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CHAPTER V

PLACHIMADA AGITATION:

AN OVERVIEW

The history of Coca Cola factory at Plachimada in Palakkad district

presents another case of environmental disaster caused by the irrational

extraction of natural resources in name of industrial development (Clarke,

2005). The sudden depletion of water resources in Plachimada and

neighboring villages along with water and soil pollution at alarming heights

naturally resulted in the development of environmental activism, which

gradually turned into an international movement against multinational

corporations. This chapter attempts to discuss four important aspects of

Plachimada agitation, which are significantly relevant to the subject matter of

this study. Obviously, the chapter is divided into four parts. First part presents

an introduction to the establishment of Cola factory at Plachimada; whereas,

the second part examines its environmental impact. Third part is an effort to

explore the environmental activism against Coca Cola and the final part is

analyzing the role of mainstream left in the Plachimada movement.

5.1 Plachimada; an Introduction

A small hamlet situated five km from the Tamil Nadu border and 30

km east of Palakkad town, Plachimada forms a part of Perumatty Panchayath

of Chittur taluk in Palakkad district in the state of Kerala. There are three

revenue villages in Perumatty Panchayath (Perumatty, Vandithavalam and

Moolathara) with a total land area of 60.79 sq kilometers. Plachimada belongs

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to Moolathara village. The Palaghat district particularly its eastern side is

unique for its relatively low rainfall compared to the other parts of the state.

Figure 5.1.1: Location Map of Plachimada

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The average rainfall in Palakkad district in 1998 was 2425.8 mm, which

subsequently declined to 17750.3 mm in 2002(whereas the state average in

2002 was 2515.1 mm). However, the ground water deposit in the area was

comparatively better. To quote the report of ground water department of

Kerala on Plachimada region “although the area has less rainfall than the

coastal region of the state, conditions for ground water recharge are better

here because of the gently undulating nature of the terrain” ( Pillai, 2008.,

p.89). Hence, people of this area excessively relied upon dam irrigation and

ground water resources for domestic and agricultural requirements.

The people in this area hail from a very poor socio- economic

background .Half of the population are migrants from rural Tamil Nadu who

came here in search of labour and livelihood. Eravalar and Malasar are the

two indigenous sections. The villagers, mostly scheduled caste and scheduled

tribes are predominantly landless agricultural laborers living at the brink of

acute, poverty, hunger, diseases, lack of pure drinking water and many other

ecological hazards. The major livelihood of the people was agriculture and

agro based labour forms. Rice, coconut, groundnut were the major crops.

However, vegetables, horse gram, maize, mango, sugar cane and banana were

also cultivated intermittently (Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, pp. 8-10).

The Coca- Cola which had abandoned its business in India in late

1970’s because of the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act of 1973 revived its

operations in the context of new economic policy of 1991 and subsequent

decision to liberalize the financial laws and business rules to attract foreign

investments . Accordingly, in 1997, the Cabinet Committee of Foreign

Investments granted an approval to Coca- Cola to set up two wholly owned

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subsidiaries as holding companies that could set up downstream ventures such

as bottling operations. Thus, Coca-Cola set up two holding companies,

Hindustan Coca Cola Holding Private limited and Bharath Coca- Cola

Holding Private Limited; each holding company then set up two downstream

subsidiaries for bottling operation. Later in February 2000, the government

granted permission for the two holding companies to be merged into one

corporate entity called Hindustan Coca-Cola Holdings Private limited.

Consequently, the four downstream subsidiaries were united into a single

company called Hindustan Coca-Cola Beverages Private Ltd. The cola factory

at Plachimada was one of the bottling plants of this company(ibid.,p.12)

The operations of Coca-Cola in Kerala started on 8 October 1999 when

the company officially applied to Perumatty Panchayath for permission to set

up a bottling Plant in Plachimada. In the words of Mylamma, “They came to

our village with glittering offers; that our people would get many job

opportunities in the plant; the overall development of our village would be

taken care of; the economic growth of the area would be strengthened ……...”

(Wramner, 2004). O G Sunil from Ernakulum was engaged as an agent of the

company for procuring the land. He successfully acquired 40 acres of

Poonthal Padam (marshy lands) area, which was not legally permitted for

industrial purposes under the Kerala Land Utilization Act, 1967. .It was a

period of People’s Planning Programme, an innovative idea conceived by the

state of Kerala with the characteristic features of a strong system of local self-

government, decentralized planning, participatory development and financial

devolution. This was based on the idea that locals often understand their

communities needs better than outside bureaucrats and experts. Thus, a more

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powerful Perumatty Panchayath, run by the Left Democratic Front, took the

historic decision to allow the company to start its operations based on a set of

negligible conditions. The State government run by the same Left Democratic

Front (LDF) also found anything unusual in giving license to this extraction

Industry. Interestingly the plant had started functioning a few months before

the Panchayath issued the license (Ranjini & Prakashan,2007).

The working capacity of the plant was 15, 00000 Liters of water-based

products. According to the company estimates it extracted 0.4 to 0.6 million

liters of ground water per day (132 to 218 million Liters of ground water per

year).For this purpose it had obtained a license for installing 2600 H P

Electrical motors from the Perumatty Grama Panchayath. The soft drinks like

Coca Cola, Miranda, 7Up, Sprite, Fanta and Kinley Soda were the main

products from the plant. The company provided about 400 employment

opportunities out of which nearly 300 were casual laborers. The numbers of

local people working in the plant was in between 30-50. The factory had

managed mainly two kinds of industrial waste, the wastewater and the sludge.

The wastewater from the plant, it was held that, after treatment was used for

recharging the ground water reservoir. The sludge from the factory was sold

to adjacent farmers as fertilizer or soil conditioner( Jananeethi, 2002).

