered essential in French social sciences. Especially when compared to

German idealist philosophies and British political economy, the dialogue between geographers and other social scientists inFrance maintained strong links during the 20 th century, something that can be seen in the works of Lefebvre and Foucault(Soja, 1989).


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environmental and political processes - culture generated a great deal of interest (McEwan,2005). The cultural turn in social sciences led to the objection of logical positivism byadopting interpretative (qualitative) approaches on a large scale, thereby emphasizing theconstruction of meanings, values and knowledge. Language and ways of representationbecame important study material for the social sciences.

The critique within human geography during the 1970s focused on what was seen asthe spatial fetishism of the 1960s, when a law-based, scientific human geography foundedon statistical data and analytical techniques, had triumphed. During the 1960s, the notion ofspace was mainly characterized as geometric, absolute and passive. Space was seen as beingfilled with an accumulation of social facts.9 Models of early 20th century geographers such asChristaller and Park were revived in order to prove that space could be seen as asimplification of the real world.

Within the geographic discipline, humanistic geography came up during the 1970s asa theoretical perspective that refused the positivistic geographical approach of the 1960s. Itemphasized the need to study human meanings, emotions and ideas with regard to place

and space. This perspective placed the individual at the centre of analysis, and stressed thatobjective knowledge was impossible to acquire because the subjectivity of the researcherand those that were being studied, had to be taken into account. Because of the influence ofhumanistic geography, the notion of space changed: space came to be seen as sociallyconstructed.

The first attempts in understanding how people perceived places, came from theschool of behavioural geography at the end of the 1960s, but these were still based in thelogical positivist framework. However, scholars such as Soja (1971), Olssen (1975), Tuan(1975) and Sack (1980)made the epistemological change by refusing to see physical space asthe exclusive organizing concept of their discipline. For them, space was meaningful and

relative, instead of absolute (Unwin, 1992). Space consists of places; specific geographicsettings with distinctive physical, social and cultural attributes. Places are meaningful unitsproduced through human behaviour. In other words we cannot live space, an abstractgeographical notion, but we must transform it into places for us to exist. This is also what isreferred to by using the term spatiality.

Soja (1985) is another influential geographer who recognized that space should beseen as socially constructed. He came up with the term socio-spatial dialectic, toacknowledge the mutually interacting process whereby people shape the structure of spaceand at the same time are produced by this structure. However, even though geographersworked on the notion of socially constructed space, the major contributors to the debate

about it were not so much geographers, but philosophers like Lefebvre and sociologists likeGiddens and Castells (Unwin, 1992).

2.2.3 Identity and its spatial dimensionIdentity refers to a process based on subjective feelings through which social actors identifythemselves and are recognized by other actors, as part of broader social groupings. Identityis a form of categorization, which is concerned with boundaries to distinguish one domain ofsocial collectivity (us), from others (them). The concept of identity in social science has

9 This line of thought had been established in sociological science towards the end of the 19

th century, when under the

influence of Simmel, space came to be seen as something through which the complexities of social life could be grasped(Smith, 1999).


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one of its main sources in psychoanalysis, where the category is connected with the egoand self (e.g. Mead, 1934).

Within geography during the 1960s, identities were still seen as given and integrationof groups was measured against the spatial distance between them by methods such associal area analysis and factorial ecology. The constructivist shift meant that spatialarrangements came to be seen as actively contributing to the construction and reproductionof identities: spatial patterns both expressed and shaped social relations. Moreover,territorial boundaries 10 can boost symbolizing the difference between us and them.Geographers and anthropologists have become increasingly aware of the fact that althoughborders are political constructs, they have clear social and cultural implications (Hoevar,2000). Particularly for those living in border zones, it may lead to significant differences onopposite sides (e.g. Rumley & Minghi, 1991).

