Place Paper

PLACE PAPER The Importance of Riverfronts in Serving an Area’s Ecological,

Social & Economic Needs Case Study: Corvallis Riverfront and Corvallis Riverfront Park Location: 1st Street from Washington to Taylor, Corvallis, OR

River: Willamette River

Figure 1. Aerial view of Corvallis in 1951 (Source: Gwil Evans Photographic Collection)

ES 299 Mayrah Udvardi US Environmental History Unit 6206 Professor Turner 21 Wellesley College Dr. 5.12.2013 Wellesley, MA 02481-0620

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction…………………………………………………………... p. 3

Historical Ecologic Function of the Willamette River……………….. p. 6

Homesteaders and the Early Use of the River in the 19th Century…… p. 7

The Effects of the Land-Grant College….……………………............. p. 9

Intensification of Industry and Agriculture in the 20th Century………. p. 11

The Legacy of Industrialization and Agriculture in the 20th Century… p. 15

Post-Industrial Transformation of the Riverfront………......………… p. 18

Corvallis Riverfront Commemorative Park Today…………………… p. 20

Conclusion……………………………………………………………. p. 24

Appendix……………………………………………………………… p. 26

Sources………………………………………………………………... p. 45

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INTRODUCTION

Imagine a college town where a new riverfront park, on the downtown side of the Willamette River

in Oregon, anchors a revitalized industrial area and nearby historic buildings house thriving local

businesses. Corvallis Riverfront Commemorative Park serves as the front yard for the city of

Corvallis and its people, serving their social and economic needs and responding to the context of the

river and its surrounding environment. Residents of Corvallis value the park on a deep level, as it

stems from a complex historical relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River, which

historically buttressed city’s growth. The river played a crucial role in urbanization, both causing and

being affected by the establishment of industry and agriculture. The struggle throughout the twentieth

century to dominate and disvalue the Willamette River culminated in the community taking

ownership of their dependence on it and what emerged is the Riverfront Park.

The story of the Corvallis Riverfront up to the late 1900s is not unique to cities around the

United States. It follows the paradigm of development where second nature (canals, bridges,

irrigation schemes, dams, logging of riparian zones) improved first nature (rivers) for capital gain.

Many of the effects of river commodification that Corvallis experienced are also visible in other

riverine cities: Minneapolis, Savannah, Memphis, Philadelphia, Portland, and San Antonio, to name a

few. Rivers are what environmental historian William Cronon would call first nature; they are an

essential and desirable natural feature that Americans have always sought to capitalize on.1 As

industries and communities built up a second nature around rivers, they transformed them into

commodities that fueled economic growth and propelled American society through the 18th,19th, and

20th centuries.

1 William Cronon. Nature’s Metropolis. Norton, New York. 1991, p. 45.

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Industrial and urban development along rivers not only changed their course and

composition; it also drastically affected their shorelines’ habitability for humans. As rivers became

resources, individuals who relied on them for agriculture or subsistence no longer had access.

Eighteenth-century policy around river rights favored unbridled economic growth over management

and conservation, which led to a host of urban problems down the road. The Progressive Era was the

start of more government involvement in the management of rivers, which were slowly being

understood as fragile common pool resources.2 However, pollution and mismanagement of rivers in

urban areas continued throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. This culminated in

some cities with eye-opening disasters like burning rivers, complete loss of fish species, flooding and

outbreaks in disease. Local and national response to years of mismanagement of rivers varied and

was largely influenced by local shifts from industry to service-based economies. Today, cities around

the United States remain depressed and lack functioning riverfronts, in part because of a history of

mismanagement and unchecked industry.

Yet there are some cities like Corvallis where residents came together to revitalize their

riverfront areas to serve the ecosystems and communities that depend on them. Corvallis Riverfront

Park is a manifestation a community’s determination to reinvest in its first nature in a productive and

sustainable way. Many cities around the country are also reclaiming their riverfronts in conscious and

similarly productive ways.3 The Corvallis Riverfront Park serves as an ideal case study for

redevelopment projects and for how a realization of an area’s environmental history can inspire

collective action and sustainable urban planning.

Corvallis, Oregon is one of hundreds of cities in the United States that has emerged due to its

proximity to a river (see Figures 1-2). This place paper will explore the evolution of the Corvallis

2 James Turner, Lecture. Feb. 26, 2013. 3 Charles Little. Greenways for America. Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995, p. 81.

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riverfront through an environmental historical lens. Such a perspective is critical in fully

understanding the history of development and the value of the river for the Corvallis community

today. Its history is organized around three significant periods of development: (1) homesteaders and

the early use of the river in the nineteenth century, (2) intensification of industrial and agricultural

activity in the early twentieth century following the establishment of the land-grant college, and (3)

the post-industrial transformation of the riverfront that led to the Riverfront Redevelopment Scheme

in the latter half of the twentieth century.

The transitions between these three periods can be understood by examining major local and

national events and changes in first- and second nature relationships. The first period marks

homesteaders’ initial attempts to improve upon the land surrounding the Willamette River. Corvallis

townspeople viewed the river as an important resource that facilitated the growth of the local forestry

and agricultural economies. Regular flooding was considered an unavoidable consequence of

progress and advancement and did not deter farmers from clearing the riparian zones for cultivation.

Access to the river provided people with jobs and became the ideal place to house the agricultural

school, which further attracted people to the town and increased pressures on industry and

agriculture. In the second period, townspeople actively began to make “improvements” to the river’s

structure and composition, to prevent “natural disasters” and facilitate economic growth. Efforts to

damn, dredge, clear-cut, and channel portions of the river were sometimes successful, but most often

just served as stopgap solutions for the larger environmental consequences of development that were

at play. After World War II, industry along the riverfront became obsolete. This third stage marks a

paradigm shift in environmental thought and the first- and second nature relationship. Following the

national trend towards environmental awareness and protection, Corvallis residents realized that the

health of their river was intricately linked to their wellbeing and success as a community. After the

state-proposed vehicular bypass was adamantly boycotted, residents came together to take back the

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riverfront property and turn it into a public good. Forty years of planning, fundraising, and

bureaucracy ensued and resulted in one of the most successful riverfront revitalization case studies in

the United States.

The paper will focus on the community’s changing vision for the riverfront’s role in Corvallis

and the local, regional, and national implications of the 1998 Riverfront Redevelopment Scheme.

Through this historic analysis, it will become obvious that a parasitic relationship between Corvallis

and the Willamette River was responsible for Corvallis’ depressed condition in the mid-twentieth

century and that a paradigm shift in the way the Corvallis community viewed the river (from viewing

it as a commodity to a social, economic, and environmental asset) inspired the Riverfront

Redevelopment Project. This reflects a growing trend in cities around the country to revitalize

community riverfronts.

HISTORICAL ECOLOGIC FUNCTION OF THE WILLAMETTE RIVER

The Willamette River and the stretch of riparian zone along which present-day Corvallis sits have

served key ecological functions since the last ice age. The Willamette River flows in a broad

structural valley that constitutes the heartland of Oregon. The river and its tributaries drain an area of

about 11,200 square miles lying south of the Columbia River and bounded on the east by the Cascade

Range and on the west by the Coastal Range.4 Most of the major tributaries rise among mountains of

the Cascades, which reach elevations of 10,000 feet and are snow-covered for much of the year.5 The

Willamette River is a significant migratory corridor, nursery, and spawning habitat for salmon.

Nearly 50 species of fish have been identified in the river. Historically, the portion of the river

4 James Sedell. "Importance of streamside forests to large rivers: the isolation of the Willamette River, Oregon, USA, from its floodplain by snagging and streamside forest removal." Verh. Internat. Verein. Limnol. 1984, p.1828-1834. 5 Sedell, Op. cit.

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against which Corvallis now rests had banks merely 1.5 to 2.6 m above the low water line with a

floodplain 1.6 to 3.2 km wide.6 The position of the river and floodplain was ever changing and

startlingly dissimilar to the confined and linear river channel that urban, industrial and agricultural

development has shaped (see Figure 3).

In 1800, the Willamette River was physically more complex than it is today. Local climate

and the sheer size of the Willamette tributary made the river highly unpredictable and dynamic.

Stream flow from the basin is about 26 million acre-feet annually, which is about twice that of the

Colorado River.7 Precipitation accounts for the large flow: the entire basin averages 63 inches

annually, 60 percent of which occurs from November through February in the form of snow in the

mountains and rain on the valley floor.8 This causes considerable swelling in the river during the

winter and spring.9 Because of the stable forest riparian zones that existed prior to Euro-American

settlement, flooding seldom caused harmful erosion or fallen trees. That would not be the case in the

late nineteenth and twentieth centuries (see Figure 3).