The Palakkad gap basin where the factory was established is unique for

water scarcity. The river system in the region has become non-perennial with

low infiltration rate. There is also a notable reduction in the rate of ground

water discharge. The failure of monsoon, low infiltration rate and high ground

water draft have collectively caused depletion of ground water resources in

the entire gap region leading to adverse effect on the eco system of the region.

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It is in this context people ask the question that Why the Coca Cola

management selected a rain shadow region for a water based industry.

Kerala Sastra Sahithya Parishath (KSSP) is of the opinion that the company

had a plan to use the water resources from the nearby dams. However, this

idea did not materialize mainly for want of public support. In its Website, the

company itself had expressed their dissatisfaction over the fact that it was not

permitted to build a pipeline and use the dam water. Thus, proximity to water

reservoirs seems to influence the decision. The factory was located around

three Kilometers to the north of the Meenkara dam reservoir and a few

hundred meters west of the Kambalathara and Vengalakkayam storage

reservoirs. The Moolathodu main Canal originates from the Moolathara

barrage passes less than ten meters north of the factory compound. The

nearby Chittur puzha itself is two kilometers north of the factory site.

Moreover, the relatively easy access to transportation facilities to reach

markets in other parts of the country through the Palaghat gap also might have

influenced the management (Diwedi, 2011).

5.2 Environmental Impact

It was a fact that neither the government nor the factory management

had assessed the environmental impact of the factory before its establishment.

Pausing serious challenges on the basic idea behind the concepts of

decentralized planning and participatory development that the locals often

understand their communities’ needs better than outside bureaucrats and

experts, the Perumatty Panchayath granted license to the Hindustan Coca-

Cola Beverages Private Ltd on 27th January 2000. The factory had a working

capacity of 1,500000 liters water based products. Around 85 trucks of soft

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drinks and mineral water left the factory compound everyday carrying

approximately 600 cases each containing 24 bottles sized 300 ml. Something

like 60 bore wells and two open wells were used to extract water for soft

drinks and for mineral water production( Jananeethi report -2003). The slushy

waste from the factory was distributed to local farmers as manure. As the

production continued, it unveiled a series of environmental issues, which

could be analyzed under four categories such as water scarcity and

contamination, soil pollution, health hazards and finally the cultural impact

(Ibid).

5.2.1 Water Scarcity and Contamination

Depletion of water resources and its drastic pollution were the most

significant environmental issue involved in the Plachimada conflict. In fact,

there was no reliable mechanism to estimate the real volume of water

extracted by the company. Dr A Achuthan, a well-known hydrologist and

veteran environmentalist has attempted to estimate the volume of water

extracted by the company. He observed that there were four 7.5 HP pumps

and 2 5 HP pumps with a total pumping capacity of 40 HP. He further

assumed the average pumping head as 60m and estimated the pumping in one

hour as 108700 lph. If the pumping took place for ten hour a day the daily,

extraction would be 1.1 million Liters. Thus, he came up with the conclusion

that the data provided by the factory management was far away from reality.

The actual annual extraction, according to his estimate was 363 million Liters,

which was much higher than the claim of the management (132 to 218 million

liters per year). The Perumatty Panchayath also had conducted a survey based

on produced materials, which seems to substantiate this argument. It found

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that every day about 85 truckloads products left the factory each loaded with

550-600 cases. Each case contained 25 bottles of soft drinks. According this

survey the factory had produced around three lakhs liters of water-based

products (It was generally agreed that for producing one-Liter soft drink, the

factory consumed four liters of Clean Water. Therefore, the factory had

extracted around one million liters of clean water per day (Jayakumar, 2010).

Because of this unpredictable extraction of ground water, the water table in

the Plachimada area reduced to a considerable level

It is interesting to note that the company itself was aware of the

alarming situation in Plachimada. Therefore, it developed a remedial system

that included rainwater harvesting and water recharging and a system of

parallel water supply. Nevertheless, none of them was capable enough to

overcome the environmental crisis created by the factory. For example with

regard to the recharging system, the recharge went to the gravity zone only

whereas the extraction was from the deeper aquifer. Moreover, the statistics

on water recharge by way of rainwater harvesting, it is alleged that, found

unrealistic.

In this connection, the Ground Water Department of Government of

Kerala conducted a study the conclusions of which, it seems that, did not fully

agree with the findings of the earlier studies. The experts from the department

observed the water levels in the area several times from March 2002 onwards.

The study pointed out that heavy draft would lead to depletion of ground

water resources. It suggested for a mechanism for regulating the scientific

withdrawal from ground water regime. The main criticism against this report

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was that it was mysteriously reluctant to declare the Coca Cola Company

responsible for the water crisis in Plachimada.

It was a kind of environmental disaster when the sources of drinking

water dried up dramatically it left untold hardships to thousands of Adivasies

and Dalit; the most underprivileged sections in Indian social hierarchy. All the

13 wells in nearby Vijay Nagar Colony became useless making water fetching

a tedious work for the members of 37 tribal families in the colony. To quote

Rugmini, a resident of Plachimada colony

“We live here for the last 20 years. Before two years, we need not have

to go out to fetch water. However, today we walk a distance of two and a half

kilometers to collect two pots of water. ”( Pilla,2008)

Many individuals and scientific organizations have examined the water

sample collected from the affected areas. For example, Dr. Mark Chernaik,

a biochemist associated with Environmental Law Alliance Worldwide, found

high levels of dissolved salt in the water sample collected from Plachimada.