During the 1970s, the neo-Marxist approach became the most important framing ofcritical geography11. In this school of thought, spatially defined social and environmentalinjustices are linked to the organization of capitalist society (e.g. Smith, 1977). Although neo-

Marxism had its culminating point during this decade, it is still influential in criticalgeography. The neo-Marxist line of thought in geography, together with feminist andpostcolonial scholarship, began to question the fixed categorizations of identity. This hadimplications for the notions of space as these emancipatory approaches came to see thatspaces were chosen as a speaking position for marginalized groups. Soja (1996)defined thisnew way of thinking as thirdspace. The above mentioned approaches force us to thinkabout the complexity, ambiguity and multidimensionality of identity as a concept (Smith,1999).

Paasi (2002: 138) criticizes the concept of identity as he sees that it is oftenunderstood as a self -evidently positive feature with an essence, position and direction -

that people/regions already have or that people a re struggling for. This view may hidesocial, ethnic and cultural conflicts and exclusionary practices. To acknowledge both thepositive and negative features of identity in this study, identity formation will be assessedthrough the preliminary theory of integration and conflict proposed by Schlee (2001, 2003, 2004).

This theory focuses on processes of identification and differentiation in (eitherpeaceful or violent) confrontations with other groups. Schlee argues that identities consist ofcertain identity markers (which will be explained below in the case of ethnic identity), andthat group size can be influenced by strategies of inclusion and exclusion through changingimportance of identity markers; the scope of identification can thus be wider or narrower.

The theory has a political focus and combines cost-benefit analysis with an approach thatfocuses on social structures and their cognitive representations. Conditions can be identifiedunder which it is advantageous for individual or collective actors to define wider identitiesthat they share with others, for example to provide security or a more stable resource base.

10 At this point, let us make a distinction between borders and boundaries. Although these terms are frequently used assynonyms, border refers to a legal type of boundary between territories. Boundary is a broader social concept that refers toall kinds of dividing lines between groups and is more focused on perception s (Mamadouh, 2001). Boundaries that areterritorial but not legal are referred to as territorial boundaries.11 Critical geographic theory is developed in order to combat social exploitation and oppression (it deals with issues such as

capitalist exploitation, imperialism, racism, environmental destruction or gender inequality). Critical geographers believethat social change is needed in order to create a more equal world, and their academic knowledge should be used for thispurpose.


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Successful identity politics requires means of inclusion and means of exclusion, and thecapacity to switch discourse 12 from one to the other.

2.2.4 Grasping identities through narratives and mythsNarratives about identity are c entral to this research and can be defined as particular kindsof stories that are subject to cultural conventions about authorship, plot, style andaudience (Cloke et al ., 2005: 608). The narrative approach attempts to recover thediscursive practices through which the social life is storied. It tries to relate theparticularities of individual biographies to their wider social context. Narratives are culturallyconstructed and subject to social regulation through cultural norms and expectations. Theyare framed in terms of a series of events and tell us how we make sense of those events.

A particular kind of narrative is the myth: A traditional, typically ancient story thatserves to explain t he worldview of people through answering lifes fundamental questionssuch as; Who are we?, Why are we here?, and What is our purpose?. The function of a mythis essentially practical and social, namely, to promote a feeling of unity or harmonybetween the members of a society as well as a sense of harmony with the whole nature orlife (Bidney, 1968: 12).

The concept myth was extensively studied by the French anthropologist Lvi-Strauss,who was particularly interested in explaining why the structures of myths from differentcultures seem so similar. 13 According to him a myth is historically specific in the sense thatthe events are set in some time long ago, but also ahistorical in that the specific patterndescribed is timeless (Lvi-Strauss, 1968).Lvi-Strauss became popular mainly because herefused to see Western civilization as privileged and unique, by arguing that even thoughprimitive tribes may not be as scientifically schooled as Westerners, they do possess a greatdeal of knowledge which Westerners have lost. In this study, myths will not be studied in the

sense that Lvi-Strauss did, by seeing myths as fundamental mental structures of the humanmind giving meaning and purpose to every element of a culture. Instead, it is investigated ifand why some narratives can be called myths as they function as contradiction-overcomingmechanisms.

