Phonological oppositions in affricate consonants

of Early Middle Chinese

LEE SeungJae (Seoul National University)

1. Introduction

Dialogue sentences that were recorded in the early-fifth century have played a key role in analyses

of the diachronic syntax of Early Middle Chinese (EMC, hereafter). However, although it has been

presumed that the Chinese characters used in such dialogue sentences are phonographs that reflect the

spoken language of the period, these phonographs have been excluded from diachronic phonology due to

the lack of an appropriate methodology.

Based on the presumption that the Chinese characters used in dialogue sentences can be regarded

as phonographs, we have analyzed 2,212(2,485) Chinese characters1 recorded in the dialogue sentences

found in A new account of tales of the world (Shìshuōxīnyǔ 世說新語), compiled by Liú Yìqìng (劉義

慶, 403~444 CE). Using these phonographs, this paper attempts to provide a methodology to examine

phonological oppositions2 among affricate consonants in the onset position in EMC. Among the

2,212(2,485) phonographs, examples of affricate consonants in the onset position amount to 347 in total.

Previously, these phonographs have been phonetically divided into nine sub-groups3 as shown in (1)

below.

(1) Affricate consonants (347 phonographs)

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音

alveolar 精組 [ʦ] 精 77 [ʦh] 淸 43 [ʣ] 從 67

retroflex 莊組 [ʈʂ] 莊 16 [ʈʂh] 初 15 [ɖʐ] 崇 16

palatal 章組 [ʨ] 章 67 [ʨh] 昌 29 [ʥ] 船 17

In this paper, it is argued that table (1), which is based on phonetic analyses of affricate consonants,

should be replaced by the following table (2) below, which takes phonological oppositions into account.

1 Due to polyphones in the onset position of some characters, phonetic representations of 2,212

phonographs amount to 2,485 in total. In the appendix attached at the end of this paper, they are

arranged in descending order of how many times each character was used.

2 This methodology has been described in Lee 李丞宰 (2013, 2016).

3 These sub-groups are dependent on the division of Ito 伊藤ちゆき (2007).

Mizutani 水谷眞成 (1967) has argued that the retroflex group 莊組 was phonologically distinct from

the alveolar group 精組 and the palatal group 章組, not only in the series of voiceless-unaspirated 全淸

but also in the series of both voiceless-aspirated 次淸 and voiced-unaspirated 全濁, which is reflected

in table (1).

However, based on the absence of minimal pairs, not only between [ʦh] 淸 and [ʈʂh] 初 but also

between [ɖʐ] 崇 and [ʥ] 船, it is argued that the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 was in complementary distribution

with the alveolar /ʦh/ 淸 in EMC, and that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 was not a phoneme but an allophone of

the palatal /ʥ/ 船. This finding adds support to a revised hypothesis that there had been a divergence of

the retroflex group in the voiceless-unaspirated series 全淸, but the divergence had not been present in

either the series of voiceless-aspirated 次淸 or voiced-unaspirated 全濁. In short, this paper argues that

table (1) should be revised as table (2).

(2) Affricate phonemes (347 phonographs)

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音

alveolar 精組 /ʦ/ 精 77 /ʦ

h/ 淸初 58

/ʣ/ 從 67

retroflex 莊組 /ʈʂ/ 莊 16 /ʥ/ 崇船 33

palatal 章組 /ʨ/ 章 67 /ʨh/ 昌 29

Moreover, based on the quantity of both onset consonants and minimal pairs in EMC, it is possible

to predict whether a newly split phoneme /ʈʂ/ 莊 in EMC was derived from an alveolar /*ʦ/ 精 or from

a palatal /*ʨ/ 章 in Old Chinese(OC, hereafter). The relative quantities suggest that the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊

in the voiceless-unaspirated series 全淸 of EMC was derived and split not from the palatal /*ʨ/ 章 but

from the alveolar /*ʦ/ 精 of OC, as argued by Wang 王力 (1957).

2. Distributional analysis of place of articulation in affricate consonants

The phonological description of consonants in EMC is presented in the distribution table, where

rimes are listed in rows and onsets in columns. The phonographs from the dialogue sentences in A

new account of tales of the world are arranged in each cell of the table. In the following distribution

table (3), phonographs that have an alveolar consonant in the onset position are presented in terms of

manner of articulation.