HOMESTEADERS AND THE EARLY USE OF THE RIVER IN THE 19TH CENTURY

The location Corvallis sits on was an ideal site for trade because of its relationship to the Willamette

River and the Mary’s River, which feeds into it. In the 1800s, Oregon Trail settlers began staking

claims on the fertile soils in the Willamette Valley.10 The first settlers in the valley were retired

French trappers who had been given land and supplies by the Hudson’s Bay Company.11 Since the

6 Sedell, Op. cit. 7 Joseph Lyons. "Land Use, Floods, and Channel Changes: Upper Middle Fork Willamette River, Oregon". Water Resources Research Vol. 19 (2). 1983, p. 463-471. 8 Joan Baker. "Alternative futures for the Willamette River basin, Oregon." Ecological Applications Vol. 14(2). 2004, p. 313-324. 9 Baker, Op. cit. 10 John Horner. Oregon: Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. The J.K. Gill Co., Portland. 1919, p. 164. 11 Howard Corning. Dictionary of Oregon History. Binfords & Mort Publishing. 1956, p. 445.

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fur trade era, trappers and traders used the river to bring their hunting spoils from the hinterland up to

Portland. Hilly and heavily wooded valley meant that rivers were by far the best and often only

means of travel. These ‘first nature’ conditions needed little improving upon for the scale of human

activity during this period. In the following years a number of other settlers, both British and

American, came to the valley, but it was not until 1843 that a flood of migrants passed over the

Oregon Trail and discovered the fertile territory.12 By 1845 there were more than 5,000 Americans in

the valley alone, and with the settlement of the boundary dispute with Great Britain many more

settlers migrated to the area.13 Joseph Avery, a farmer who had come to Oregon to find better

agricultural soils, surveyed a town site on one particularly favorable location where the Mary’s River

joined the Willamette River in 1849 and named it Corvallis.14 Corvallis quickly became an important

trading town, serving as an agricultural hub and a port for forestry districts upstream (see Figure 4).

Agriculture and forestry infrastructure (second nature impacts) were the major agents of

change in the degradation of the riparian zones along the Willamette River and the improvement of

Corvallis over the rest of the nineteenth century. The best farmland was on the active floodplain, both

because of the rich soil quality and the potential to harness the river’s water for irrigation. These

factors spurred settlers to stake their claim along the river. As they cleared the floodplain forests, the

timber supported the construction of the first homes, general stores, and trading warehouses along the

present-day riverfront. Steamboats used to ship logs up and down the valley were also an important

driving force in the riparian forest cutting (see Figures 5, 7-9). The logging industry was primarily

focused in the hills of the Coastal and Cascade Range, which drastically changed the composition of

the tributaries that fed into the river. Increased sediment from erosion and loss of riverbank structure

12 "Willamette River." The New Encyclopedia of the American West. Yale UP, 1998. Credo Reference. Web. 2011. 13 Corning, Op. cit. 14 Horner, Op. cit.

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made these tributaries more unstable and prone to flooding and shifting course.15 The reduced width

of the riparian forests and depletion of shoreline was an incredible loss to the Willamette River and

would eventually lead to increased flooding and required river upkeep (see Figure 6).

While the effects settlers had on changing the Willamette River in the nineteenth century

were immediate and had lasting consequences, the damage was on a scale smaller than the damage in

river valleys of central and eastern United States. Had it not been for the discovery of gold in

California in 1848, the Oregon Territory might have achieved a larger population (and

consequentially been victim to greater environmental destruction).16 The gold rush not only diverted

people southward off the Oregon Trail, it also drew people from Oregon to the mines of California.17

These national factors decelerated migration to the Willamette Valley and prevented the population

and industrial economy from growing to the extent that it did in other western cities. In studying the

effects Corvallis homesteaders had on changing the Willamette Riverfront, it is important to realize

that the effects of development in Corvallis on the river are nowhere near as extreme as the effects of

development in cities like Cleveland and Lowell. Eastern cities had a hundred-year head start in

many cases to cities in the West, in terms of agricultural and industrial development. In the

nineteenth century, second nature improvements to the Willamette River at Corvallis were limited to

travel up and down the river and clearing of the river’s floodplains for cultivation. It wasn’t until the

establishment of the land-grant college at the end of the nineteenth century that agriculture and

industry intensified and began redefining the river’s course and composition.

15 Sedell, Op. cit. 16 Corning, Op. cit. 17 Corning, Op. cit.

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THE EFFECTS OF THE LAND-GRANT COLLEGE: OREGON STATE UNIVERSITY

The land-grant college played an important role in the establishment of an agricultural economy and

environmental research on the Willamette River. The college was originally founded in 1856 as the

first primary and secondary school in Corvallis. In 1868, the Oregon Legislative Assembly expanded

the school to include the Agricultural College of the State of Oregon because of Corvallis’ central

location along the Willamette River (its “first nature” advantage). This act allowed the school to be

the recipient of the United States Land Grant fund, which further bolstered the agricultural economy

of Corvallis and reliance on the river. In the late 1890s, the school changed its name to Oregon

Agricultural College and became an important component of the agricultural sector in the valley.

Successful farmers from around Oregon sent their sons to the college to learn the most advanced

farming practices and useful skills like accounting before they returned to take over the family farm.

As the college grew, it complicated the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River.

The college fostered an increase in agricultural production and Corvallis soon became the main

supply and shipping center for the farmlands around it. As a result, population tripled between 1880

and 1900 and again between 1900 and 1910.18 Many wealthy patrons of the college invested in

agricultural research and thereby influenced the school’s agenda. Agricultural output and

maximization of resource extraction became a priority and increasing technological additions to the

river began to change its course and habitability for other species. With an increasing population,

Corvallis also began expanding westward and putting more stress on its hinterland.

The college supported destructive management and economic practices for much of the late

nineteenth and early twentieth century. However, in the mid-twentieth century it began to serve the

local and national environmental movement with its pioneering research of ecology and natural

resource management. Research slowly raised awareness of the effects of the agriculture and forestry 18 Riley Moffatt. Population History of Western U.S. Cities & Towns, 1850-1990. Lanham, Scarecrow. 1996, p. 208.

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industries and impacted the environmental consciousness of the population. In the mid-1970s, at the

advent of the modern environmental movement, researchers began to make connections between

fertilizer application on fields and changes in river biochemistry.19 Forest management also became a

focus and researchers began to recommend more sustainable forestry practices.20 An emphasis on

research could not undo the effects of Corvallis’ parasitic relationship to the Willamette River. For

over half a century after it was founded, the college encouraged unsustainable farming and forestry

practices that became ingrained in the culture of the valley’s people. The intensification of second

nature improvements on the river in the first half of the twentieth century was complex and closely

linked to the growing influence of the land-grant university.

INTENSIFICATION OF INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE IN THE 20TH CENTURY

The morphology of the Willamette River in the urban fringe of Corvallis at the onset of the twentieth

century resembled more of a “water system” composed of channels, interconnections, and dams

rather than a single continuous flow of water, as it tends to be portrayed. After half a century of

development alongside the river, Corvallis had come to depend on it for many functions. The river

supplied water for irrigation, facilitated transportation, and carried away wastes.21 To fully

understand the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River, it is important to realize that

the portion of river passing through Corvallis was not just affected by changes that were happening

in the town. Boundaries when examining environmental impacts on rivers are incredibly complicated

and wrongdoers cannot be easily pinpointed, as the changes in the river’s biochemistry are an

19 “Historians of Science Collections”. Oregon State Libraries, Special Collections. 2013. 20 “Historians of Science Collections”, Op. cit. 21 Stephane Castonguoay. Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and North America. University of Pittsburg Press. 2012, p. 240.

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accumulation of all of the happenings upstream.22 In discussing the role Corvallis and surrounding

farms had in shaping the river, the impact other industries and cities had upstream cannot be

forgotten.

Corvallis was heavily shaped by its geographical boundaries as it continued to expand in the

twentieth century. Upon the city’s founding, homesteaders nestled their houses up against the banks

of the Willamette.23 As the town grew, its grid stretched west, away from the river, until it reached

the first rolling hills of the Coastal Range (less than a mile west and northwest of downtown).

Bordering Corvallis to the south was the Mary’s River tributary, which became a key channel for

transporting timber and agricultural products from Corvallis’s hinterland. With an expanding

economy and population, industries soon took over most of the stretch of riverfront to serve their

needs and most residents receded several blocks west, where neighborhoods became informally

zoned (see Figure 13).