2.2.5 SummaryThis paragraph outlined that the perception of the concepts of culture, space and identity insocial science changed significantly as a result of the constructivist paradigm shift during the1970s. Culture and the categorization of identities are to be seen as dynamic processes.Space has increasingly been seen as something that is socially constructed; it is both shaping

and being shaped by society. Schlees theory of integration and conflict , which emphasizesidentity politics, provides the theoretical background of this research, whereby a narrativeapproach is used to reconstruct the stories of identity.

12 A discourse is a way of representing the world, and is expressed through particular ways of talking about people andplaces as though this is natural and common sense. Discourses are ways of portraying realities, and are actively contributing

to the shape of these realities (Clokeet al. , 2005). 13 Additional information was acquired from http://www.faculty.de.gcsu.edu/~mmagouli/defmyth.htm (accessed:November 29, 2007).
http://www.faculty.de.gcsu.edu/~mmagouli/defmyth.htmhttp://www.faculty.de.gcsu.edu/~mmagouli/defmyth.htm


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2.3 Ethnicity

2.3.1 Ethnicity arising out of interactionThe term ethnicity implies the categorization of otherness . It was first meant disparagingly,

to describe people who had a lower stage of civilization or political development (Lentz,1995: 305). Later on the term was used more generally to refer to people or nation, and itgradually became an idiom for self-identification (ibid.). In the modern day use of the term,ethnicity retains its roots in the sense that it refers to a group of people who - based on ashared cultural and historical experiences - possess some degree of coherence and solidarity.

The ethnic analysis of this research draws primarily on the basic socialanthropological model of ethnicity, put forward by Jenkins (1997: 13), whereby ethnicity:

Is about cultural differentiations although identity is always a dialectic betweensimilarity and difference;

Is centrally concerned with culture shared meaning but it is also rooted in, and

to a considerable extent the outcome of, social interaction; Is no more fixed or unchanging than the culture of which it is a component or thesituations in which it is produced and reproduced;

As a social identity is collective and individual, externalized in social interactionand internalized in personal self- identification.

The situational approach of Jenkins is based on the ideas of Barth (1969), ananthropologist who marked the constructivist paradigm shift in anthropology, arguing forthe study of ethnic groups instead of tribes. The ideas of Barth are ro oted in the work ofthe early sociologists Weber (1978; first published in 1922) and Hughes (1994; first publishedin 1948) who came to see ethnic identity arising out of the interaction between groups(Jenkins, 1997). Barths model of ethnicity intended to correct the structural-functionalistunderstanding of the social world, which had been the dominant perspective withinanthropology until the 1960s.

Barth criticized the primordial concept of tribe, because it implied primitivism, whichdistanced the studied people from the civilized society of the researcher. The notion oftribe furthermore assumes a social world that consists of static, corporate and culturallydistinct groups. Instead, Barth argued that the analysis of ethnicity should start from thedefinition of the situation held by the social actors themselves, noting that this definition isalways established in interaction with other actors. Since categorizing the other (them) ispart of defining your own group (us), identification is entailed in a history of relationships

with significant others.By denying the primordial view of ethnicity and focussing attention on ethnic

boundaries, Barth obviously argued for the situational flexibility of ethnicity. This can behelpful in the explanation of the tenacity and fluidity of ethnic boundaries, because it leavesroom for the idea that ethnic identity can be manipulated in order to promote interests. 14 Despite the fact that the situational approach has been the dominant view in social science,

14 This has been shown for example by Adano & Witsenburg (2004), who demonstrate that members of ethnic groups in thearea of Mount Marsabit, northern Kenya (namely the Rendille, Boran, Gabbra, Waatta and Samburu) could easily change

their ethnic identity. They note: Changes in *ethnic+ identity through marriage, migration and sedentarisation, processes of emancipation or as a result of a disguised or igin seemed part of the survival strategies among the settled households.(ibid.: 70).