(3) Phonographs with an alveolar consonant in the onset position

onset

rimes

alveolar consonants 精組

voiceless-

unaspirated

[ʦ] 精 77

voiceless-

aspirated

[ʦh] 淸 43

voiced-

unaspirated

[ʣ] 從 67

果攝 歌 戈 開1左歌

上 開1佐歌

去

開1蹉歌

平

合1坐戈

上/去

假攝 麻 開AB借麻

去

開AB且麻

上

開AB藉麻

去

遇攝 模 魚 虞 C苴魚平 1祖模

上 C足虞

去

C趨虞平 C取虞

上

C娶虞去 C趣虞

去

1粗模平

C聚虞上 1粗模

上

1阼模去 1祚模

去

效攝 豪 肴 宵

蕭

1糟豪平 1遭豪

平 1蚤豪

上

1早豪上 1躁豪

去

1操豪平

1草豪上

AB譙宵平 1曹豪

平

1造豪上

流攝 侯 尤 C遒尤平 C酒尤

上 1奏侯

去 C秋尤

平 C鞦尤

平 C遒尤

平 C就尤

去

止攝 支 之 微

脂

開AB紫支

上 開AB姿脂

平 開AB咨脂

平 開AB資脂

平

開AB恣脂

去 合AB醉脂

去 開C子之

上

開AB此支

上

開AB刺支

去

開AB次脂

去

開AB自脂

去 合AB瘁脂

去

合AB萃脂

去 開C慈之

平

開C字之

去 開C牸之

去

蟹攝 咍 灰 泰

齊 祭 夬 佳

開4濟齊

上/去 開4齏齊

平/上 開AB祭祭

去 開AB際祭

去

開1哉咍

平 開1災咍

平 開1宰咍

上 開1載咍

上/去

合1最泰

去

開4妻齊

平/去

開1猜咍

平

合1衰灰

平

合1崔灰

平

合1催灰

平

開1蔡泰

去

開4齊齊

平 開1才咍

平

開1財咍

平 開1裁咍

平 開1在咍

上 合1摧灰

平

合1罪灰

上

梗攝 庚 淸 靑 耕

開AB精淸

平 開AB井淸

上

開AB跡淸

入 開AB迹淸

入

開AB積淸

入

開4靑靑

平

開AB淸淸

平

開AB請淸

上

開4寂靑

入 開AB情淸

平 開AB晴淸

平 開AB靖淸

上 開AB靜淸

上 開AB淨淸

去 開AB籍淸

入

咸攝 談 覃 鹽

嚴 凡 咸 銜 添 AB漸鹽

平 AB接鹽

入

AB妾鹽入

1參覃平

AB潛鹽平

AB漸鹽上

AB捷鹽入

1慙談平

1暫談上

1蠶覃平

1雜覃入

山攝 寒 桓 先

仙 元 山

開4節先

入 開AB煎仙

平/去

開1贊寒

去 開1讚寒

去

開4千先

平 開4倩先

去 開4竊先

入 開AB遷仙

平 開AB淺仙

上 合AB悛仙

平 合1撮桓

入

開4前先

平 開4截先

入 開AB悛仙

平 開AB踐仙

上 開AB賤仙

去 合AB全仙

平 合AB泉仙

平 合AB絶仙

入 開1殘寒

平

宕攝 唐 陽

開C漿陽

平 開C獎陽

上 開C雀陽

入 開C爵陽

入 開C將陽

平/去 開1臧唐

平 開1葬唐

去 開1作唐

入

開1蒼唐

平

開C牆陽

平 開C廧陽

平 開C匠陽

去 開1作唐

入 開1怍唐

入 開1昨唐

入 開1藏唐

平/去

江攝 江

深攝 侵 AB侵侵

平

AB寢侵上

AB集侵入

臻攝 魂 欣 眞

文 痕 諄

開AB津眞

平 開AB晉眞

去 開AB進眞

去 開AB縉眞

去 合AB儁諄

去 合AB駿諄

去 合AB卒諄

入 合1尊魂

平 合1卒魂

入

開AB親眞

平

開AB漆眞

入

合1寸魂

去

合1卒魂

入

開AB秦眞

平 開

AB盡眞上

開AB疾眞

入 開

AB嫉眞入

合1存魂

平

曾攝 登 蒸 職

開C甑蒸

去

開C稷蒸

入

開C卽蒸

入

開1曾登

平

開1增登

平

開1憎登

平

開1則登

入

開1曾登

平

開1層登

平

開1賊登

入

通攝 東 鍾 冬 C蹤鍾

平 C縱鍾

平/去

C足鍾入 1宗冬

平

1綜冬去 1鏃東

入

C促鍾入

C趣鍾入

1聰東平

C從鍾去 1族東

入

In table (3), for instance, two phonographs 開1增登

平 and

開1曾登

平 are both located in the same row of

dēngyùn 登韻 in cinshè 曾攝, but in different columns. This is an example of minimal pairs between

voiceless-unaspirated quánqīng 全淸 and voiced-unaspirated quánzhuó 全濁, because the character 增

is semantically differentiated from the character 曾 only by a difference in the voicing feature of the

onset consonant. Given the distribution table (3), we can systematically and exhaustively present

examples of minimal pairs, demonstrating several sets of phonological oppositions between the

phonographs.

Based on the distribution table (3), we are able to present 17 examples of minimal pairs between

voiceless-unaspirated [ʦ] 精 and voiceless-aspirated [ʦh] 淸, 31 examples of minimal pairs between

voiceless-unaspirated [ʦ] 精 and voiced-unaspirated [ʣ] 從, and 25 examples4 of minimal pairs

between voiceless-aspirated [ʦh] 淸 and voiced-unaspirated [ʣ] 從, as shown in (4~6) below. The

presence of these minimal pairs enables us to list the three alveolar consonants /ʦ 精, ʦh 淸, ʣ 從/ in the

phonemic inventory of EMC.

(4) Minimal pairs between [ʦ] 精 and [ʦh] 淸

1. 精[精開AB平淸] (8 tokens) : 淸[淸開AB平淸] (46 tokens)

2. 蚤[精中1上豪] (5) : 草[淸中1上豪] (4)

3. 津[精開AB平眞] (3) : 親[淸開AB平眞] (28) (14 examples are omitted.)

(5) Minimal pairs between [ʦ] 精 and [ʣ] 從

1. 開

1則登入 (45) :

開

1賊登入 (14)

2. 合

1尊魂平 (12) :

合

1存魂平 (12)

3. 開

1作唐入 (92) :

開

1昨唐入 (8) (28 examples are omitted.)