IRTC Mundoor, Palaghat, a centre for sustainable development established

and run by Kerala Sastra Sahithya Parishath (KSSP) collected samples from

both dug well and drilled well from the vicinity of Hindustan Coca Cola

Company. The water quality analysis held at the environmental laboratory of

IRTC exposed high levels of hardness, salinity, alkalinity and other chemical

components such as chlorides, sulfides etc. which are not in conformity with

the drinking water standards. The details of the test result are shown in the

tables shown below (Jayakumar, 2010).

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Table 5.2.1.1: Sample 1

Sl No

Parameter Unit Limit Test Result

1 Odor -- Unobjectionable Unobjectionable

2 Taste -- Agreeable ------

3 Turbidity NTU 10 11.2

4 Total dissolved solids

Mg/1 500 1100

5 PH --- 6.5-8.5 6.7

6 Temperature 00 28

7 Conductivity Us/cm 50-500 180

8 Dissolved Oxygen Mg/l 4-8 4.2

9 Total hardness(as caco3)

Mg/l 300 1100

10 Calcium hardness Mg/l 75 450

11 Magnesium hardness

Mg/l 30 660

12 Chloride(as cl) Mg/l 250 519.4

13 Salinity Ppt 949.2

14 Alkalinity Mg/l 100 1390

15 Sulfide Mg/l 0.4 3.2

16 MPN count/100ml nil 34

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Table 5.2.1.2: Sample 2

Sl. No.

Parameter Unit Limit Test Result

1 Odor -- Unobjectionable Unobjectionable

2 Taste -- Agreeable ------

3 Turbidity NTU 10 30.2

4 Total dissolved solids

Mg/1 500 1254

5 PH --- 6.5-8.5 6.6

6 Temperature 00 28

7 Conductivity Us/cm 50-500 236

8 Dissolved Oxygen Mg/l 4-8 ---

9 Total hardness(as caco3)

Mg/l 300 1240

10 Calcium hardness Mg/l 75 980

11

Magnesium hardness

Mg/l 30 260

12 Chloride(as cl) Mg/l 250 489

13 Salinity Ppt 895

14 Alkalinity Mg/l 100 1425

15 Sulfide Mg/l 0.4 3.2

16 MPN count/100ml nil ----

Source: Report of the High Power Committee on Plachimada.

The Primary Health Centre of Perumatty Grama Panchayath made

another such attempt on request by the President of the Grama Panchayath. It

collected water sample from three wells near the factory, which was sent to

the Regional Analytical laboratory, Calicut for chemical analysis. The

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chemical analysis found that the alkalinity and chlorides in the water were

very high and hence not advisable to use for drinking purposes.

Out of the series of studies and surveys conducted on Plachimada

issue, the work done by the K Jaya Kumar Committee (High Power

Committee appointed by Government of Kerala on 23 may 2009) stands

unique. Its report became a landmark in the history of water conflicts in

Kerala mainly for two reasons. Firstly, it produced an estimate on damages

caused by the environmental disaster and secondly proposed a legal

framework to claim for adequate compensation. To quote from the report of

this committee

“There is abundant evidence to conclude that the operation of the plant

has exacerbated the drinking water crisis of the Plachimada Panchayath by

excessive pumping and over extraction of ground water. Further, it polluted

drinking water by its careless and irresponsible disposal of sludge and treated

affluent. Particularly hard hits are the dalit, tribes women and children of the

surrounding area…...thus all the available scientific evidence leads the

committee to conclude that the water crisis in Plachimada was caused by the

HCBPL plant”(Jayakumar, 2010).

Another such significant study was conducted by Centre for

Development Studies (CDS), Trivandrum. It found that of the 33 open wells

situated within a radius of 500 meters from the cola factory, water in 31(94%)

wells had become non-potable during the period 200-2004. This study also

revealed that the local people had no experience of well water turning non –

potable prior to the establishment of the factory (Ibid).

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5.2.2 Soil Pollution and Decline of Agriculture

There were mainly three ways of soil pollution in the region. Firstly,

the factory had discharged its liquid waste carelessly allowing it to mix with

nearby water bodies. Secondly, it had developed a practice of distributing

solid waste (sometimes sold sometimes given free) among unsuspecting

farmers in the guise of fertilizer or soil conditioner. Finally, soil pollution

resulted by the transformation of paddy land for industrial purposes and by

the unusual extraction of ground water resources. The solid waste (ETP

sludge) from the factory composed partially of dried sedimented slurry, which

was a yellowish white granulated substance with a faint sulfuric acid smell.

There was also a foul smelling hard gritty mixed fiber, pieces of fabric;

synthetic insulating materials etc. local people reported that the company

dumped part of this material in landfill sites within the compound. More over

the company transported large quantities of solid waste to the farmlands all

around and far of places. Thus within a couple of weeks, these once fertile

land became a graveyard of industrial waste. (Ibid., pp.34-36)

The issue of soil pollution became a topic for open discussion by BBC

Radio 4’s Face the Facts Programme on water conflicts in Plachimada. While

visiting the affected area, Face the Facts presenter John Waite and his team

had collected samples of sludge from the affected areas. Immediately they

sent these samples to the United Kingdom for examination at University of

Exeter. The test revealed that the sample contained a number of toxic metals,

including cadmium and lead. Responding to this report Professor John Henry,

leading poison expert in UK said,

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“The results have devastating consequences for those living near the

areas where this waste has been dumped and for the thousands who depend on

crops produced in these fields”(Vikas, 2008)

The Supreme Court Monitoring Committee (SCMC) on Hazardous

Waste made another important attempt in this connection. This committee

paid a visit to Plachimada on 10-13 August 2004 to examine all the available

evidence and collect the views of the company and affected people. The

SCMC finally confirmed that the sludge had a toxic nature and hence would

pollute land and water. The findings of the study conducted by Kerala

Agricultural University at Plachimada during 2004-06 on the level and impact

of heavy metal pollution in the village were more or less same. It found

consistently and significantly higher levels of cadmium and lead in the

samples of soil. The high Power committee appointed by Government of

Kerala also had tested the solid waste for its manorial value since the factory

had impressed peasants that it was good manure. ‘The cream colored and tar

black residues which were spread in the farmlands appeared as clay like

matter with 28 to 30% calcium and 4 to 5 % phosphorus. There was no

nitrogen content in the ETP sludge, proving that its manorial value was nil.