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the ideas of primordialism still hold important value. According to Jenkins (1997: 45, referring to Geertz, 1973), what matters analytically is that ties of blood, language andculture are seen by actors to be ineffable and obligatory; that they a re seen as natural .People are still prepared to sacrifice their lives because of their ethnic membership;therefore, we cannot and should not deny the longevity and stubbornness of primordialethnic attachments (e.g. Spear, 1993).

2.3.2 The cultural stuffAnother critique on Barth was his lack of acknowledging the importance of culture (Jenkins,1997, referring to: Handelman, 1977). Although Barth argued that the focus of research onethnicity should be the ethnic boundary, not the cultural stuff that it encloses (Barth,1969: 15), this could easily be misinterpreted as the irrelevance of cultural features in theanalysis of ethnicity.

In line with Schlees model of integration and conflict, I have made up a list of tenethnic identity markers, of which one or more are often found in definitions of ethnicity:

Ethnic name. Common myth of origin. Smith (1986) reminds us that shared history is important

and especially shared rival histories with other ethnic groups, something that candeepen the sense of shared identity and destiny in a particular community.

Language, which tends to be one of the most distinctive in the catalogue of culturalcriteria because linguistic differences often correlate with different features in otherdomains of culture (Schlee, 2001).

Religious belief system. From a Weberian perspective religious conversion can deeplyaffect a person and provide him or her with new values and ideas about the directionand meaning of life. (Schlee, 2001)

Institutions such as initiation rites (that mark the different stages in life with a ritualor ceremony), directive mechanisms (that provide codes of conduct to regulate andgovern the behaviour of the people), and other economic and social associations.

Social organization. Society is organized through subgroups that share similar distinctfeatures in beliefs and behaviour. These groups provide a normative system to thegroup members which defines the rights and obligations they should exercisetowards one another, the ends which they may indulge in pursuing, and the ways it islegitimate or acceptable to pursue them (Chebet & Dietz, 2000: 31).

Material culture. Tales and taboos.

Biological similarities and differences. Last and certainly not least, place and territory.

2.3.3 The spatial dimension of ethnicityWhen considering the spatial dimension in anthropology, Appadurai (1986) mentions thateven though place is such a fundamental aspect of the anthropological consciousness, itsimportance has been taken for granted and its connotation has not been systematicallyexplored. As I explained in the first paragraph, the spatial dimension is important foridentification; who we are, is related in fundamental ways to where we are. The role ofspace and place in the construction of ethnic identity will be studied in this research. It can

hence be laid out in two parts. First, there is spatial behaviour, which in the case of the agro-pastoral Pokot is defined by the specific characteristics of the natural environment. Second,


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the concepts of space and place are also important for identification in the sense of thefeeling of belonging to a homeland from where the ethnic group can make territorial claims.

Smith (1986: 28), explains: Territory is relevant to ethnicity, the refore, not becauseit is actually possessed, nor even for its objective characteristics of climate, terrain andlocation, though they influence ethnic conceptions, but because of alleged and felt symbiosisbetween a certain piece of earth and its community. 15 An ethnic group identifies with ahomeland, a symbolic geographical centre. To the members of an ethnic community thehomeland is a territory which they and others recognize to be theirs by historic right andfrom which they are felt to stem (Smith, 1986: 93). According to Smith, an homeland ischaracterized by three aspects. Firstly, homelands posses a centre which is consideredsacred in religious sense. Secondly, there is commemorative association between an ethniccommunity and its homeland, which is part of the collective memory and identity of thegroup. This association may be especially strong when the people are separated from theirhomeland. Thirdly, homelands are externally recognized as outsiders may identify membersof an ethnic group by their territorial origins.

Smith already mentions that within the homeland, a centre may be recognized. Inline with this thought, the study will explore how ethnicity is spatially conceptualized interms of centre-periphery relationships. That ethnic identity can be a matter of graduality isillustrated by Dahl (1996) in the case of the Boran of Kenya and Ethiopia. She found thatpeople from the ritual centre are considered more proper Boran because of their proximityto the sacred places; s enses of holiness and purity were strongly related to thegeographical centre. Dahl (ibid.: 165) adds that these models of identity are often idealizingas the central core is closely tied up with ideas of normality, morality and righteousness.