Up until the beginning of the twentieth century, it was the navigability of the waterway that

determined the river’s status as a public good. Steamboat travel was essential to the functioning of

Corvallis and was constantly complicated by channel conditions. Overhanging trees, fallen snags,

logjams, heavy storms, and dry spells were all first nature factors that impeded on the navigability of

the waterway.24 For the first twenty years of steamboat service to Corvallis, captains cleared their

own way or waited for high water. In 1871, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers started working to

keep the channel clear.25 The Corps dredged, cleared fallen trees, and further destroyed riparian

zones to prevent growth from interfering with steamboat passage.26 The Corps also built diversion

22 Castonguoay, Op. cit. 23Mauricio Villarreal. "Up By The Riverside." Parks & Recreation 38.6 (2003): 63. MAS Ultra - School Edition. Web. 24 Apr. 2013. 24 Jacqueline Rocheford. “Riverfront History”. Corvallis Riverfront Park Placard. 2002. 25 Rocheford, Op. cit. 26 Rocheford, Op. cit.

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dams in the river to keep the water where it was needed. “Cut-off” dams blocked side channels and

“wing dams” were walls built on both sides of the river that narrowed the channel.27 Despite the

sustained efforts of the Corps, the river could not be kept navigable all the time. The efforts of the

Corps in many ways were a stopgap solution to the larger environmental consequences of second

nature improvements both in Corvallis and upstream (see Figure 10). Destruction of the riparian

ecosystem and persistent erosion made the river more prone to flooding, fallen trees, and sediment

buildup on the riverbed. While the river was naturally unpredictable and its path dynamic, the

relationship it had with Corvallis and the surrounding area increased its volatility and the town’s

vulnerability.

The course of the Willamette River changed both as a byproduct of the agriculture and

lumber industries and as a conscious effort to facilitate transportation. In the mid-1880s, concern

grew among Corvallis citizens that the Willamette River might abruptly change course and bypass

Corvallis.28 If the river were to change course, it would be disastrous for the town’s river commerce.

Goods and passengers boarded steamboats from the riverfront warehouses and docks on Corvallis’

built-up riverbank. Development and floodwaters were eroding the outer bank of the bend in the

river, in which Corvallis was nestled (see Figure 11). The townspeople of Corvallis appealed to the

federal government to prevent the river from abandoning the town and the U.S. Army Corps of

Engineers were sent in to stabilize the eroding riverbank.29 The Corps’ first attempt to fortify the

river’s outer bank was washed away in the flood of 1890.30 Many townspeople were upset that the

Corps had not taken the other suggested approach and carved a channel southwest of the S (see

Option B in Figure 11). In an opinion piece in the Corvallis Gazette a townsman wrote, “The talk of

27 Rocheford, Op. cit. 28 Rocheford, Op. cit. 29 Rocheford, Op. cit. 30 Rocheford, Op. cit.

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reconstructing the old revetment is the silliest twaddle… We want a new channel and we want it

now!”31 The Corps ignored the complaints and continued to lengthen the revetment around the

original bend because it required fewer resources than digging a channel would (see Option A in

Figure 11). In 1900, the river began to shift course and the water gushed through the overflow chute,

leaving an island in the middle of its two paths (see Figure 12). At the time, townspeople were

thankful that ‘nature’ had worked in their favor. In reality, the river changed course because of the

slow build-up of land on one side. Thus, the phenomenon was largely a product of second nature

improvements on the river.

With the establishment of steamboat navigation companies in the 1860s, wharves and

warehouses sprang up along the riverbank. By the 1870s, several large flourmills and warehouses sat

on the edge of the riverfront, built chiefly to store and process wheat. Other undesirable structures

began to emerge in this “industrial zone” in the early twentieth century, including the city jail and the

wastewater treatment plant. The conscious confinement of dirty infrastructure to the stretch of the

riverfront speaks to the parasitic relationship Corvallis had to its river. The primary use Corvallis had

for it was as a waste depository and facilitator of movement and trade. The river was not considered

an entity with intrinsic value or functional aesthetic worth.

Industry along the riverfront shaped the Corvallis economy and relied heavily on the

Willamette River for transport and waste removal. In 1909, the flat at the junction of Mary’s River

tributary and the Willamette River began its 45-year history as one of Corvallis’s major industrial

sites with the establishment of the McCreedy Brothers Sawmill.32 Because the mill was built on low

ground, it was vulnerable to flooding and lumber was frequently destroyed or carried away in large

storm surges. Lumber companies transported logs from the coastal range to be processed and

31 Rocheford, Op. cit. 32 Rocheford, Op. cit.

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distributed at the sawmill. The McCreedy mill furnished most of the buildings erected between 1910

and 1929 on the Oregon Agricultural College campus.33 Later named Corvallis Lumber Company,

the mill supplied wood to the war effort during WWII.34 Vast intensification of timber harvesting in

the hills led to shortages of timber and after the war, the mill’s owners decided to move its operations

to Dallas, Oregon, fifty miles north of Corvallis.35 This transition was a product of the shift from

reliance on the Willamette River for transportation to the use of trucks for shipping. Access to the

hinterlands was no longer limited to stretches along tributaries and vast areas of untouched forests

became new focuses for the timber industry. The legacy of the mill industry on the riverfront was

instrumental in the development of Corvallis and the gradual degradation of its hinterlands and river

(see Figures 14-15). After some time, the mill burned down and the site remained empty for many

years until it was re-appropriated as an extension of the Corvallis Riverfront Park.

WWII not only put pressure on the forests of Corvallis’s hinterland, it also spurred

production on farms and factories around the area, which had lasting effects on the Willamette River.

Increased use of various technologies such as pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers as well as new

breeds of high yield crops were employed on land throughout the valley, with an emphasis on

making production more efficient.36 Oregon Agricultural College (to be renamed Oregon State

University in 1959) played a large role in researching new agricultural chemicals and higher yield

technology. The national and international need for grain weighed more on the shoulders of

researchers than the local environmental impacts of such large-scale production. Undeniably,

increased levels of chemicals and fertilizers heavily affected the Willamette River. In the 1950s,

scientists at Oregon State University tested increased nitrogen and phosphorus levels from fertilizers

33 Jacqueline Rochefort. “Corvallis Riverfront History”. Corvallis Parks and Recreation. Brochure. 2006. 34 Rocheford, Op. cit. 35 Rocheford, Op. cit. 36 James Shepherd. "The development of new wheat varieties in the Pacific Northwest." Agricultural History. Vol. 54 (1). 1980. p. 52-63.

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that were impacting dissolved oxygen levels and promoting algal blooms in bends along the river.37

Studies also found dioxins present in river samples when dioxin research became prevalent a few

years later, which most likely came from paper mills upstream of Corvallis.38 Because fields and

factories spread up and down the extent of the Willamette River, point sources for river pollution

were all but impossible to determine. The agricultural and forestry economy was deeply embedded in

the hearts and mindsets of the people of Corvallis and the greater valley. Farming and lumber had

come to define the Corvallis community by the mid-twentieth century and it would take more than

minor compositional changes in the Willamette River to open their eyes.

THE LEGACY OF INDUSTRIALIZATION AND AGRICULTURE IN THE 20TH CENTURY

By the late 1960s, intensive development along the Willamette River had created severe

environmental problems. For over a hundred years it had served as a convenient dumping ground for

industrial and agricultural waste materials and sewage; by the 1960s it was one of the nation’s most

polluted rivers.39 But problems cannot be reduced to simply industrialization or the spread of

urbanization. Waterway management was repeatedly punctuated by incidents that set its users against

one another. Tensions between industries and the upstream agricultural community increased in the

mid-twentieth century because farming and damning projects had increased the severity and

frequency of flooding to a noticeable level.40 Additionally, the build-up of pollution and sediment in

the river and the conflicting demands on the whole of the river decreased the utility of this water

network as the century continued.41 Waste material increased the organic content of the rivers

37 “Willamette River”, Op. cit. 38 Charles Henney. "Biomagnification factors (fish to osprey eggs from Willamette River, Oregon, USA) for PCDDs, PCDFs, PCBs and OC pesticides." Environmental Monitoring and Assessment. Vol 84 (3), 2003. p. 275-315. 39 “Willamette River”, Op. cit. 40 Castonguoay, Op. cit. 41 Rocheford, Op. cit.

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considerably and tended to accumulate in certain areas. These deposits increased siltation and

obstruction of waterways, which aggravated flooding when the water was high and caused greater

inconvenience and health hazards during periods of low water or drought (see Figure 17).