Too much of calcium in the soil might have leached into the wells and ponds

by heavy rains creating secondary problems. The presence of excess calcium

in the farmlands also leads to nutrient imbalance in the soil’. Consequently,

the agricultural production in the area declined less than half the levels that

prevailed before 2000 (see the table below) which finally resulted in the

decline of agricultural income of 91 % of the households in the region. This

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was followed by a reduction in the employment opportunities of hired labour

and forced outmigration of agricultural laborers(Jayakumar,2010).

Table 5.2.2.1: Details of Agricultural Production for the Years 1998-99 and 2003-04

Mean Annual Production Crops

During 1998-1999 During 2003-04

Coconut 10,839 nuts 4239 nuts

Paddy 1 3085 Kg 1389 kg

Paddy 2 2360 kg 1180 kg

Vegetables 644 kg 285 kg

Maize 1400 kg 1000 kg

(Source: High Power committee report)

The high power committee has also estimated the total loss caused by

the factory in areas like agriculture, animal husbandry and agriculture related

livelihood. The following tables illustrate this.

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Table 5.2.2.2: Details of total Loss caused by the Coca Cola factory

Item Area Production Price(Rs) No of years

Total loss

Agricultrue

Padddy 2350 ha 4500 Kg 10/Kg 4 42.3

Cocunut 420ha 175 no of

Plants 200 production cost 4 5.88

Banana 85ha 15kg/plant Rs 15x 12 per plant 4 15.3

Vegitable 55ha 5000kg/ha 12/Kg 4 1.32

Soil health 2910ha 10000/ha -- 4 11.64

Animal Husbandary

Cattle 1000nos 10000/cattle 4 1

Goat 1200nos 2000/goat 4 0.24

Agriculture Related Livelihood

Total no of laborers:900 Average daily wage: Rs 150/day Normal loss per year:120 man/person Loss of income=900x120x150x4

6.48

Total amount 84.16 Sorce: Report of the High Power Committee on Plachimada,2010

The data shown above indiates that the most affected area was paddy

cultivation. The mean annual production of paddy , which was 3085 kg in

1998-99, decreased to 1389 kg during 2003-04. The total loss from this crop

alone was estimated at 42.3 crore which constituted 50 % of the total loss

incurred. Here it is to be mentioned that the establishment of the factory itself

was on 42 acres of paddy land a segment of the famous Poonthal Padam, a

sheer violation of the provisions of Kerala Land utilization Act, 1967.

Excessive exploitation of water resources, along with massive deposit of

industrial waste irrecoverably damaged the fertility of the paddy land with far

reaching consequences on food security of the region(Jayakumar, 2010).

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5.2.3 Health Hazards

The pollution of water and soil finally culminated in serious health

problems among the people of Plachimada. There were frequent reports of

restlessness such as vomiting tendency, cough, pain in abdomen, hair loss,

burning eyes etc. In 2003 a team health workers led by Dr.M.N Anvarudheen

conducted the study on the health hazards faced by the people of Plachimada

and nearby villages. This study found that the health condition in the area is

startling. The data collected from the affected areas was strong enough to

establish the relationship between the poor quality of environment and the

rate morbidity among the affected people. ( Pillai, 2008)

Table 5.2.3.1: Results of the morbidity survey conducted in Plachimada in 2003

Disease Number of People Affected Hair falling 1335 Burning Eye 677 Cough 677 Vomiting 677 Pain in Limbs 508 Asthma 339 Blood pressure 339 Stomach pain 217 Diarrhea 203 Fatigue 169 Skin disease 145 Giddiness 131 Fever 72

Source: Results of the survey conducted by Dr. Anvarudheen, 2003(Pilla, 2008)

The high power committee in its report has mentioned about 17 deaths

due to diseases such as kidney failure, cardiac diseases, etc during the period

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2002-04. The death of Smt Mylamma, the leader of Plachimada agitation who

had been suffering from psoriasis itself reflects the seriousness of the health

problems created by the industrial pollution in the region. Arsenic detected

from the industrial waste seems to cause psoriasis.

Low birth weight was another significant health problem that was

common in the affected area. The study conducted by .M/s V.T

Padmanabhan, Omji John and Mustafa noticed a significant fall in the birth

weight of children born in Plachimada after and immediately before the

operations of the factory. According to this study cadmium on the health of

mothers caused low birth weight. For this purpose, they analyzed data kept in

the registers at the Anganavadies in Plachimada and Vijayanagar colonies for

the period 1996-2003. The following table illustrates that while 15 % of the

children born before the operation of the factory were LBW, which rose to

31.1 % during 2001-03 periods.

Table 5.2.3.2: Birth Weight of Children Born Near Coca Cola Factory During 1996-2003

Period Under 2.5 kg

Over 2.5 kg

Total Under 2.5 (%)

Over 2.5 (%)

Total

1996-2001

11 62 73 15.1 84.9 100

2001-2003

14 31 45 31.1 64.9 100

Source: Report of the High Power Committee on Plachimada, 2010

The concluding remarks by the High Power Committee with regard

to the heath hazards in Plachimada draw special attention. It predicts that

there is chances of future deseases as the critical impact of metal pollution

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takes time to appear . The biomagnification process in relation to heavy

maetal pollutants may affect more people in the futur. Chidren born with low

birth weight may have long term health problems.