2.3.4 Summary

This study draws on Jenkins basic social anthropological model of ethnicity. His approach isbased on the ideas of Barth, who emphasized the flexibility of ethnic boundaries, which areconstructed through interaction with the other. However, by focussing on a situationalethnicity, we must not ignore the importance of primordial attachments and the culturalcontent of ethnic identity. Ten ethnic identity markers have been laid out, which will bestudied according to Schlees theory of integration and conflict. Specific attention is paid tothe spatial dimension in the analysis of ethnic identity. The spatial framework allows us tolook at place not only as a distinctive identity marker, but also to look at the spatiality of theother identity markers.

2.4 Clanship2.4.1 Clan identityThe second form of identity concerned in this study is clan identity. Farah (1993: 27) urgesfor the analysis of the internal dynamics of ethnicity through clanship as *o+veremphasis of

15 Although Smith has been criticized for his outspoken primordial interpretation of ethnicity, his awareness of the spatialdimension of ethnicity is of great value. Smith challenges the modernization school's assumption that nations are entirely

modern, by arguing that nations are based on much older cultural groups which he calls ethnie (ethnic communities), whichhe defines as named human populations with shared ance stry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with aspecific territory and a sense of solidarity" (Smith, 1986: 32).


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the role of ethnicity has unfortunately resulted in the total disregard of the sub-group units,such as descent units within the struct ure of the ethnic group.

A clan can be defined as a form of social organization comprised of a cluster ofseveral kinship related families who trace descent in a (fe)male line, from a commonancestor. This ancestor may be assumed or fictional, and chosen for unification purposes. Itmust be noted that the kinship principles within a clan are not necessarily biologicallydetermined. 16 More than the ethnic group, the clan provides a solidarity unit that is of socio-economic significance to the members in everyday life (Mwamula-Lubandi, 1992).

It will be investigated if clan identity provides a basis for collective action, forexample in the competition for resources, in the same way as ethnic identity does. Farah(1993) shows in the case of Somalia that clans can also be responsive to mobilization. Sowhen arguing clan identity as well as ethnic identity can be a possible basis for collectiveaction, we could imagine clashes among clan groups to occur for example due to differencesin resource bases.

2.4.2 Criticizing the segmentary lineage modelTraditionally, anthropologists studied the clan within a segmentary lineage model, whichassumes that a clan can be seen as a subunit of a tribe and/or an ethnic group. Thishierarchical model does not allow for the disposition of the same clan in different ethnicgroups, something that has been proved by Schlee (1985, 1989). He found a network ofinterethnic clan identities among pastoralists in northern Kenya. In many cases, members ofmutually hostile ethnic groups regarded each other as clan brothers, something that helpedto mitigate conflicts by providing bases to share resources.

Within this research clan identity will be investigated in a similar situational approachas described above in the case of ethnic identity. This means that because of flexible

boundaries, the possibilities of changing clan identity through assimilation or adoption andthe arising of new clans, are taken into account. Furthermore, in line with Schlees theory,clans can also choose to widen or narrow the scope of identification through changing theimportance of identity markers.

According to Willis (1997: 583),another critique on the concept of clan is that it hasrather been historians friend in Africa, because scholars have seen in clans a more reliablecategory to reconstruct the African past, compared to tribes or ethnic groups that areconsidered relatively recent or artificial phenomena. According to Schlee (1985: 19): Clans,and more so sub-clans, are thought of as natural in the sense that their members havespecific innate physical, ritual and mental qualities which may or may not be activated by

appropriate rituals. Both Willis and Schlee remind us however, that clans can also be recentinnovations. A broader problem regarding the confusion of the concept clan is that localterms referring to varying social constructs are too easily translated into English as clans.17