(6) Minimal pairs between [ʦh] 淸 and [ʣ] 從

1. 千[淸 開4平先] (28) : 前[從開4平先] (13)

2. 草[淸中1上豪] (4) : 造[從中1上豪] (6)

3. 請[淸開AB上淸] (4) : 晴[從開AB上淸] (6) (22 examples are omitted.)

Similarly, we can form the following distribution table for those phonographs that have a palatal

consonant in the onset position.

(7) Phonographs with a palatal consonant in the onset position

4 Polyphonic characters are uniformly omitted from the calculation, because they are redundant for the

phonological descriptions in this paper.

onset

rimes

palatal consonant 章組

voiceless-

unaspirated

[ʨ] 章 67

voiceless-

aspirated

[ʨh] 昌 29

voiced-

unaspirated

[ʥ] 船 17

果攝 歌 戈

假攝 麻 開AB者麻

上

開AB車麻

平

開AB蛇麻

平

開AB射麻

去

遇攝 模 魚

虞

C珠虞平

C朱虞平

C主虞上

C注虞去

C煮魚上

C渚魚上

C諸魚平

C樞虞平

C杵魚上

C處魚上/去

C抒魚上

效攝 豪 肴

宵 蕭 AB昭肴

平 AB照宵

去

AB詔宵去

流攝 侯 尤 C州尤

平 C周尤

平 C舟尤

平

C祝尤去

C醜尤上

C臭尤去

止攝 支 之

微 脂

開AB至脂

去 開AB旨脂

上

開AB支支

平 開AB枝支

平 開AB咫支

上 合AB捶支

上 開AB脂脂

平 開AB旨脂

上 開AB指脂

上 開AB至脂

去 開C芝之

平 開C之之

平 開C止之

上 開C志之

去

合AB吹支

平

合AB炊支

平 開AB鴟脂

平 合AB推脂

平 合AB出脂

去 開C蚩之

平 開C齒之

上

蟹攝 咍 灰

泰 齊 祭 夬 佳 開AB制祭

去 開AB製祭

去

梗攝 庚 淸

靑 耕

開AB征淸

平 開AB政淸

去

開AB正淸

平/去

開AB赤淸

入

開AB尺淸

入

開AB郝淸

入

開AB射淸

入

咸攝 談 覃

鹽 嚴 凡 咸 銜

添

AB瞻鹽平

山攝 寒 桓

先 仙 元 山

開AB旃仙

平 開AB戰仙

去

開AB折仙

入 合AB拙仙

入

合AB川仙

平

合AB穿仙

平

合AB喘仙

上

開AB舌仙

入

合AB船仙

平

宕攝 唐 陽

開C彰陽

平 開C章陽

平

開C璋陽

平 開C障陽

去

開C斫陽

入 開C灼陽

入

開C酌陽

入

開C唱陽

去

江攝 江

深攝 侵 AB箴侵

平 AB枕侵

上/去

AB汁侵入

AB執侵入

臻攝 魂 欣

眞 文 痕 諄

開AB眞眞

平 開AB振眞

去

開AB震眞

去 開AB質眞

入

合AB準諄

上

開AB瞋眞

平

合AB春諄

平

合AB蠢諄

上

合AB出諄

入

開AB神眞

平

開AB實眞

入

合AB脣諄

平

合AB術諄

入

合AB秫諄

入

合AB述諄

入

曾攝 登 蒸

職 開C烝蒸

平

開C職蒸

入

開C稱蒸

平/去

開C乘蒸

平/去

開C繩蒸

平

開C食蒸

入

通攝 東 鍾

冬

C鍾鍾平

C鐘鍾平

C屬鍾入

C囑鍾入

C種鍾上/去

C終東平

C衆東去

C祝東入 C粥東

入

C觸鍾入

C充東平

C贖鍾入

The above table contains 15 examples of minimal pairs between [ʨ] 章 and [ʨh] 昌, 9 examples

of minimal pairs between [ʨ] 章 and [ʥ] 船, 11 examples of minimal pairs between [ʨh] 昌 and [ʥ]

船, as shown in (8~10) below. Based on these minimal pairs, we can conclude that the three palatal

consonants /ʨ 章, ʨh 昌, ʥ 船/ are also listed as separate phonemes in EMC.

(8) Minimal pairs between [ʨ] 章 and [ʨh] 昌

1. 止[章開C上之] (8) : 齒[昌開C上之] (7)

2. 終[章中C平東] (17) : 充[昌中C平東] (4)

3. 屬[章中C入鍾] (4) : 觸[昌中C入鍾] (2) (12 examples are omitted.)

(9) Minimal pairs between [ʨ] 章 and [ʥ] 船

1. 開AB眞眞

平 (31) :

開AB神眞

平 (35)

2. 開C職蒸

入 (5) :

開C食蒸

入 (14)

3. 開AB折仙

入 (4) :

開AB舌仙

入 (3) (6 examples are omitted.)

(10) some examples of minimal pairs between [ʨh] 昌 and [ʥ] 船

1. 開C稱蒸

平/去 (20) :

開C乘蒸

平/去 (9)

2. 合AB出諄

入 (43) :

合AB術諄

入 (2)

3. 合AB出諄

入 (43) :

合AB述諄

入 (2) (8 examples are omitted.)