5.2.4 Cultural Impact

Another major dimension of environmental impact caused by the

HCCBL at Plachimada was the cultural transformation with an adverse effect

on the sustainable life style of Adivasi community; the most vulnerable

sections of people in Kerala. As mentioned earlier, Plachimada belongs to that

rural and agricultural part of the state predominantly inhabited by socially and

economically backward Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled cast and other backward

communities. SC and ST together constituted 31% of the total population with

24 % comprising tribes belonging to Eravalan community. The SC constituted

7 % of the population; mainly landless agricultural laborers. The Other

Backward Communities (OBC) mainly included Ezhavas and Tamil Hindus

like Goudas, Muthaliar and Chetty. As large as 32 % of people in this area

were illiterates. Only 5% had education beyond higher secondary level.

Agricultural work was the main livelihood of the people. Sixty-four

percentage of the population directly depended upon agriculture(Vikas,2008).

In spite of all these ‘backwardness’, the people in this area have

cultivated a unique cultural tradition; mainly identified with an agrarian life

style. The famous Poonthal Padam had played a key role in the making of the

cultural psyche of the people. As the operations of the Cola factory continued,

the life of the village underwent fundamental changes.

Firstly, due to the decline of agriculture there was steep fall in the

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employment opportunities in the region, which forced around one thousand

people to leave the village in search of work. This outmigration had all the

negative impacts of a so called ‘development induced displacement’. Many of

them faced serious difficulties to adjust with the changes in the work culture.

To quote Murukaraj a resident of Vijayanagar colony,

“Earlier, i.e., before the factory came to our village, we used to get five

to six days of work every week. We worked in the nearby farms where we

had ample chances of work during the seasons. On off-season days, we went

for some other daily wage works in and around our village. After six months

since the company started functioning the farms got dried up and we lost our

jobs” (Vikas , 2008.p.13.).

Secondly, the food culture of the people underwent basic changes. As

the paddy lands dried-up or contaminated, many stopped cultivating paddy

and vegetables. Thus, the production of rice and other food products declined

significantly with an adverse effect on the food security of the region. They

had sufficient sources for drinking water within an easy reach .There were

more than 2500 domestic open wells and 66 public wells in the region. As all

these sources of water found contaminated the people were forced to use

water from other sources particularly water from bore wells. Later, the bore

wells too found contaminated .The shortage of drinking water badly affected

the women folk in Plachimada because water fetching was a part of domestic

work, exclusively carried out by the female members(Pariyadath,2006).

Finally, it caused political apathy, a unique political culture

characterized by the tendency to abstain from the political process. In spite of

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the fact that the operations of the Cola factory wound up, for the villagers, the

Plachimada agitation seems to be a failure. The efforts for a reasonable

compensation and a rehabilitation project did not fulfill. Moreover, the

interactions with the leaders of various political and non-political

organizations, governmental institutions, people’s representatives and

company officials seem to produce aversion towards the system. The

villagers have realized that their role in the decision making process is

negligible. The frustration thus created, it seems that, may result in long run

apathy towards the political system itself (Vasudevan,2005).

5.3 Environmental Activism in Plachimada

Attracting considerable amount of international media attention and

projected as a symbolic resistance against neo colonial exploitations, the

Plachimada agitation stands as a unique movement in the history of

environmental activism in Kerala (Aflathoon , 2005). It has a complex nature

with varieties of interests and perceptions. However, the present study is

limited to the extent of three aspects of the movement; its nature as an

agitation by the victims in the context of neo-liberal policies, secondly as a

struggle for right to water and finally as a struggle against multinational

Corporations.

5.3.1 Plachimada; A Struggle by the Victims

There are two stages in Plachimada movement; the initial phase of an

agitation by the victims followed by a movement extensively taken up by the

media and civil society. It was Kunchamma; a homemaker of Plachimada

who firstly noticed the changes in the quality of water and its impact on

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domestic life. She discussed the matter with her son Veloor Swaminathan, a

mechanic by profession and one of the leaders of the movement who firstly

made water contamination an issue of public importance. He interacted with

the village community and mobilized them for an effective interest

articulation. These efforts finally culminated in the form of an organized

struggle against the soft drink giant. In January 2002, Veloor Swaminathan

and his friends under the banner of Adivasi Samrakshana Sangham (Adivasi

Protection Front) organized a symbolic protest-march against the plant. Even

though it did not produce any noteworthy result, this march became the first

organized form of protest in Plachimada (Pariyadath,2006).

The second protest march became a landmark in the history of

Plachimada movement. Veloor Swaminathan and Vilayodi Venugopal were

the main organizers of this march. Vilayodi Venugopal, a social activist with

a record of mobilizing people in tribal and dalits settlement areas found

himself closely associated with the movement and took upon the

responsibility to give a cognitive orientation to the people of Plachimada. He

formed an action Council and identified people like Subramannian,

Murekeshan, Kochikkadu Mani, and Pazhaniswami as the leaders of the

movement. The action Committee after days long campaigning and field

works launched the second agitation on 22 April 2002. As mentioned earlier

this was a unique event due to a number of reasons. Firstly, the agitation

succeeded in mobilizing the villagers against the factory. Nearly 2000 people

a cross section of Plachimada turned up. Another peculiarity of the march was

the presence of women in large large numbers. It was predominantly an

Adivasi agitation. It is interesting to note that C K Janu, Leader of Adivasi

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Gotra Mahasabha inaugurated the protest march. The Action Council had

clear idea regarding the issues involved in the agitation and the remedy for

this. In the notice published by the Action Council clearly identified four

fundamental environmental issues relevant in Plachimada. They demanded an

immediate closure of the factory and an earlier distribution of compensation

to the victims (Ranjini & Prakashan 2007).