Flooding was the first issue to create tension between the city and the outlying communities,

both upstream and downstream from Corvallis. Cities concentrate not only people, economic wealth,

cultural activities, and political institutions, but also environmental risk. The fundamental processes

of industrialization, urbanization, rapid population growth, and technical innovation in the nineteenth

and twentieth centuries significantly altered the patterns of vulnerability within the cities built up

around rivers.42 The boundaries of Corvallis floodplains had been consistently crossed since the

town’s founding. Modern societies tend to think of rivers as canals rather than meandering and

dynamic streams. In his book, Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and

North America, Stephane Castonguoay describes the paradigm of thought pertaining to the river as,

“a body having a fixed length but no prescribed breadth, with the result that the floodplain is often

used for farms and settlements as if it were not part of the river’s system”.43 This assumption led to

great economic success in the Willamette Valley, as people capitalized on the fertile and easily

plowed soils on the Willamette River flat.

By the mid-twentieth century, flooding became an environmental justice issue in Corvallis, as

lower-income people crowded into the inexpensive flood zones. Upper- and middle-income

communities had established themselves in the hills around the university, which were several blocks

west of the riverfront. Poorer communities grew south of the Mary’s River, where most of the

42 Castonguoay, Op. cit. 43 Castonguoay, Op. cit.

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industry that remained after the 1960s still exists today.44 The historic 1964 flood made clear the

vulnerability of old infrastructure and homes situated on the floodplain.45

In the early 1960s, many of the industrial sites along the river were closed down because they

struggled to comply with new environmental regulations. In a valley-wide campaign to control

pollution in the Willamette River Watershed, the Oregon State Legislature established the Willamette

Greenway program in 1967.46 This not only enforced more stringent pollution and zoning

requirements for industry, it also awakened community members to the effect their development had

on their river and on their own health and wellbeing. To the municipality, the river and its watershed

remained the main supply of irrigation water, and to a lesser degree an instrument for waste disposal.

Therefore, the conservation of the river and its waters was important. To meet the needs of the

people, the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality was created in 1969.47 In the 1970s, the

State of Oregon established the Land Conservation Development Commission to help preserve

farmland and forests around cities, and to establish urban growth boundaries to lessen sprawl.48 And

in the early 1990s, the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality and Oregon State University

also began intensive biological monitoring to evaluate aquatic ecosystem health and potential

impacts of second nature developments.49 The disposal of waste materials into the stream was strictly

regulated, and in the mid-1990s the Willamette was appreciably cleaner than it was a decade

earlier.50 All of the local and national emphasis on environmental research and conservation in the

late twentieth century had a profound effect on the relationship between the river and Corvallis.

44 Rocheford, Op. cit. 45 Rocheford, Op. cit. 46 Webb Bauer. "A Case Analysis of Oregon's Willamette River Greenway Program." Thesis. Oregon State University, 1980. 47 Sharon Clarke. "Oregon, USA, ecological regions and subregions for water quality management." Environmental Management. Vol. 15 (6). 1991, p. 847-856. 48 Clarke, Op. cit. 49 Daniel Villeneuve. “Environmental Stresses and Skeletal Deformities in Fish from the Willamette River, Oregon”. Environmental Science & Technology. Vol 39 (10). 2005, p. 41. 50 Clarke, Op. cit.

19

Corvallis residents began to understand their impact on the environment and realized that they had

collective responsibility to keep it functioning as an ecosystem. The economic value of the river

shifted from being based on its instrumental use to its aesthetic and ecologic services. This marked a

paradigm shift in the way townspeople interacted with the river and would eventually trigger them to

re-imagine the role of the Corvallis Riverfront.

POST-INDUSTRIAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE RIVERFRONT

The riverfront along downtown First Street was the stretch of river in Corvallis most affected by

industry in the early twentieth century. In the late 1950s, the site was characterized by abandoned

industrial lots, complete loss of the native riparian ecosystem, an unstable bank and increased risk of

flooding, and a colossal parking lot.51 Because the riverfront was visible to people as they entered

Corvallis from the northern, southern, and eastern highway arteries, its condition became a matter of

local pride as well as of the effected environment (see Figure 18). Efforts to improve the Corvallis

riverfront began in the late 1950s, when the city purchased the land to serve as a vehicular bypass

around downtown.52 Community outcry led to a change in the bypass’s location and in the 1970s the

city began to develop a master plan for the Riverfront Park.53 Corvallis townspeople envisioned the

riverfront as a downtown showcase, combining commercial business, park use, and a celebration of

the river’s natural features. However, economic recession prevented the city from making any visible

headway until the 1990s, when a volunteer citizen group headed by Jacqueline Rocheford, the

director of Corvallis Parks and Recreation, formed the Riverfront Enhancement Task Force.54 This

movement marked the transition from a parasitic second nature approach, which defined the city-

51 Rocheford, Op. cit. 52 Rocheford, Op. cit. 53 Rocheford, Op. cit. 54 Rocheford, Op. cit.

20

river relationship in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to a more environmentally

pragmatic approach, in which human and environmental needs are considered simultaneously.

The Corvallis Riverfront Park did not happen because of public subsidies to private

development. It happened because of a larger community vision that stressed open space and urban

renewal over private enterprise and pollution. In 1996, the taskforce presented the City Council with

a master plan, which was adopted after several public hearings.55 The plan included storm water

management improvements, reforestation and ecological restoration of the riparian zone, educational

stations up and down the park’s path, observation points for bird-watching, public plazas, bicycle and

pedestrian streets, art installations, a skate park and basketball courts.56 Landscape Architecture Firm

Walker Macy and CH2M HILL, one of the major private sector employers in Corvallis, worked

throughout the design process to achieve community consensus on the project (see Figure 19).

The design team worked hand in hand with a community-based design review committee to

ensure direct community feedback as the park plan evolved. The public process included regional,

state and local agencies, community stakeholders, Oregon State professors, the Corvallis Arts

Council and local downtown business leaders.57 Charrettes (where architects gather with community

members to hear their needs and input on design proposals) guided the design process so it truly

became a product of the townspeople. At the heart of this process was the emphasis on reestablishing

a new relationship to the riverfront; one that would celebrate its role in shaping the town while

emphasizing the preservation of its essential ecological services. “This was a forgotten edge, as the

city had developed in other directions and turned its back on the river," landscape architect Michael

Zilis said upon the park’s completion. “With this new park, people are realizing the value of the

riverfront and adjacent businesses are blossoming. We now have cafes, bakeries and restaurants

55 Rocheford, Op. cit. 56 Rocheford, Op. cit. 57 Rocheford, Op. cit.

21

facing the waterfront and building vital connections between the downtown area and the

riverfront.”58 After forty years of hard work and community collaboration, the Riverfront Park was

finally completed in June of 2002.

THE CORVALLIS RIVERFRONT PARK TODAY

Stretching nearly a mile along the Willamette Riverfront, the Corvallis Commemorative Park and

Riverbank Restoration improved more than 25 acres of public property.59 This public open space

between the downtown business district and the river’s edge focuses on providing opportunities for

celebration, interpretation and contemplation, all centered around the river. The park design reflects

traditional regional customs and historic industrial practices.60 It pays tribute to the Willamette River

and the people who interact with it, and reclaims an incredible natural resource for the community

and for regional wildlife.

The Riverfront Park has dramatically improved opportunities for social interaction and

environmental education in Corvallis. The project involved many local artists who created works that

reflect the culture of the town and its historic relationship to the river.61 Of special note is the Jackson

Plaza Fountain, a huge granite surface custom-carved to show the historic channels of the Willamette

River in 1852.62 A variable spray fountain serves as a play feature for children (see Figure 23).

Surrounding this plaza are interpretive signs describing the early river, and the effects of

development and channelization, riparian issues, and water quality in the nineteenth and twentieth

century. Monroe Plaza is developed as a contemplative public garden. The plaza features a grove of

58 DJC Staff. “Corvallis riverfront park captures national attention”. DJC Oregon, Daily Journal of Commerce. Dec. 10, 2004. 59 Rocheford, Op. cit. 60 Rocheford, Op. cit. 61 Rocheford, Op. cit. 62 Rocheford, Op. cit.

22

native trees with seating and game tables tucked into ornamental garden beds. A playful bronze

sculpture of otters peers out from the native vegetation. Madison Plaza represents the civic core of

the waterfront.63 Aligned with the City Courthouse on Madison Avenue, the plaza provides long seat-

walls, art and a paving pattern that echoes the patterns of historic logjams on the river. Generous

open space is retained to allow for community events such as the holiday tree lighting and civic

presentations. These three plazas anchor the park and allow space for social interaction around

community events, while honoring the river in the backdrop.