The following distribution table, which features those phonographs that have a retroflex consonant

in the onset position, closely parallels distribution tables (3) and (7) above.

(11) Phonographs with a retroflex consonant in the onset position

onset

rimes

retroflex consonants 莊組

voiceless-

unaspirated

[ʈʂ] 莊 16

voiceless-

aspirated

[ʈʂh] 初 15

voiced-

unaspirated

[ɖʐ] 崇 16

果攝 歌 戈

假攝 麻 開2樝麻

平

開2差麻

平

開2苴麻

平

遇攝 模 魚 虞 C俎魚上

C芻虞平 C初魚

平

C楚魚上

C助魚去

效攝 豪 肴 宵 蕭 2爪肴上 2鈔肴

平 2巢肴

平

流攝 侯 尤

止攝 支 之 微 脂 開C滓之

上 開

C豬之上

開B嵯支

平

開C士之

上

開C仕之

上

開C事之

去

蟹攝 咍 灰 泰 齊

祭 夬 佳 開2齋皆

平

開2差佳

平

開2豺皆

平

開2柴佳

平

梗攝 庚 淸 靑 耕 開2爭耕

平/去

開2箏耕

平

開2責耕

入

開2鎗庚

平 開2策耕

入

開2傖庚

平

開2崢庚

平

開2崢耕

平

咸攝 談覃鹽嚴凡咸銜添 開2渫咸

入

山攝 寒桓先仙元山 開2察山

入 合2簒刪

去

合2饌刪

上

宕攝 唐 陽 開C莊陽

平

開C壯陽

去

開C創陽

去

開C狀陽

去

開C牀陽

平

江攝 江 2捉江入 2窗江

平

深攝 侵 AB戢侵入

臻攝 魂欣眞文痕諄

曾攝 登 蒸 職 開B仄蒸

入

開B側蒸

入

開B惻蒸

入 開B測蒸

入

通攝 東 鍾 冬 C崇東平

Among those phonographs that have a retroflex consonant in the onset position, there are 8

examples of minimal pairs between [ʈʂ] 莊 and [ʈʂh] 初, 9 examples of minimal pairs between [ʈʂ] 莊

and [ɖʐ] 崇, and 6 examples of minimal pairs between [ʈʂh] 初 and [ɖʐ] 崇, as shown in (12~14) below.

Thus, we can draw the tentative conclusion5 that the three consonants /ʈʂ 莊, ʈʂh 初, ɖʐ 崇/ were listed in

the phonemic inventory of EMC.

(12) Minimal pairs between [ʈʂ] 莊 and [ʈʂh] 初

1. 開2責耕

入 (3) :

開2策耕

入 (4)

2. 開B側蒸

入 (2) :

開B測蒸

入 (9)

3. 開B仄蒸

入 (1) :

開B測蒸

入 (9) (5 examples are omitted.)

(13) Minimal pairs between [ʈʂ] 莊 and [ɖʐ] 崇

1. 莊[莊開C平陽] (9) : 牀[崇開C平陽] (4)

2. 滓[莊開C上之] (2) : 士[崇開C上之] (48)

3. 豬[莊開C上之] (2) : 士[崇開C上之] (48) (6 examples are omitted.)

(14) Minimal pairs between [ʈʂh] 初 and [ɖʐ] 崇

1. 鈔[初中2平肴] (1) : 巢[崇中2平肴] (7)

2. 差[初開2平佳] (7) : 柴[崇開2平佳] (1)

3. 鎗[初開2平庚] (1) : 傖[崇開2平庚] (4) (4 examples are omitted.)

Based on the preceding discussion, it is possible to conclude that there were three alveolar

consonants /ʦ 精, ʦh 淸, ʣ 從/, three palatal consonants /ʨ 章, ʨh 昌, ʥ 船/, and three retroflex

5 In the following section, the notion that two retroflex consonants [ʈʂ

h]

初 and [ɖʐ] 崇 were separate phonemes is negated.

consonants /ʈʂ 莊, ʈʂh 初, ɖʐ 崇/ in the phonemic inventory of EMC. In addition, we are able to identify a

triple opposition in place of articulation: an alveolar group 精組, a palatal group 章組, and a retroflex

group 莊組 in affricate consonants.

3. Distributional analysis of manner of articulation in affricate consonants

According to the distributional analysis presented above, we might conclude that nine affricate

consonants should be listed in the phonemic inventory of EMC. However, this is a hasty conclusion

wholly dependent on phonological oppositions in place of articulation. It is necessary to now examine

phonological distinctions in manner of articulation as well, which are generally divided into voiceless-

unaspirated quánqīng 全淸, voiceless-aspirated cìqīng 次淸, and voiced-unaspirated quánzhuó 全濁 in

Chinese historical phonology.

In the following table (15), those phonographs that have a voiceless-unaspirated consonant

quánqīng 全淸 in the onset position have been distributed into each cell.