A close examination of the first two agitation indicates that it was as

primarily a struggle by the Adivasis; an expression of the primordial identity

by the worst affected sections of modernist style of economic development.

Organizations, which were working for the interest of Adivasis and dalits

communities, played the key role in this stage of Plachimada movement

(Sundararajan, 2007). This uniqueness of the first stage of Plachimada

agitation is further established by the presence of C.K Janu, Prominent

leader of Adivasi Gotra Mahasabha who inaugurated the march.

It is noteworthy to mention that the company could attract some of the

agitators by offering jobs or other types of benefits. The movement is grateful

to its its initial leadership like Vilayodi Venugopal who took upon the

responsibility to educate the people against the corporate strategies to diffuse

the movement. In spite of all their rigorous efforts, a section of the villagers,

of course a small group during the course of time found disassociated with the

movement.

The first phase of agitation is also relevant for the reason that it was

also a struggle against the Perumatty Panchayath. The local Panchayath

initially had strong reservations towards any kind of movement against the

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newly started Cola Company because of so many reasons. Firstly, it was

under the impression that industries would provide new employment

opportunities, would alleviate poverty and thus would bring economic

development. Secondly, the Panchayath had received an annual income of

around Rs.6 lakh on an average (This included Rs 4.65 lakhs as building tax,

Rs 30,000 as annual license fee, and Rs.1.5 lakhs as professional Tax).

Therefore, the first stage of the agitation was also for a perceptional change

regarding development. The information that it was with the permission of the

Panchayath that the company extracted the ground water and polluted their

environment, people turned against the Panchayath. They organized series of

struggles which included protest march, picketing, dharnas door to door

campaigning, bit notices, pamphlets etc. As the strike went on ,the 15-

member board of the Panchayath finally decided not to renew the license of

the plant on the ground of Protecting “protecting public interest”. The charge

sheet against the company was that it was “causing shortage of drinking water

in the area through over exploitation of ground water sources”. The

Panchayath thus came up to change its perceptions and began to perform from

a relatively new perspective; the role of truly democratic government to fight

the evils of neo liberal policies unleashed by the forces of globalization. This

change in the attitude of the Panchayath seems exposed in the notice issued

by its special grade secretary addressed to the plant Manager, Hindustan Coca

cola limited. It reads,

“this notice is issued to you in terms of the power conferred on the

Perumatty Panchayath under section 166 of the Kerala Panchayathi Raj Act

read with schedule 3 and article 243 G of the constitution of India……… On

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enquiries the Panchayath gathers that though the Hindustan Coca Cola

Beverages Private limited have share holders in India, none of them has

voting rights or any say in the decision making process by the company. In

short, all decisions are taken by foreign nationals as regards the

manufacturing of soft drinks, establishment of factory, disposal of waste etc.,

without any say to anyone of the Indian national. The Panchayath therefore,

has reasons to believe that the very establishment of the factory within its area

is violative of various provisions of law regulating the conduct of business by

Multinational corporations”(Pillai,2008). In short the struggle against the ant

people policies of Perumatty Panchayath produced valuable results by another

phase in the Plachimada agitation; the phase of a legal battle between a tiny

Panchayath and the Cola giant over the issue of right to water. This is

perhaps the most significant single development in the whole history of

Plachimada movement.

5.3.2 Plachimada Agitation and Right to Water

Another fundamental question raised in the struggle was about right to

water manifested mainly in three forms such as the interpretation of right to

water as an indispensible part of right to life, declaration of water as common

property of all and finally rejection of the notion that water is a commodity

(Iyyer, 2005). It seems that the people of Plachimada and nearby villages had

perceived the concept that free access to clean water is an inalienable right. It

was because of this perception that they could not accept the alternative for a

Jalanidhi Project in Plachimada, a water supply scheme sponsored by the

Japanese Government based on the neo liberal principle, ‘pay and use’. For

them, water constitutes the base of life. They even treated it as an object for

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worship. There is a God of water by the name Varunan. In short, the village

community in Plachimada considered water as a spiritual entity with a

pivotal role in human life. To quote Veloor Viswanathan,

“Water is a gift from God. The God of water is Varunan and it is the

medicine for all sorts of deceases. It is the base of our life” (Pariyadath,2006).

As the operations of the factory resulted in a water crisis with a double

jeopardy of scarcity and contamination, people felt humiliated and made them

restless. In the words of Mylamma,

“Suddenly we felt terribly helpless, facing the fact that we were

robbed. Our precious water resource had been stolen… lakhs of liters every

day… Where would I get some fresh and pure drinking water anymore? How

many kilometers should we walk to fetch a drop of water?(Vikas, 2008)”

Here it is to be mentioned that right to water is not a new idea

advanced by the people of Plachimada. On the other hand, it was a matter of

concern, which was inherent in every stage of human culture. Hence, this is to

be analyzed in the light of innumerable number of struggles for right to water

across the world. The World Water Conference held in 2003 in Plachimada in

connection with the anti Coca Cola agitation emphasizes the universal

character of right to water. Delegates from around 30 nations participated in

this international Conference, which finally approved a declaration popularly

Known as Plachimada Declaration. The first four statements in the

declaration directly refer to right to water(Vasudevan,2005). They are as

follows,

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Water is the basis of life; it is a gift of nature; it belongs to all living

beings on earth.

Water is not private property. It is a common resource for the

sustenance of all.

Water is the fundamental right of all people. It has to be conserved,

protected and managed. It is our fundamental obligation to prevent

water scarcity and pollution and to preserve it for generations.

Water is not a commodity .We should resist all criminal attempts to

marketwise, privatize and corporatize water. Only through these means

can we ensure that the fundamental and inalienable right to water for

the people all over the world.