16 See for example Spiegel (1997), who studied the kinship relations of clans in Cape Town, South Africa. He found that theboundaries of kinship were extremely fluid and neither defined by biology nor simple genealogy.17 Willis (1997)describes that the notion engada among the Buhweju group in western Uganda, generally translated intoclans, actually refers to the expression of a social system based on patron -client ship. Southall (1975), in discussing the riseof ethnic associations among the Luo in Kenya, is showing what is referred to in the English literature as clans (e.g.karachuonyo ), was actually corresponding to relatively autonomous territories occupied and controlled by a specific

lineage. A third example of confusing translation is given by Lindgren (2004), who discusses ethnicity in southernZimbabwe. Here, isibongo has been referred to as clan name b ecause it is characterized by a totem, however is does notgive specific information about descent as this can differ for members of the same isibongo. He found that in the broadest


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2.4.3 SummaryClan identity will be studied in a similar situational approach as ethnic identity. Furthermore,Schlees theory can also be applied to the identification of clans. Compared to ethnicity,clanship is more clearly stated in descent idiom. Lastly, we must acknowledge that clans arenot necessarily biologically determined.

2.5 Pastoralism

2.5.1 Pastoral spatiality and self-perceptionThis study is concerned with identity formation of an ethnic group, whose lifestyle is mainlydetermined by agro-pastoralism. Agro-pastoralism stands for the situation wherebypastoralists obtain ten to fifty percent of their income out of livestock related activities andthe rest from agriculture (Adano & Witsenburg, 2004). Pastoral identity is directly linked toterritory, since the livelihood is dependent upon the availability of critical resources that are

territorially determined, such as high quality grazing areas, water points, and saltlick points.The mobility of pastoralists is mainly determined by seasonal availability of resources fortheir livestock and has consequences for their notion of spatiality. Compared toagriculturalists, spatiality among pastoralists is characterized by a more flexible perceptionof territorial boundaries (e.g. Schlee, 1989).

The definition of pastoralism has changed over the years. During the 1980s, livestockwas seen mostly as a natural and economic resource meant for food production (e.g. Dietz,1987). During the 1990s, the importance of livestock as a cultural element being meaningfulto self-perception of pastoralists achieved greater attention (e.g. De Bruijn & Van Dijk, 1995; Zaal, 1998). Persons may consider themselves pastoralists even if their herds do not provideenough to make a living and non-livestock based activities contribute for survival. It istherefore important to acknowledge that: Possessing animals, even a few, is a source ofpride and adds to the quality and quantity of social relations as well as to feelings ofbelonging and well-being (Adano & Witsenburg, 2004: 15).

2.5.2 The decline of pastoralismWhile pastoralism had been the predominant economic force in Kenya before thecolonialists arrived in the 1880s, droughts, diseases and a harsh policy favouring sedentaryagriculture, have resulted in a massive decline of the pastoral livelihood over the years (e.g.Zwanenberg, 1975; Markakis, 1993). The destructive results were exacerbated by the factthat during the colonial era, large tracts of formerly important grazing areas were set asidefor white settlers and national parks and reserves. Logically this resulted in an increasedpressure on remaining pastures.

The colonial administrations aspiring pacification of their newly acquired territories,first imposed territorial boundaries to confine the movement of animals and people,something that is almost impracticable in a mobile pastoral society. In later years policyaimed at land conservation through destocking inspired by the idea that pastoralistsirrationally over-emphasized the cultural importance of their cattle (e.g. Herskovits, 1926).With the aim of increasing the carrying capacity of the land, policy shifted from the 1950s

sense of the word, the usage of the term clan reflects the assumption that the members act towards each other in aparticularly close and mutually supportive way similar to the solidarity among kinsmen.


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onwards to guided livestock sales, rotational grazing schemes, water development, andveterinary measures (Dietz, 1987).

During the 1960s many of the grazing schemes were changed into group ranges. Theranges were thought to benefit small livestock owners as they would not be able to affordviable inputs such as dips and the required water infrastructure on their own. The GroupRange approach was abandoned in 1980 because the objectives of preventingenvironmental degradation through reduced overgrazing could not be realized.Furthermore, many pastoralists on the ranges seemed not market-orientated and livestocknumbers amplified beyond the carrying capacity of the land. Overall, policy as well asresearch about African pastoralists, had centred on the perspective that they destabilizedtheir ecosystems by overstocking and overgrazing and therefore development was thoughtto be achieved by altering their internal system structure (Ellis & Swift, 1988).