The Riverfront Park has become a nucleus for community events and local business, in part

because of its proximity to the river. The Wednesday and Saturday Farmers markets, the July 4th

Parade, Da Vinci Days Water Race, numerous marathons, and citywide intertubing parties rely on the

riverfront in a new way (see Figures 20-21). People use the walking and biking paths along the park

to access South Town (south of the Mary’s River) in order to enjoy the views of the river and the

serenity of the space (see Figure 22). Rather than serving as a commodity for economic development

and progress, the riverfront is now the center of community recreational activities. The restoration of

its waters and riparian zone are a large part of why it can be enjoyed by the entire community.

The park’s design is not an attempt to recreate a pre-settlement “natural” ideal. Rather, the

designers and consultants involved in the project strived to understand the ecological services that the

river could provide and utilize modern technology, such as the stabilization piers, to sustain it. The

restoration of the riverfront involved removing more than l00 tons of debris, rubble, asphalt, and all

invasive species, and re-establishing native riparian vegetation.64 Stabilization piers extend 55 ft

below ground, to prevent future flooding damage along that stretch.65 Care was taken to protect

existing trees before and during construction, and native plantings were designed to fit within the

63 Rocheford, Op. cit. 64 Rocheford, Op. cit. 65 Rocheford, Op. cit.

23

existing riparian plant community.66 Although all physical traces of the site’s industrial legacy were

erased with the clean-up, the educational aspects of the park remind visitors of the riverfront’s

transformation and the facets of second nature that propelled the city’s growth (see Figure 24).

The Riverfront Redevelopment Project can be seen as a new type of second nature

improvement to the riverfront, as the City of Corvallis is capitalizing off of the re-appropriated space.

Although it was a contentious multi-million dollar investment, the Riverfront Park has proved to be

financially viable. The park prompted the revitalization of the entire downtown area and new zoning

requirements were put in place to encourage mixed-use buildings and public access along the

riverfront. The streets are now active at all times of day, with buildings serving as residence, office,

and commercial spaces. Imagining the dynamic of the site fifty years ago, it is impossible to fully

comprehend the impact this riverfront transformation has had. Property values along the riverfront

have appreciated 12.5 percent and commercial tax revenues have increased 3.9 percent since 2002.67

The community also plays a huge role in maintaining the park. Vandalism and littering has never

been a problem, which keeps park maintenance costs low.68 The Riverfront has become a financial

and cultural asset to the community, where the ecological health and correlating aesthetics of the

river substantially improve the city’s economy.

Through the success of the Riverfront Park, the city government has come to realize a larger

trajectory for the city of Corvallis and the Willamette River. Plans are underway to extend the

Riverfront Park further north, pastt the Van Buren Bridge, which serves as the major eastern artery

into the city. In his announcement of the 2020 City Plan, Corvallis City Councilman Ken Gibb said,

"Corvallis in 2020 boasts a central city that is the vibrant commercial, civic, cultural and historic

heart of the county. Corvallis' vibrant riverfront is the city's downtown showcase that respects and

66 Ken Gibb. Community Development Director, City of Corvallis. Interview. March 2013. 67 Gibb, Op. cit. 68 Gibb, Op. cit.

24

celebrates the river. The riverfront features a variety of restaurants and shops, a public square, and

ample green space with jogging and cycling paths. The public square is a frequent site for lunchtime

concerts and summer entertainment. The upper stories of many picturesque riverfront buildings

provide some of the downtown's most desirable residences and office space.”69 The emphasis on

continuing and improving the relationship between Corvallis and the Willamette River has been

formalized into the long-term development goals, which shines light on the potential for all cities

with similar historic relationships to their rivers to revitalize their waterfronts.

CONCLUSION

Projects like the Corvallis Riverfront Park have been achieved along urban rivers all over the

country with similar effects. The social, economic, and environmental value that returns to these

(often depressed and abandoned) waterways is phenomenal and a true testament to humans’ ability to

overcome paradigms of economic development, commodification of nature and individualism. The

regional and national implications of riverfront redevelopment schemes like the Corvallis Riverfront

Park suggest a growing urban trend towards community collaboration, shared responsibility, and a

desire to see “nature” return to the city, where it has a rightful and vital place.

Despite the heavy local praise the Corvallis Riverfront Park has received for its

transformative work along the waterfront, the historical relationship to the river and the effects of

social stratification within Corvallis still impact some of its communities today. Flooding has

historically been the primary danger of developing along the riverfront and consequentially, those

who could afford to move above the floodplains did so in the twentieth century. Low-income

communities of South Town are by far the most vulnerable to flooding (compare Figures 28 and 29).

69 Rocheford, Op. cit.

25

The Flood of 2012 affected these communities to the extent that access to the rest of Corvallis was

blocked for several days (see Figures 25-27).70 While these floods are considered natural disasters

(regular flooding was common along the Willamette River long before the area was developed), the

superimposing of infrastructure along the river in a way that increases vulnerability is entirely

unnatural. Areas with heavy community investment like the Corvallis Riverfront Park can

confidently be protected with fifty-foot concrete stabilization piers. But such an expensive operation

is entirely unfeasible along the rest of the riverfront stretching south, in part because of physical

barriers but mostly because of the lack of political will and financial incentive (see Figures 30-32).

It is unreasonable to expect one project to fix the problems that one hundred and fifty years

of yield-centered second nature incurred. While it is important to celebrate the successes of

community collaboration and natural restoration, these the Riverfront Park project should not be used

to mask the unequally distributed effects of development along the river. Environmental injustice is

largely a product of a historically capitalist system of development and commodification of the river.

Rectifying historical injustices will take the conscious effort of all members of the Corvallis

community and must start with the realization that problems do still exist in this idyllic town (see

Justin Soare’s, “Greener Pastures: Corvallis, Oregon”, which inspired my family to move to

Corvallis in 2003).

70 “The Flood of 2012”. Corvallis Gazette-Times. Web. January 20, 2012.

26

APPENDIX

Figure 2. Map of Corvallis (Source: Google Maps, 2013)

Figure 3. Map of region (Source: Google Maps, 2013)

27

Figure 3. Change in Willamette River Watershed (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

Figure 4. Drawing of Downtown Corvallis from east bank, 1858 (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

28

Figure 5. Oregon Trans. Company Corvallis Wharf, 1880s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 6. Flood of 1890 (Source: Benton County Historical Society)

29

Figure 7. Blumhart's Ferry, 1891 (Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 8. Riverfront, 1894 (Source: OSU Archives)

30

Figure 9. Blumhart's Ferry drawing, 1890s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 10. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 1899 (Source: Patricia Brenner Collection)

31

Figure 11. Schematic showing channel change, 1900s (Source: Riverfront Information Placard)

Figure 12. Change in river's course with new channel (Source: Oregon State University Libraries)

32

Figure 13. 1935 Aerial (Source: OSU Special Collections)

Figure 14. View of the Corvallis Mill, 1939 (Source: Oregon Historical Society)

33

Figure 15. Corvallis Lumber Company, 1940s (Source: Corvallis Historical Society)

Figure 16. Aerial view of Corvallis in 1951 (Source: Gwil Evans Photographic Collection)

34

Figure 17. 1964 Flood (Source: Central Services History Center)

Figure 18. 1975 Aerial view of downtown Corvallis (Source: OSU Special Collections)

35

Figure 19. Flyer in Support of Riverfront Plan (Source: Friends of the Riverfront Committee)

36

Figure 20. Corvallis Farmer's Market, 2012 (Source: James Jacobs)

Figure 21. Aerial view of park, 2010 (Source: Livablecities.org)

37

Figure 22. Footpath winding through park, 2010 (Source: Livablecities.org)

Figure 23. Children playing in fountain (Source: Anonymous)

38

Figure 24. New Riverfront (Source: Michael Hanscom)

Figure 25. Flood of 2012 (Source: OregonLive.com)

39

Figure 26. People in South Corvallis during 2012 Flood (Source: Gazette Times)

Figure 27. Swollen Willamette River during 2012 Flood (Source: Anonymous)

40

Figure 28. Property in NW Corvallis unaffected by floodplain (Source: City of Corvallis)

41

Figure 29. Property in SE Corvallis affected by floodplain (Source: City of Corvallis)

42

Figure 30. Comprehensive map of Corvallis

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Map refinements can occur as provided in Chapters 4.5 and 4.13 of the Corvallis Land Development Code.