(15) Phonographs with voiceless-unaspirated consonant in the onset position

onset

rime

voiceless-unaspirated quánqīng 全淸

alveolar

[ʦ] 精 77 retroflex

[ʈʂ] 莊 16 palatal

[ʨ] 章 67

果攝 歌 戈 開1左歌

上 開

1佐歌去

假攝 麻 開AB借麻

去

開2樝麻

平

開AB者麻

上

遇攝 模 魚

虞

C足虞去 C苴魚

平

1祖模上

C俎魚上

C珠虞平 C朱虞

平 C主虞

上

C注虞去 C諸魚

平 C煮魚

上

C渚魚上

效攝 豪 肴

宵 蕭 1糟豪

平 1遭豪

平 1蚤豪

上

1早豪上 1躁豪

去

2爪肴上

AB昭肴平 AB照宵

去

AB詔宵去

流攝 侯 尤 C遒尤平 C酒尤

上 1奏侯

去

C州尤平 C周尤

平 C舟尤

平

C祝尤去

止攝 支 之

微 脂

開AB紫支

上 開AB姿脂

平 開AB咨脂

平 開AB資脂

平 開AB恣脂

去 合AB醉脂

去 開C子之

上

開C滓之

上

開C豬之

上

開AB支支

平 開AB枝支

平 開AB咫支

上 合AB捶支

上 開AB脂脂

平 開AB旨脂

上 開AB指脂

上 開AB至脂

去 開C芝之

平 開C之之

平 開C止之

上 開C志之

去

蟹攝 咍 灰

泰 齊 祭 夬 佳

開4濟齊

上/去 開4齏齊

平/上 開AB祭祭

去 開AB際祭

去 開1哉咍

平 開1災咍

平 開1宰咍

上 開1載咍

上/去 合1最泰

去

開2齋皆

平

開AB制祭

去 開AB製祭

去

梗攝 庚 淸

靑 耕

開AB精淸

平 開AB井淸

上 開AB跡淸

入 開AB迹淸

入

開2爭耕

平/去

開2箏耕

平

開AB征淸

平 開AB政淸

去 開AB正淸

平/去

開AB積淸

入

開2責耕

上

咸攝 談 覃

鹽 嚴 凡 咸 銜

添

AB漸鹽平 AB接鹽

入 AB瞻鹽

平

山攝 寒 桓

先 仙 元 山

開4節先

入 開AB煎仙

平/去

開1贊寒

去 開

1讚寒去

開AB旃仙

平 開AB戰仙

去

開AB折仙

入 合AB拙仙

入

宕攝 唐 陽

開C漿陽

平 開C獎陽

上 開C雀陽

入 開C爵陽

入

開C將陽

平/去 開1臧唐

平 開1葬唐

去 開1作唐

入

開C莊陽

平

開C壯陽

去

開C彰陽

平 開C章陽

平 開C璋陽

平 開C障陽

去

開C斫陽

入 開C灼陽

入 開C酌陽

入

江攝 江 2捉江入

深攝 侵 AB戢侵入

AB箴侵平 AB枕侵

上/去

AB汁侵入 AB執侵

入

臻攝 魂 欣

眞 文 痕 諄

開AB津眞

平 開AB晉眞

去

開AB進眞

去 開AB縉眞

去 合AB儁諄

去 合AB駿諄

去

合AB卒諄

入 合1尊魂

平

合1卒魂

入

開AB眞眞

平 開AB振眞

去

開AB震眞

去 開AB質眞

入

合AB準諄

上

曾攝 登 蒸

職

開C甑蒸

去 開C稷蒸

入

開C卽蒸

入 開1曾登

平

開1增登

平 開1憎登

平 開1則登

入

開B仄蒸

入

開B側蒸

入

開C烝蒸

平 開C職蒸

入

通攝 東 鍾

冬

C蹤鍾平 C縱鍾

平/去

C足鍾入 1宗冬

平

1綜冬去 1鏃東

入

C鍾鍾平 C鐘鍾

平 C屬鍾

入

C囑鍾入 C種鍾

上/去

C終東平 C衆東

去

C祝東入 C粥東

入

Based on the distribution table above, we find 38 examples of minimal pairs between the alveolar

[ʦ] 精 and the palatal [ʨ] 章, 4 examples of minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʦ] 精 and the

retroflex [ʈʂ] 莊, and 7 examples of minimal pairs between the palatal [ʨ] 章 and the retroflex [ʈʂ] 莊,

as shown in (16~18).

(16) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʦ] 精 and the palatal [ʨ] 章

1. 開C子之

上 (138) :

開C止之

上 (8)

2. C足虞去 (58) : C注虞

去 (5)

3. 開C卽蒸

入 (5) :

開C職蒸

入 (5) (35 examples are omitted.)

(17) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʦ] 精 and the retroflex [ʈʂ] 莊

1. 開

C將陽平/去

(48) : 開C莊陽

平/開C壯陽去

(9/1)

2. 開

C子之上

(136) : 開

C滓之上

(2), 開C豬之

上 (2)

3. 開

C漿陽平

(1) : 開

C莊陽平 (9)

(18) Minimal pairs between the palatal [ʨ] 章 and the retroflex [ʈʂ] 莊

1. 章[章開C陽平] (4) : 莊[莊開C陽平] (9)

2. 彰[章開C陽平] (3) : 莊[莊開C陽平] (9)

3. 煮[章中C上魚] (2) : 俎[莊中C上魚] (1) (4 examples are omitted.)

According to this distribution, there is a triple opposition in the series of the voiceless-unaspirated

quánqīng 全淸; the alveolar [ʦ] 精, the retroflex [ʈʂ] 莊, and the palatal [ʨ] 章 in affricate consonants.

This leads us to list the three consonants /ʦ 精, ʈʂ 莊, ʨ 章/ in the phonemic inventory of EMC, as

argued by Mizutani 水谷眞成 (1967).