Research concerning the development of pastoral communities continued preferablyin a quantitative and model-like way. During the 1990s critique arose to the way pastoralcommunities were perceived in mainstream development thinking. Scholars such as Galaty

& Bontje (1992)and Spear & Waller (1993) argued against the modernist perception of thepastoralists as being backward and opposed to progress. Pastoralists should be stereotypedneither as a romanticist ideal of Africas pre-modern values and aspirations, nor as peoplewhose life should be protected against the assault of modernization (Anderson, 1993).

The major critique on mainstream development thinking about pastoralism is thattoo much focussing on the ecological, has overshadowed the social, political and culturaldimensions. As mentioned above, development among pastoralists has focused heavily onsedentarization en privatization. Because of this, pastoral groups often view the governmentwith suspicion as they have felt forced to abandon their culture that is intertwined with thepastoral lifestyle. Sedentarization has led to a loss of identity for pastoralists due to shifts in

internal support networks and power relations. Besides that, Krtli & Swift (2001: 10)state:Monetarization of exchange relations and livestock marketing now make animals anunsuitable means for generating social boundaries, whilst the shift from flexibility to rigidityin ownership reduces social ties and continuity in social relationships. Because customarytenure regimes are formalized through privatization, there is the risk of corroding socialcapital. Krtli & Swift (ibid: 29)remind us that although customary institutions are importantin sustainable resource use, by too much focussing on the ecological aspects, their functionas intra- and inter-ethnic conflict management institutions will remain unacknowledged.

2.5.3 Summary

This last paragraph provided a theoretical discussion on the agro-pastoral context of theresearch area. Pastoral identification is a matter of self-perception, and is not necessarilyrelated to whether livestock alone may provide enough for subsistence. Furthermore, thenotion of spatiality among pastoralists is very flexible in that it lacks sharply definedterritorial boundaries. Next, governmental policy since colonial times has favouredagriculturalists over pastoralists, which caused for increased sedentarization. Throughinteraction in larger systems, pressure is put on the internal social relations of pastoralcommunities.


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CHAPTER 3

3.1 IntroductionThe methodology of this study is based on a combination of ethnographic and culturalgeographic research, which is characterized by a qualitative and inductive approach.Ethnography is aimed at discovering the relationship between culture and behaviour, bystudying sites and analysing events. Ethnographers describe the meaning of cultural

expressions. Participant observation forms one of the most important research methods of(especially Anglo-Saxon) ethnography. In addition, the method of informal talks lies close tothe ethnographic methodology, because an ethnographer is expected to be involved in thecommunity life in order to understand it.

The research however, has a geographic focus; it studies the ethnic group in relationto their environment. The research has a regional outlook, thereby taking into account thenatural/physical as well as the relevant political, socio-economic and cultural aspects of theenvironment. Therefore, ethnographic research methods have been combined with moreparticular cultural geographic methods, namely semi-structured interviewing and extensiveliterature analysis. The focus on the interpretation of texts proved useful in understandinghow stories of identity were contextually framed, and moreover in revealing some of thediscourses that actors make use of.

Overall the design of this research can be classified as: highly empirical in nature,having a low degree of control, using primary as well as secondary data, and focussingmainly on textual data. 18 The research was set up as a multi-stage design; first, a region waschosen, within which certain villages and towns were selected, and where, on arrival,decisions were made about which key informants were to be interviewed.

Data analysis in this research is primarily qualitative. Although the lack ofgeneralizability of the results and the non-standardization of measurement could be calledlimitations of a qualitative approach, there are certainly major advantages involved. Thestrength of qualitative analysis lies in the fact that the researcher is better able to grasp thecomplexities involved, mainly because through the interviews, insider-perspectives can beprovided. In addition, it could be said that, especially on a topic like identity, a holisticunderstanding can be more adequately ascribed by a qualitative analysis.