Significant Natural Resource and Natural Hazard areas information is based upon December 31, 2004 mapping and the Notices of Disposition for the Land Development Code Update signed by Mayor Berg on December 16, 2004.

Underlying Comprehensive Plan Designations reflect the Comprehensive PlanMap designations effective October 16, 2006, and as amended by the Notice of Disposition to adopt this map signed by Mayor Berg on October 17, 2006.

Date of preparation: October 2006

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Extra Low Density Residential(once annexed)

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43

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WC-SQU-W-7

S-GOO-W-6S-MAR-W-9

WC-MAR-W-16

S-WIL-W-6

S-DRY-W-2

S-DRY-W-1

N-FRA-W-3

N-FRA-W-3

N-JAC-W-1

N-LEW-W-2

N-NOR-W-1

WC-OAK-W-23

WC-OAK-W-18

WC-OAK-W-13

WC-OAK-W-30

WC-OAK-W-10

WC-OAK-W-28

WC-SQU-W-12

WC-SQU-W-10

N-LEW-W-1

N-FRA-W-1

N-JAC-W-4

N-SEQ-W-3

N-SEQ-W-2

WC-DIX-W-1

WC-DIX-W-5

WC-DIX-W-4

WC-OAK-W-3

WC-OAK-W-1

WC-OAK-W-2

WC-SQU-M60-2

WC-SQU-W-3

WC-SQU-W-8

WC-SQU-W-8

WC-SQU-W-14

WC-SQU-W-13

WC-SQU-W-16

WC-MAR-W-18

WC-MAR-W-17

Pond

PW

PondPW

Pond

Pond

N-GAR-W-5

WC-MAR-W-19

60% Wetland

WD#'s 98-0234, 90-0113

WD# 98-0179

WD# 02-0136

WD# 99-0151

WD# 91-0136

WD# 99-0562

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 02-0591

WD# 97-0167

WD# 97-0167

WD# 97-0167

WD# 02-0360

WD# 03-0706

WD# 03-0047

WD# 02-0591

WD#'s 98-0234, 90-0113

WD# 97-0528

WD# 96-0633

WD# 99-0556

WD# 97-0503

WD#'s 97-0381, 95-0264

WD# 00-0601

WD# 95-0257

WD# 95-0059

WD#'s 95-0101, 91-0095, 95-0060

WD#'s 00-0131, 92-0092, 00-0391, 99-0233

WD# 93-0305

WD#'s

94-0384, 94-0325

WD#'s 95-0346, 91-0141, 94-0111, 94-0325, 95-0105

WD#'s 98-0520, 97-0382

WD# 90-0114

WD#'s 96-0003, 95-0290

WD#'s 98-0282, 95-0059

WD# 96-0280

WD# 98-0315

WD# 97-0382

WD# 01-0633

WD#'s 98-0520, 91-0028

WD# 95-0159

WD#'s 02-0533, 99-0233

WD#'s 01-0171, 99-0283

WD# 02-0596

WD# 98-0326

WD# 96-0396

WD#'s 94-0187, 91-0115

WD# 97-0167

WD# 93-0188

WD#'s 96-0475, 96-0033

WD# 96-0001

WD# 93-0024

WD# 99-0339

WD# 97-0377

WD# 99-0528

WD#'s 01-0171, 00-0619

WD#'s 97-0026, 96-0098, 97-0018

CAMPUS WAY

JEFFERSON WAY

WASHINGTON WAY

69th ST

RESERVOIR AVE

ACACIA

D

R

BROOKLANE DR

MEM

OR

IAL PL

W

INDING WAY

ORE

GO

N H

IGH

WA

Y 9

9 W

EST

CLEARWATER DR

HOFFMAN AVE

QUIETCREEK DR

15th

ST

POPPY DR

FOXTAIL ST

HUCKLEBERRY DR

LON

GH

ILL

ST

45th ST

FOU

R ACRE ST

ANJNI CIR

SEAPORT CIR

GRA

ND

OA

KS

DR

EASY

ST

49th

ST

'B' AVE

2nd

ST

3rd

ST

TERRACEGREEN PL

CIRCLE BLVD

OXFORD

CIR

OAK AVE

LANCAST

ER ST

DIANE PL

ROOSEVELT DR

GRANT CIR

HO

LLY

HO

CK

CIR

MONROE AVE

29th PL

EDG

EIN

G D

R

14th PL

CHRI

STIN

E ST

DeA

RMO

ND

DR

56th

ST

4th S

T

20th

ST

19th

ST

17th ST

ELKS DR

AVERY AVE

WINDFLOWER DR

'E' AVE

SCHOONER AVE

ANGELEE PL

HIGHLAN

D DR

99w

99w

Lester Avenue

Railro

ad

BELL AVE

KIRSTEN PL

HILLSIDE DR

10th

ST

LEO

NA

RD S

T

GRAN

T A

VE

PRIN

CESS

ST

HARRISON BLVD

1st S

T

STEWART PL

CONSER ST

CHESTER AVE

BETH

EL S

T

CHINTIMINI AVE

LILLY AVE

EDGEWATER AVE

13th

ST

PLYMOUTH CIR

WA

LNU

T BL

VD

OTA

NA

DR

STO

PP P

L

Walnut

VIL

LA D

R

11th

STD

EBO

RD S

T

'D' AVE

CANARY PL

ROTH

ST

5th S

T

AN

GEL

ICA

DR

SCO

TT S

T

'C' AVE

18th ST

WILLAMETTE AVE

HAYES AVE

GER

OLD

ST

FORESTGREEN AVE

20th PL

HELEN AVE

STERNWHEELER DR

71st

ST

ALL

EN S

T

THO

MPS

ON

ST

GLE

NN

ST

CONSER PL

BELV

UE

ST

'A' AVE

KINGS BLVD

TIM

IAN

ST

REIMAN AVE

RENNIE PL

CREST DR

WILD ROSE DR

POWELL AVE

AU

TUM

N S

T

TYLER AVE

LIVE OAK DR

BECA AVE

MA

RTI

N S

T

DIV

ISIO

N S

T

27th PL

MAPLE AVE

LINCOLN AVE

JACKSON AVE

REED PL

SEN

ECA

PL

STEL

LER

DR

ATWOOD AVE

COUNTRY CLUB DR

WILLOW AVE

INGER PL

CONIFER BLVD

BRIT

TA P

L

RYA

N S

T

AGATE AVE

27th ST

JACK

LO

ND

ON

ST

BEAVER PL

TITLEIST CIR

GOODNIGHT AVE

BRUN

O PL

CRAIG AVE

KALAPU

YA CIR

JAMESON DR

WH

ITES

IDE

DR

BIRDIE DR

ELMWOOD DR

47th

ST

MOBILE PL

JON PL

GLENRIDGE DR

EL RANCHO AVE

BYRON PL

ADAMS AVE

PIERCE WAY

CRYSTAL LAKE DR

VERONICA PL

WEST HILLS RD

STARKER AVE

66th ST

AU

DEN

E PL

IVY

PL

MASER DR

LISA PL

FAIR

HA

VEN

CT

OETJEN AVE

HOPKINS AVE

DEER PL

SHER

WO

OD

PL

DREA

M PL

DRAPER PL

VICA WAY

FAIRHAVEN DR

LANCE PL

OAKSHADE DR

ACA

CIA

PL

ROY

AL

OA

KS

DR

SITKA PL

TWIN OAKS CIR

PONDEROSA AVE

PRAIRIE AVE

BURKE PL

16th

ST

RESE

ARC

H W

AY

LIN

DA

ST

MID

VA

LE D

R

DOUGLAS AVE

WESTERN BLVD

ARROWOOD CIR

DU

CHES

S PL

PARK AVE

MAXINE CIR

POPL

AR

PL

FOX PL

MEN

LO D

R

WES

T H

ILLS

PL

VIEWMONT AVE

29th ST

ARTHUR AVE

14th

ST

DIX

ON

ST

OSPREY PL

FAIR OAKS DR

TUNISON AVE

SPRUCE AVE

LAWNDALE PL

HOBART AVE

GA

RRY

AN

NA

DR

ART

HU

R CI

R

13th PL

GREEN PL

MASON PL

TYLE

R PL

CHENILLE PL

STA

MM

PL

FOOTHILL PL

12th

ST

BLUESTEM PLPHILOMATH BLVD

ALEXANDER AVE

DOROTHY AVE

23rd ST

STO

NE

ST

PLEASANT PL

GRA

NT

PL

ROSEBERRY ST

CAMELLIA DR

FRITZ PL

MAXINE AVE

FREMONT AVE

CRYSTAL CIR

RIVERGREEN AVE

PAR PL

AVENA PL

FAIR

MO

NT

DR

WAKE ROBIN AVE

17th PL

ESTA

VIEW

DR

FERN

WO

OD

PL

26th

ST

HERON PL

BANYON CIR

ARBOR GROVE D

R

ALD

RIN

PL

GREELEY AVE

25th PL

NEER AVE

WITHAM

HILL DR

NO

RWO

OD

PL

KLI

NE

PL

IRONWOOD AVE

KNOLLBROOK AVE

BLUEBERRY DR

CLEVELAND AVE

KEN

WA

Y D

R

GLENWOOD DR

MORRIS AVE

GO

OD

PARK

ST

CORNELL AVE

DONOVAN PL

GLEN

RIDG

E PL

55th ST

DALE PL

CYPRESS AVE

FILLMORE AVE

KLEIN

SCH

MID

T PL

COLLIN

S PL

LILLY PL

ESTAVIEW CIR

LARCH AVE

CHRI

STO

PHER

PL

JOHNSON AVE

DRESDEN AVE

GRE

EN C

IR

ASHWOOD DR

SUNVIEW DR

LOCUST AVE

GARRYANNA PL

ALT

A V

ISTA

DR

MEADOW PARK CIR

JONQUIL PL

LOO

KO

UT D

R

MIN

K PL

TAFT AVE

ROYAL OAKS PL

BRIDGEWAY AVE

JEAN PL

CREST PL

CHAPMAN PL

SHORT AVE

ACEY PL

HIL-WOOD PL

LUPINE PL

WATER WORKS AVE

CASSIA

PL

MONTEREY PL

BOXWOOD PL

VILLA PL

FISCHER LN

COOLIDGE WAY

SILVERBELLE PL

SONJA PL

GLACIE

R WAY

ESTAVIEW PL

LEGACY PL

WINDSOR PL

POW

DER

HO

RN

PL

29th ST

WALNUT BLVD

8th S

T

13th ST

HAYES AVE

53rd ST

HARRISON BLVD

KIN

GS

BLV

D

2nd S

T

14th ST

9th

ST