Similarly, those phonographs that have voiceless-aspirated cìqīng 次淸 are distributed into each

cell of table (19).

(19) Phonographs with a voiceless-aspirated consonant in the onset position

onset

Rimes

voiceless-aspirated 次淸

Alveolar

[ʦh] 淸 43

retroflex

[ʈʂh] 初 15

palatal

[ʨh] 昌 29

果攝 歌 戈 開1蹉歌

平

假攝 麻 開AB且麻

上

開2差麻

平

開AB車麻

平

遇攝 模 魚

虞

C趨虞平 C取虞

上

C娶虞去 C趣虞

去

1粗模平

C芻虞平

C楚魚上

C初魚平

C樞虞平 C杵魚

上

C處魚上/去

效攝 豪肴宵蕭 1操豪平 1草豪

上 2鈔肴

平

流攝 侯 尤 C秋尤平 C鞦尤

平 C醜尤

上 C臭尤

去

止攝 支 之

微 脂

開AB此支

上 開AB刺支

去

開AB次脂

去

開B嵯支

平

合AB吹支

平 合AB炊支

平 開AB鴟脂

平 合AB推脂

平 合AB出脂

去 開C蚩之

平 開C齒之

上

蟹攝 咍 灰

泰 齊 祭 夬 佳

開4妻齊

平/去 開1猜咍

平

合1衰灰

平 合1崔灰

平

合1催灰

平 開1蔡泰

去

開2差佳

平

梗攝 庚 淸

靑 耕

開4靑靑

平 開

AB淸淸平

開AB請淸

上

開2鎗庚

平

開2策耕

入

開AB赤淸

入 開AB尺淸

入

開AB郝淸

入

咸攝 談覃鹽嚴 AB妾鹽入 1參覃

平

山攝 寒 桓

先 仙 元 山

開4千先

平 開4倩先

去 開4竊先

入 開AB遷仙

平

開AB淺仙

上 合AB悛仙

平 合1撮桓

入

開2察山

入

合2簒刪

去

合AB川仙

平 合AB穿仙

平

合AB喘仙

上

宕攝 唐 陽 開1蒼唐

平

開C創陽

去

開C唱陽

去

江攝 江 2窗江平

深攝 侵 AB侵侵平

AB寢侵上

臻攝 魂 欣

眞 文 痕 諄

開AB親眞

平 開AB漆眞

入

合1寸魂

去 合

1卒魂入

開AB瞋眞

平 合AB春諄

平

合AB蠢諄

上 合AB出諄

入

曾攝 登 蒸 開

B惻蒸入

開C稱蒸

平/去

職 開

B測蒸入

通攝 東鍾冬 C促鍾入 C趣鍾

入 1聰

平 C觸鍾

入 C充東

平

In the series of the voiceless-aspirated consonants, we find 6 examples of minimal pairs between

the alveolar [ʦh] 淸 and the palatal [ʨh] 昌, and 3 examples of minimal pairs between the retroflex [ʈʂh]

初 and the palatal [ʨh] 昌, as shown in (20~21) below.

(20) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʦh] 淸 and the palatal [ʨh] 昌

1. 趨[淸中C平虞] (1) : 樞[昌中C平虞] (1)

2. 悛[淸合AB平仙] (1) : 川[昌合AB平仙] (5), 穿[昌合AB平仙] (2)

3. 親[淸開AB平眞] (28) : 瞋[昌開AB平眞] (1)

4. 促[淸中C入鍾] (1), 趣[淸中C入鍾] (2) : 觸[昌中C入鍾] (2)

(21) Minimal pairs between the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 and the palatal [ʨh] 昌

1. 芻[初中C平虞] (1) : 樞[昌中C平虞] (1)

2. 楚[初中C上魚] (5) : 杵[昌中C上魚] (1)

3. 創[初開C去陽] (1) : 唱[昌開C去陽] (1)

(22) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʦh] 淸 and the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初

趨[淸中C平虞] (1) : 芻[初中C平虞] (1)

However, as shown in (22) above, there is but a single example of minimal pairs between the

phonograph 趨 and the phonograph 芻, on which the phonological opposition between the alveolar [ʦh]

淸 and the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 depends. The phonographs 趨 and 芻 in (22) were both used only once in

the dialogue sentences, as shown in (23) below.

(23) Example sentences of the phonographs 趨 and 芻

1. 趨: 王子猷詣郗雍州 … 云:�阿乞那得此物? 令左右送還家.郗出覓之,王曰: 向有大力

者負之而趨.郗無忤色.(任誕第二十三, 39)

2. 芻: 桓公懍然作色,顧謂四坐曰:『諸君頗聞劉景升不? 有大牛重千斤,噉芻豆十倍於常牛,

負重致遠,曾不若一羸牸.魏武入荊州,烹以饔士卒,于時莫不稱』(輕詆第二十六, 11)

2′. 芻: 桓公懍然作色,顧謂四坐曰:『諸君頗聞劉景升不?』有大牛重千斤,噉芻豆十倍於常

牛,負重致遠,曾不若一羸牸.魏武入荊州,烹以饗士卒,于時莫不稱快.

While it is evident that the clause containing the character 趨 in (23.1) is a dialogue sentence, it is

unclear whether the clause 噉芻豆十倍於常牛, containing the character 芻, is a dialogue sentence as in

(23.2) or a narrative statement as in (23.2′). In other words, it is doubtful whether the character 芻 can be

regarded as a phonograph uttered in dialogue.