Because of this peculiar nature of Plachimada agitation people

representing different strata of social life such as students, youths, literary

figures, film stars, social activists etc were attracted to the forefront of the

agitation. According to one estimate, nearly 40 nongovernmental

organizations took up the issue. Large number of activists across the globe

extended their support. Many of them came to Plachimada and visited the

affected the villages. Media, particularly national media too spent

considerable portion of their time and space for Plachimada struggle.

Hundreds of schools and colleges organized study tours to Plachimada.

Nature Clubs and environment protection groups paid frequent visits to

Plachimada and used to spend a few hours with the agitators. In short,

Plachimada struggle was a kind of movement for the cause of right to water

and protection of natural environment (Raman, 2005).

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5.3.3 Plachimada and Globalization

Joseph Stiglish, former World Bank economist in his book

‘Globalization and discontents’ has made a reference to the devastating

effects of Globalization on poor people in developing countries (Wramner,

2004). Globalization is defined as the removal of barriers to free trade and the

closer integration of national economics along with a strong advocacy for

foreign investment, which would bring technological expertise, easy access to

foreign markets, sources of income and finally employment opportunities.

Stiglish says that his experience with the process of globalization has shown

him the negative impact of the Washington consensus policies such as fiscal

austerity, privatization, and market liberalization. There are people who

believe that the present environmental crisis the result of Washington

consensus policies. For example, the World Bank has been directly promoting

privatization and market-based distribution of water since 1990’s. For them,

water is a commodity. Vandana Siva says, “Market assumptions are blind to

the ecological limits set by water cycle and the economic limits set by

poverty. Over exploitation of water and disruption of the water cycle create

absolute scarcity that market cannot substitute with their other commodities”

(Shiva, 2002).

The environmental disaster caused by the Multinational Corporation in

Plachimada reinforces the above-mentioned arguments against globalization.

The new factory could hardly add anything substantial to the employment

opportunities in the locality. On the other hand, the operations of the company

actually resulted in a reduction in the job prospects, particularly in the

agriculture sector, leading to outer migration of agricultural workers to

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faraway places. Contrary to the arguments in favor of Globalization that it

would bring advanced technology, there was no effective mechanism for

controlling the negative impact on natural environment. The waste

management system was unscientific and technologically substandard. The

factory had no other commitment other than making maximum profit. The

irrational extraction of ground water resources along with drastic pollution

finally culminated in the denial of natural justice to the most deprived sections

of people in Plachimada (Nisar, 2007).

It is in this context the environmental activism in Plachimada gradually

turned into an anti globalization struggle; an agitation to expose the

‘worthlessness of the Washington consensus policies’. This stage saw a shift

in the nature of the movement; from a struggle by the victims of industrial

development for a re-embodiment of their right to water to an ideological

conflict laden with issues of wider political significance. The International

Water Conference held in Plachimada in January 2004 reflects this new face

of Plachimada agitation. This event turned out to be a conference of critics of

Globalization. The literature came out in connection with this conference such

as magazines, posters, edited works, study reports, biographies, supplements,

pamphlet, leaflets etc convincingly portrayed the evils of globalization and

the environmental impact of the so-called development projects carried out by

the multinational corporations. The World Water Conferences finally adopted

a declaration popularly known as the Plachimada declaration with a strong

reference to the evils of globalization. For example, one of the provisions of

the Plachimada declaration reads, “the resistance in Plachimada, Pudusserry

and in various parts of the world was the symbol of our valiant struggle

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against the devilish corporate gangs who engage in piracy of our waters”

(Vasudevan, 2005).

5.4 Plachimada Agitation and the Mainstream Left

Since the role of the mainstream left in Plachimada falls under the

scope of this study, it seems essential to analyze their response to the proposal

for a water-based industry in a drought-prone area, their attitude towards

environmental hazards caused by the new factory and, finally, their role in the

transformation of Plachimada agitation into a struggle against Globalization.

It is interesting to note that it was the left democratic government led by E K

Nayanar (1996-2001), which gave sanction to the Hindustan Coca Cola

Beverages Private Limited, the Indian subsidiary of the world famous

Multinational Corporation to start its bottling Plant at Plachimada. The

Perumatty Panchayath, which was instrumental in sanctioning the license to

the Company, was also under LDF rule. The company was allowed to set up

its plant on a 15-hectare plot of multi cropped slushy paddy land (a portion of

famous Poonthal Padam) which was sheer violation of Kerala Land

Utilization Act 1967. Many villagers recollected that the company had started

its operations before the Panchayath issued the license. It seems that the state

government as well as the local Panchayath, which were under LDF rule, was

extensively liberal in its attitude towards the new bottling plant.

As rightly mentioned in the second part of this chapter, the new factory

in Plachimada caused a series of environmental issues like scarcity of water

for drinking and irrigation, multifaceted pollution and consequent high rate of

morbidity, roll back in agricultural production , the cultural imbalances etc.

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Here, it is to be mentioned that the local leadership of the main stream left in

Plachimada initially did not react to these environmental hazards. They

interpreted them as natural impacts of industrial development. Moreover, they

held the view that intense environmental activism would disturb the

development prospects of the region. In short, the main stream left in the

region used to discourage the villagers from a direct action against the

factory. It was in this context the people of Plachimada identified themselves

with the environmental activism, one of the most popular new social

movements in contemporary social life.