JACKSON AVE

LONG AVE

COUNTRY CLUB DR

POLK AVE

1st S

T

GREELEY AVE

SUN

VIE

W D

R

MADISON AVE

23rd

ST

12th

ST

27th

ST

FILLMORE AVE

13th

ST

BRIDGEWAY AVE

17th

ST

12th ST

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

53rd ST

2nd S

T

FILLMORE AVE

HIGHLA

ND DR

DIX

ON

ST

53rd

ST

TYLER AVE

POLK AVE

GARFIELD AVE

GARFIELD AVE

HARRISON BLVD

REDTOP PL

CLEVELAND AVE

LAN

CA

STER

ST

HAYES AVE

LILLY AVE

BANYON CIR

19th

ST

9th S

T

GRANT AVE

COUNTRY CLUB DR

6th

ST

WALNUT BLVD

6th

ST

10th

ST

3rd

ST

13th

ST

VAN BUREN AVE

RICHLAND AVE

ORE

GO

N H

IGH

WA

Y 9

9 W

EST

13th

ST

7th S

T

11th

ST

THO

MPS

ON

ST

POLK AVE

11th ST

LINCOLN AVE

17th ST

VAN BUREN AVE

BECA AVE

JACKSON AVE

17th

ST

RICHLAND AVE

17th

ST

BROOKLANE DR

WHITESIDE DR

16th

ST

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

11th ST

CIRCLE BLVD

ELKS DR

BUCHANAN AVE

23rd ST

ROOSEVELT DR

POPPY DR

8th S

T

10th

ST

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

COUNTRY CLUB DR

LINCOLN AVE

WESTERN BLVD

JACKSON AVE

4th S

T

WALNUT BLVD

GRANT AVE

6th

ST

HAYES AVE

VAN BUREN AVE

20th ST

BROOKLANE DR

13th ST

12th

ST

9th S

T

18th

ST

12th

ST

9th

ST

ELMWOOD DR

15th

ST

MONROE AVE

10th

ST

CAMPUS WAY

FILLMORE AVE

5th

ST

CONIFER BLVD

9th

ST

ASTER ST

5th

ST

PRIN

CESS

ST

15th ST

4th

ST

COUNTRY CLUB DR

53rd

ST

14th

ST

CIRCLE BLVD

ART

HU

R CI

R

16th ST

ANJNI CIR

3rd

ST

1st S

T5t

h ST

CIRCLE BLVD

BUCHANAN AVE

9th S

T

KIN

GS BLV

D

27th

ST

MENLO DR

13th ST

11th

ST

'D' AVE

GARFIELD AVE

4th S

T3r

d ST

MAXINE AVE

16th

ST

11th

ST

CRY

STA

L LA

KE

DR

53rd

ST

FORESTGREEN AVE

PHILOMATH BLVD

WA

LNU

T BL

VD

MENLO DR

11th ST

5th S

T

DIX

ON

ST

MULKEY AVE

WHITESIDE DR

11th

ST

TAYLOR AVE

GRANT AVE

SPRUCE AVE

3rd

ST

CREST DR

7th S

T

CONIFER BLVD

JACKSON AVE

GRANT AVE

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

'E' AVE

14th ST

POLK AVE

POLK AVE

WASHINGTON AVE

TAYLOR AVE

9th S

T

BETH

EL S

T

14th ST

17th ST

49th

ST

ORE

GO

N H

IGH

WA

Y 9

9 W

EST

HOLLYHOCK CIR

GRANT AVE

17th ST

BUCHANAN AVE

VAN BUREN AVE

11th

ST

HARRISON BLVD

RESEARCH WAY

4th S

T

11th

ST

13th ST

15th

ST

7th S

T

TAYLOR AVE

POLK AVE

JEFFERSON AVE

GER

OLD

ST

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

5th

ST

McKINLEY DR

MONROE AVE

BECA AVE

1st S

T

49th

ST

QUIETCREEK DR

TYLER AVE

KIN

GS

BLV

D

HIG

HLA

ND

DR

2nd

ST

HARRISON BLVD

12

45

6

8

91011 12

14

21 2325

26

2728

2931

333435

3637

41

43

4547

5051 5455 56

6163

6667 6869 707172

73 74 75

76 8081 82

8487 89

90 9293 9496

9798 99

102103 105106

108110111

114 116117 118120

122123 124 125127129

139 140

141

142

152

162

169

171173

180

181183185

187189 190196 199

201

207

211

214

215

217 218

219

220

223224225226

228

229230

231232

236

237

240

241

242

243

244

245

246

247

57

7

2220

19

18

13

15

24

44

42

58

64

62

79

91 83

101 100

77

78

126128

104

132131

136134

137

138

149150

147

143

144

158159

156

145

151

146148

154 155153

157

163 165

168167

121

119

115

107112

161160

164

177 178 175

186

192

194

182

193197 198195

200

184

179

174172

203

212

216

206

205

209210

213

188

208

221

227

234235

233

238

239

8885

109

95

6059

53

4948 46

3839

3230

1716

52

133 135

113

130

40

249250

s_8

s_1

Mountain View Cr eek

Frazier Cree k

Jackso n C reek

Seq uoia Creek

Village Gr e en

North E ast C r e ek

Garfield

Creek

Dixon Creek

Oak C

re

e k

Oak Creek

Squa

w Creek

S o uth F ork Squaw Creek

Mill Race

M ary's

Riv

er

Rya

n Creek

W I L L A M E T T E R I V E R

Dixon Creek

Lewisburg

WI LLA M ET TE RI VE R

1 2 s 5 w 2 0

1 2 s 5 w 1 7

1 2 s 5 w 1 4

1 1 s 5 w 3 3

1 1 s 5 w 2 7

1 1 s 5 w 2 5

1 2 s 5 w 0 4

1 1 s 5 w 3 4

1 2 s 5 w 3 2

1 2 s 5 w 0 2

1 2 s 5 w 2 3

1 1 s 5 w 2 8

1 1 s 5 w 0 9

1 2 s 5 w 2 9

1 1 s 5 w 1 0

1 2 s 5 w 0 5

1 1 s 5 w 3 0

1 2 s 5 w 0 8

1 2 s 5 w 1 3

1 1 s 5 w 2 6

1 2 s 5 w 0 6

1 1 s 5 w 2 0

1 2 s 5 w 1 6

1 1 s 5 w 3 6

1 2 s 5 w 0 9

1 1 s 5 w 2 9

1 2 s 5 w 1 1

1 2 s 5 w 2 6

1 1 s 5 w 1 1

1 1 s 5 w 1 3

1 2 s 5 w 3 4

1 1 s 5 w 3 1 1 1 s 5 w 3 2

1 1 s 4 w 3 0

1 1 s 5 w 1 6

1 1 s 5 w 2 1

1 1 s 5 w 2 2

1 2 s 5 w 2 1

1 1 s 5 w 3 5

1 1 s 5 w 1 5

1 1 s 5 w 1 2

1 2 s 5 w 1 5

1 1 s 5 w 1 4

1 1 s 5 w 2 4

1 2 s 5 w 0 1

1 2 s 5 w 1 2

1 2 s 5 w 0 3

1 2 s 5 w 2 7

1 2 s 5 w 0 7

1 2 s 5 w 2 2

1 1 s 5 w 2 3

1 2 s 5 w 1 0

1 2 s 5 w 2 8

1 2 s 5 w 3 3

1 1 s 4 w 1 8

1 1 s 4 w 1 9

1 1 s 4 w 0 7

WD# 03-0596

Corvallis Local Wetland Inventory

Legend

Streams

Rivers

Locally Significant Wetland

Wetland/Upland Mosaic

Pond

Potential Wetland

Wetlands

Wetland field data points

Subarea/UGB boundary

Parcel boundaries

Wetland site number referenced in leaf green.DSL wetland determination numbers are referenced in deep red. PLS section numbersare referenced in light brown.

21

Mapscale: 1 inch = 600 feet Projection: State Plane Oregon Zone North, FIPS zone 3601 North American Datum 1983

Information shown on this map is for planningpurposes only and wetland information is subject to change. There may be unmapped wetlands subject to regulation and all wetlandboundary mapping is approximate. In all cases,actual field conditions determine wetland boundaries. You are advised to conact the Oregon Division of State Lands and the U.S.Army Corps of Engineers with any regulatory questions.

Sources:Field inventory conducted by Pacific Habitat Services.All base data provided by the City of Corvallis.Data compilation and map production by Ecotrust, 2003.

PLS grid

Field Verified Wetland

Railroads

0 0.5 10.25Miles

44

Figure 32. Corvallis natural hazards (Source: City of Corvallis)

If

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ve

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ve

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35

t h S

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35

t h S

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CC aa mm pp uu ss WW aa yy

CC rr ee ss cc ee nntt VVa al ll le e

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H e r b e r t A v e n u eH e r b e r t A v e n u e