Moreover, while the other phonological oppositions discussed above each depend on more than

three examples of minimal pairs, there is only one example of phonological opposition between alveolar

[ʦh] 淸 and the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初. Thus, it seems doubtful that the phonological opposition in (22) was

present in EMC. Due to a lack of reliable examples of minimal pairs, the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 can be

inferred to have been in complementary distribution with the alveolar [ʦh] 淸 in EMC. In other words,

the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 was not a phoneme but an allophone of the alveolar /ʦh/ 淸, and [ʦh] 淸 and [ʈʂh]

初 in the onset position were merged as a single phoneme /ʦh/ 淸初.

Assuming this convergence between [ʦh] 淸 and [ʈʂh] 初 in the onset position indeed occurred,

the question arises as to why the alveolar /ʦh/ 淸初 supplanted the retroflex /ʈʂh/ 淸初. To answer this

question, we turn to the markedness theory of the Prague school. Following the markedness theory, the

retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 is phonologically more marked than the alveolar [ʦh] 淸. Thus, it is highly desirable

that the marked [ʈʂh] 初 and the unmarked [ʦh] 淸, which are in complementary distribution, merged to

form an unmarked phoneme /ʦh/, instead of a marked phoneme /ʈʂ

h/.

Finally, in table (24) we have allotted all the phonographs with a voiced-unaspirated consonant in

the onset position into each cell of the distribution table.

(24) Phonographs with a voiced-unaspirated consonant in the onset position

onset

rimes

voiced-unaspirated 全濁

alveolar

[ʣ] 從 67 retroflex

[ɖʐ] 崇 16 palatal

[ʥ] 船 17

果攝 歌 戈 合

1坐戈上/去

假攝 麻 開

AB藉麻去

開2苴麻

平

開AB蛇麻

平

開AB射麻

去

遇攝 模 魚 虞 C聚虞上 1粗模

上 1阼模

去 1祚模

去 C助魚

去 C抒魚

上

效攝 豪 肴 宵

蕭 AB譙宵

平 1曹豪

平 1造豪

上 2巢肴

平

流攝 侯 尤 開

C遒尤平 C就尤

去

止攝 支 之 微

脂

開AB自脂

去

合AB瘁脂

去 合AB萃脂

去

開C慈之

平 開C字之

去 開C牸之

去

開C士之

上

開C仕之

上

開C事之

去

蟹攝 咍 灰 泰

齊 祭 夬 佳

開4齊齊

平 開1才咍

平

開1財咍

平

開1裁咍

平 開1在咍

上 合1罪灰

上

合1摧灰

平

開2豺皆

平

開2柴佳

平

梗攝 庚 淸 靑

耕

開4寂靑

入 開AB情淸

平 開AB晴淸

平 開AB靖淸

上 開AB靜淸

上 開AB淨淸

去 開AB籍淸

入

開2傖庚

平

開2崢庚

平

開2崢耕

平

開AB射淸

入

咸攝 談 覃 鹽

嚴 凡 咸 銜 添 AB潛鹽

平 AB漸鹽

上 AB捷鹽

入

1慙談平 1暫談

上 1蠶覃

平 1雜覃

入

開2渫咸

入

山攝 寒 桓 先

仙 元 山

開4前先

平 開4截先

入 開AB悛仙

平 開AB踐仙

上 開AB賤仙

去 合AB全仙

平 合AB泉仙

平 合AB絶仙

入 開1殘寒

平

合2饌刪

上

合AB船仙

平

開AB舌仙

入

宕攝 唐 陽 開C牆陽

平 開C廧陽

平 開C匠陽

去 開1作唐

入

開1怍唐

入 開1昨唐

入 開1藏唐

平/去

開C狀陽

去

開C牀陽

平

江攝 江

深攝 侵 AB集侵入

臻攝 魂 欣 眞 開

AB秦眞平 開AB盡眞

上

開AB神眞

平

文 痕 諄 開

AB疾眞入 開AB嫉眞

入 合

1存魂平

開AB實眞

入

合AB脣諄

平

合AB術諄

入

合AB秫諄

入

合AB述諄

入

曾攝 登 蒸 職 開1曾登

平 開1層登

平 開1賊登

入

開C乘蒸

平/去

開C繩蒸

平

開C食蒸

入

通攝 東 鍾 冬 C從鍾去 1族東

入 C崇東

平 C贖鍾

入

In the series of the voiced-unaspirated consonants, we find 5 examples of minimal pairs between

the alveolar [ʣ] 從 and the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇, and 6 examples of minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʣ]

從 and the palatal [ʥ] 船, as shown in (25) and (26) below.