3.2 TimeframeThis research has covered a considerable period. In February 2005, I started writing myresearch proposal, and in the following two months I prepared myself for the fieldwork.Besides the scholarly interest set out in chapter 1, the choice of the research area was also apractical one. Via longstanding contacts between my supervisor and two local researchers,

18 This classification along four dimensions is based on the framework for research design types made by Mouton (2001).

METHODOLOGY


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assistance could be arranged in establishing contacts with key informants and findingtranslators as well as places to stay and means to travel.

After my arrival in the research area, I first paid a visit to the District Commissioner ofWest-Pokot District, who gave me permission to do fieldwork in the area. Thereafter I setout a plan with my research assistants and we organized a first stay (lasting about fiveweeks) in Kacheliba, a central place on the western lowlands. From there, the neighbouringarea of Kongelai was also visited. At this inventory stage it became clear which main topicsthe research would focus on. From Kacheliba, the research followed the route north bystaying in Kodich (about one week) from where also Nakujit was visited. Thereafter I visitedKonyao (about two weeks) and Amakuriat (about two weeks). After a break, the researchcontinued in the east of the research area where I visited Chepareria and Chepnyal (togetherabout three weeks). All of these visits were followed by a stay in the twin towns ofMakutano and Kapenguria, where interviewing continued. This time was also used forpreliminary data analysis by transcribing interviews19, and evaluating these with the localsupervisors.

During fieldwork, the selection of respondents was decided upon after arrival in thedifferent towns. The first interviews were often held with chiefs, village elders, andcouncillors, as a means to announce our presence, and to inquire about who else could beresourceful to interview. Together with the research assistants, lists of topics to be discussedwere then matched with lists of possible key informants. From then on it was tried to find asmany respondents as possible by walking through town and making appointments. Withouta sample framework, decisions to invite persons were made by chance. This could provebiased, but time and space triangulation to increase the reliability of the data has been triedto achieve through the quantity of both the interviews (105) and the visited places (10) thatare geographically dispersed over the research area. Moreover, I worked with five different

assistants. All this gave me the opportunity to combine the verification of general topics withthe gathering of place specific information.It must be said that the fieldwork was deliberately lengthened for this purpose.

Firstly, time was needed to adjust to living and working in the area - for example on a basiclevel travelling in the area could be a real test because of the lack of transport and heftyroad conditions (and even drunk drivers). Furthermore, time was important to establishcontacts and build some confidence with the people I lived among. However, time wasmostly needed to comprehend the scope of the research. Ethnicity is a broad concept and ittouches upon many topics as can be seen in the following chapters. Gathering detailed oralhistories as well as becoming aware of the different identity narratives in an expansive area

takes time, moreover because many of the things I heard and saw were new to me. In thetwo months preceding the research I had focussed mainly on the theoretic framework of theresearch, and operationalization in the fieldwas to put it lightly, a real challenge.

Then, after I got back in the Netherlands, the next stage of the research began.Transcribing the latter part of the interviews and start reading. Next to some other schooland job projects, I began to work out the observations from the fieldwork. After somechapters had been written, I got the chance to publish part of my findings in an article for a

19 Interviews were not taped because respondents reacted with hesitation towards a recorder. Instead, notes were taken

directly, and the scripts were reviewed afterwards with the research assistants. It is to be noted that the quotes in thisstudy result from this process.


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book about conflict and identity in Kenya. The editors20 of the book organized a conferencein May 2007, which gave me the opportunity to visit the research area again (for threeweeks). It was a good experience to discuss the things I had written with the researchassistants I had worked with before. Valuable comments were placed. Moreover, I decidedto carry out some more interviews (14) in Makutano and Kiwawa (a place in northern Pokot,where I had not stayed before, from where also Amudat on the Ugandan side was visited) toinquire about information that was yet missing. After that, the finalizing stag

Documents

Pokot Origin and Traditions