RR ee ss ee rr vv oo ii rr AA vv ee nn uu ee

RR ee ss ee aa rr cc hh WW aa yy

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Dr i

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Hi g

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35

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45

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JJ ee ff ff ee rr ss oo nn AA vv ee nn uu ee

B u c h a n a n A v e n u eB u c h a n a n A v e n u eF i l l m o r e A v e n u eF i l l m o r e A v e n u e

PP oo nn dd ee rr oo ss aa AA vv ee nn uu ee

W a l n u t B l v dW a l n u t B l v d

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wo

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S

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Sa

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S

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WWaa

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WW aa ll nn uu tt BB ll vv dd

29

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29

t h S

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CC oo nn ii ff ee rr BB ll vv dd

W e s t H i l l s R o a dW e s t H i l l s R o a d

36

th S

t re

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36

t h S

t re

et

FRAZI ER CREEK

MILLRACE

CC ii rr cc ll ee BB ll vv dd

Va n B u r e n A v e n u e

Va n B u r e n A v e n u e

MM oo nn rr oo ee AA vv ee nn uu ee

DUNAWI

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El l

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cl e

El l

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Ci r

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WWee ss tt ee rr nn BB ll vv dd

G r a n t A v e n u eG r a n t A v e n u e

WW ee ss tt ee rr nn BB ll vv dd

W a s h i n g t o n W a yW a s h i n g t o n W a y

9t h

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t

9t h

St r

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t

53

rd

St r

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t5

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OAK

CREEK

Corval l isMun ic ipa l

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!

0 0.25 0.5 0.75 10.125Mi les

Wi l

l am

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Ri v e r

Ma ry s R i ve r

G I S S E R V I C E SP u b l i c W o r k s D e p a r t m e n t



C O

R V

A L

L I S

C I T

Y L

I M I T

S



Note:

Map Refinements and Corrections to Mapping Errors are Addressed as Outlined in the Land Development Code.

Natural Hazard and Natural Resource Overlays are Approximate.

Slopes information is based upon December 31, 2004 mappingand the Notice of Disposition for the Land Development CodeUpdate signed by Mayor Helen Berg on December 16, 2004.

Date of preparation: October 2006

1 I n c h = 2 0 0 0 F e e t

O R V A L L I S, C OR E G O N

A T U R A LNA Z A R D SH

L EGEND

Corval l i s C ity L im it s

Steeply S loped Areas

10-14.99% S lope

15-24.99% S lope

25-34.99% S lope

35% and greater S lope

Lands lides R isk

Urban Growth Boundary

St reams

Flood Hazard Areas

100-Year F loodpla in

0.2-Ft . F l oodway

High Protect ion

Partia l Protect ion

( Includes h igh l andsli de r isk areas, exis t ing l andsl ide areas and l andsl ide debri s runout areas )

High

45

SOURCES

• Baker, Joan. "Alternative futures for the Willamette River basin, Oregon." Ecological Applications Vol. 14(2). 2004, p. 313-324.

• Castonguoay, Stephane. Urban Rivers: Remaking Rivers, Cities, and Space in Europe and North America. University of Pittsburg Press. 2012, p. 240.

• Clarke, Sharon. "Oregon, USA, ecological regions and subregions for water quality management." Environmental Management. Vol. 15 (6). 1991, p. 847-856.

• Corning, Howard. Dictionary of Oregon History. Binfords & Mort Publishing. 1956, p. 445.

• Cronon, William. Nature’s Metropolis. Norton, New York. 1991, p. 45.

• DJC Staff. “Corvallis riverfront park captures national attention”. DJC Oregon, Daily Journal of Commerce. Dec. 10, 2004.

• Gibb, Ken. Community Development Director, City of Corvallis. Interview. March 2013.

• Horner, John. Oregon: Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature. The J.K. Gill Co., Portland. 1919, p. 164.

• Kimmerer, Robin. "The role of indigenous burning in land management." Journal of Forestry Vol 99 (11). 2001, p. 36-41.

• Little, Charles. Greenways for America. Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995, p. 81.

• Lyons, Joseph. "Land Use, Floods, and Channel Changes: Upper Middle Fork Willamette River, Oregon". Water Resources Research Vol. 19 (2). 1983, p. 463-471.

• Moffatt, Riley. Population History of Western U.S. Cities & Towns, 1850-1990. Lanham, Scarecrow. 1996, p. 208.

• Henny, Charles J., et al. "Biomagnification factors (fish to osprey eggs from Willamette River, Oregon, USA) for PCDDs, PCDFs, PCBs and OC pesticides." Environmental Monitoring and Assessment 84.3 (2003): 275-315.

• Rocheford, Jacqueline. “Riverfront History”. Corvallis Riverfront Park Placard. 2002.

• Rochefort, Jacqueline. “Corvallis Riverfront History”. Corvallis Parks and Recreation. Brochure. 2006.

• Sedell, James. "Importance of streamside forests to large rivers: the isolation of the Willamette River, Oregon, USA, from its floodplain by snagging and streamside forest removal." Verh. Internat. Verein. Limnol. 1984, p.1828-1834.

46

• Shepherd, James. "The development of new wheat varieties in the Pacific Northwest." Agricultural History. Vol. 54 (1). 1980. p. 52-63.

• Spores, Ronald. "Too Small a Place: The Removal of the Willamette Valley Indians, 1850–1856". American Indian Quarterly (University of Nebraska Press) Vol. 17 (2). 1993, p. 72.

• Turner, James. Lecture. Feb. 26, 2013.

• Villarreal, Mauricio. "Up By The Riverside." Parks & Recreation 38.6 (2003): 63. MAS Ultra - School Edition. Web. 24 Apr. 2013.

• Villeneuve, Daniel. “Environmental Stresses and Skeletal Deformities in Fish from the Willamette River, Oregon”. Environmental Science & Technology. Vol 39 (10). 2005, p. 41.

• Bauer, Webb. "A Case Analysis of Oregon's Willamette River Greenway Program." Thesis. Oregon State University, 1980.

• "Willamette River." The New Encyclopedia of the American West. Yale UP, 1998. Credo Reference. Web. 2011.

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