Meanwhile, the left leadership in Plachimada realized that the constant

disregard to the burning environmental issues prevailing in the area would

ultimately destruct their social base in the state. Thus, gradually they gave up

their hesitations and came forward to support the agitators. This change in the

attitude of left finally culminated in the historic decision by the Perumatty

Panchayath to cancel the license given to the HCBPL. The Panchayath, which

was under LDF rule, became a part in the agitation particularly in connection

with the legal battle for the permanent closure of the Coca Cola bottling Plant

in Plachimada. The role played by the state government in Kerala headed by

V.S. Achuthanandan (2006-2011) was also remarkable. V.S. Achuthanandan

himself was in the forefront of the movement. In a meeting with the

community activists and allies, V.S. Achuthandan stated that his government

would offer full support for the case against Coca Cola (The Hindu daily,

2007). He mainly mentioned about the following measures,

services of eminent Lawyers to argue the case before the supreme

court,

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financial support to the village council in its legal fight against Coca

Cola

criminal charges against the company for pollution

action against the company for overconsumption of water from a

notified area (over-exploited area with regard to ground water

resources).

Another memorable contribution by the left government headed by

V.S. Achuthanandan was the appointment of a High Power Committee to

‘identify the overall extent of damage (caused by the HCBPL), making an

estimation of the damages and to explore the legal frame work within which

the individual claims could be adjudicated’. The report produced by this

committee headed by K. Jayakumar, Additional Chief Secretary, Government

of Kerala and V.P.Radakrishna Pillai, Director, Ground Water Department

stands as the best document on environmental hazards caused by the Coca

Cola bottling Plant in Plachimada. It identified nine laws (which are listed

below) with a direct reference to the Plachimada agitation. :

1. Water(Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974

2. The Environment Protection Act 1986

3. The Factories Act, 1948

4. Hazardous Waste(Management and handling) Rules, 1989

5. The SC-ST(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989

6. Indian Penal Code

7. Land Utilization Order, 1967

8. Kerala Ground Water(Control and Regulation) Act, 2002

9. Indian Easement Act, 1882

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In spite of this extensive support given by the left movement in Kerala,

there was a feeling that the change in the attitude of Leftists towards

Plachimada movement does not sense any notable change in their

development perceptions. On the other hand, the critics observed it as a

strategic step to protect the traditional support base of the left movement in

Kerala. This argument became more relevant in the context of revelations by

Wiki Leaks that in August 2008, top CPIM leaders in Kerala including

ministers sought a senior US diplomat’s help in attracting private investment

from America. It is significant to note that the party leadership did not rule

out this report completely. For the Party leadership, this was only a usual

courtesy meeting and the views conveyed by party leaders to the US

diplomats on foreign investments complied with the party’s programmes and

Policies. When the US diplomats cited ‘forced closure’ of Coca Cola unit as

an example for their fear for investing in Kerala, the party leadership replied

that the agitation in Plachimada was only a regional environmental issue

rather than an ideological one. The leaders also made spirited effort to

convince the US officials that ‘Leninist economic principles permit FDI’. To

quote Pinarayi Vijayan, the state Secretary of CPIM, “I told them (US

officials) that we had opposed Coca Cola not because it was an American

Company but because of the over consumption of ground water and the

environmental problems”(The Hindu ,2011).

As rightly mentioned in the declaration adopted by the world water

conference held on 21-23 January 2004 at Plachimada, the Plachimada

agitation was a part of that valiant struggle against the devilish corporate

gangs who engage in piracy of our water. The strike which started as a

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community resistance against a polluting industry, gradually developed into

an anti globalization struggle against the anti people strategies of

multinational corporations. The main stream left, it seems that took upon the

responsibility to place it as an agitation against the neo liberal policies of

corporate capitalism (George, 2007).

Here it is important to note that this transformation in the history of

Plachimada movement attracted mixed response from the rest of the society.

People like K. Sankara Narayanan, a prominent Congress leader from

Palaghat district described it as over politicization of Plachimada issue. There

were also allegations that the Plachimada movement became breeding ground

of anti - American feeling, which was rather easy in Kerala particularly after

the first and second gulf War. A. Achuthan, Congress MLA representing

Chittur Assembly constituency to which Plachimada belongs to, hold the view

that there was an element of over sensitization in Plachimada . Ramesh

Chennithala, the President of Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC)

was of the opinion that the revelations by the Wiki Leaks exposed the left’s

double standards in Plachimada. To quote him, “it has become a fashion for

the CPIM to attack the US on all issues. Then it wants investments from

private business houses in America. This shows party’s double standards”(op.

cit., The Hindu, 31 August 2011)

There is another viewpoint that the transformation of the Plachimada

agitation into an anti globalization struggle was the impact of the so-called

revolutionary Marxist influence in Plachimada movement. According to this

viewpoint, the mainstream left had no role in this transformation. However,

they were able manipulate this anti globalization image of Plachimada

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agitation for broadening their social base. Reacting to the Wiki Leaks report

on CPIM Leaders soliciting FDI from United States, a former Maoist

intellectual said, “The neo liberal Marxist had pretended to be Gods when

Wiki Leaks had earlier brought disrepute to leaders of other parties. They are

now left with no option but to justify their pro imperialist stand which they

were trying to conceal within jargons of proletarian ideology and commitment

to people’s democratic revolution”(Ibid). This criticism became more relevant

in the light of a remark by T. Balakrishnan, the Principal Secretary for

industries that it was unfortunate that the Coca Cola Plant at Plachimada

could not be saved from virtual Closure. He made this remark in the presence

of Elamaram Kareem, a prominent Marxist leader and the minister for

Industries. As it became a controversy, the Minster came up with the

clarification that the statement of the Principal secretary T Balakrishnan on

Coca Cola issue was not against the governments stand on development.

The discussions in the preceding chapters present the signs of cross-

movement pollination between two prominent social movements in Kerala,

which leads to both conflicts, and co-operations. The next chapter tries to

discuss the blue- green conflicts in Kerala with a special focus on Chaliyar

and Plachimada movements.

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