(25) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʣ] 從 and the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇

1. 字[從開C去之] (11), 牸[從開C去之] (2) : 事[崇開C去之] (69)

2. 牆[從開C平陽] (1), 廧[從開C平陽] (1) : 牀[崇開C平陽] (4)

3. 匠[從開C去陽] (2) : 狀[崇開C去陽] (1)

(26) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [ʣ] 從 and the palatal [ʥ] 船

1. 藉[從開AB去麻] (1) : 射[船開AB去麻] (4)

2. 全[從合AB平仙] (9), 泉[從合AB平仙] (4): 船[船合AB平仙] (1)

3. 秦[從開AB平眞] (3) : 神[船開AB平眞] (35)

4. 疾[從開AB入眞] (6), 嫉[從開AB入眞] (1) : 實[船開AB入眞] (10)

(27) No minimal pairs found between the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 and the palatal [ʥ] 船

Surprizingly, there are no examples of minimal pairs between the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 and the palatal

[ʥ] 船. This suggests that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 was in complementary distribution with the palatal [ʥ]

船 in EMC. This leads us to conclude that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 was not a distinct phoneme but an

allophone of the palatal /ʥ/ 船, and that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 and the palatal [ʥ] 船 were merged as a

palatal phoneme /ʥ/ 崇船, opposing to the alveolar phoneme /ʣ/ 從.

According to the distributional analyses above, there were not 9 but 7 distinct phonemes among

affricate consonants. Mizutani 水谷眞成 (1967) has argued that /ʈʂ/ 莊, /ʈʂh/ 初, and /ɖʐ/ 崇 in the

retroflex group 莊組 were listed as separate phonemes in the phonemic inventory of Middle Chinese

(MC, hereafter). However, based on the distributional analyses of 2,212 phonographs used in the

dialogue sentences in A new account of tales of the world (Shìshuōxīnyǔ 世說新語), it is proposed that

his argument should be revised as follows: in the retroflex group, it is only the voiceless-unaspirated /ʈʂ/

莊 that was listed in the phonemic inventory of EMC, as shown in (28) below. Furthermore, the retroflex

[ʈʂh] 初 was in complementary distribution with the alveolar /ʦh/ 淸, and the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 was not a

phoneme but an allophone of the palatal /ʥ/ 船. In short, based on phonological opposition, this paper

argues that table (1) above, should be revised as table (2), which is given again below in (28).

(28) Seven affricate consonant phonemes (347 phonographs)

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音

alveolar 精組 /ʦ/ 精 77 /ʦ

h/ 淸初 58

/ʣ/ 從 67

retroflex 莊組 /ʈʂ/ 莊 16 /ʥ/ 崇船 34

palatal 章組 /ʨ/ 章 67 /ʨh/ 昌 29

4. Distributional analysis of fricative consonants

Among the dialogue sentences of A new account of tales of the world, there are 296 phonographs

that have a fricative consonant in the onset position. In a similar manner to the examination of affricate

consonants presented above, we now turn to an analysis of the phonological oppositions among fricative

consonants, which can be phonetically divided into six subgroups as in (29).

(29) Fricative consonants (296 phonographs)

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音

alveolar 精組 [s] 心 106 [z] 邪 26

retroflex 莊組 [ʂ] 生 44 [ʐ] 俟 0

palatal 章組 [ɕ] 書 62 [ʑ] 常 58

As shown in (29), there is no phonograph with the retroflex [ʐ] 俟 in the onset position; this

suggests [ʐ] 俟 was not a phoneme of EMC. Thus, the column of the retroflex [ʐ] 俟 is eliminated from

the distribution table of fricative consonants in (30) below.

(30) Phonographs with a fricative consonant in the onset position

alveolar retroflex palatal

voiceless

[s] 心 106 voiced

[z] 邪 26 voiceless

[ʂ] 生 44 voiceless

[ɕ] 書 62 voiced

[ʑ] 常 58

果

攝 開

1娑歌平 1撒戈

平

假

攝 開

AB寫麻上 開

AB瀉麻去

開AB邪麻

平

開AB謝麻

去

開2沙麻

平

開2娑麻

平

開AB捨麻

上

開AB舍麻

去

開AB闍麻

平

開AB社麻

上

遇

攝

C須虞平 C鬚虞

平 C胥魚

平

C絮魚去 1蘇模

平 1素模

去

1愬模去 1泝模

去 1訴模

去

C徐魚平

C敍魚上

C緖魚上

C數虞上/去

C所魚上

C疎魚平/去

C書魚平

C舒魚平

C暑魚上

C鼠魚上

C黍魚上

C殳虞平

C殊虞平

C豎虞上

C樹虞去

C署魚去

效

攝

4蕭蕭平 4簫蕭

平 AB肖宵

平

AB捎宵平 AB消宵

平

AB霄宵平 AB小宵

上

AB笑宵去 1騷豪

平 1嫂豪

上

2捎肴

平

2稍肴去

AB少宵上/去

AB燒宵平

AB召宵去

AB劭宵去

AB紹宵上

AB韶宵平

流

攝 C脩尤

平 C宿尤

去

C秀尤去

1漱侯去

C囚尤平/去

C袖尤去

C瘦尤平/去

C守尤上

C手尤上

C首尤上

C獸尤去

C酬尤平

C受尤上

C壽尤上

C授尤去

C綬尤上/去

止

攝

開AB徙支

上 開AB璽支

上

開AB私脂

平 開AB死脂

上

開AB四脂

去 開AB肆脂

去

開AB駟脂

去 合AB綏脂

平

合AB雖脂

平 合AB邃脂

去

合AB粹脂

去 開C司之

平

開C思之

平 開C絲之

平

合AB遂脂

去

開C祠之

平 開C辭之

平

開C似之

上 開C祀之

上

開C嗣之

去

開AB師脂

平

合AB榱脂

平

合AB衰脂

平

合AB帥脂

去

開C史之

上

開C使之

上/去

開C駛之

上/去

開AB施支

平/去

開AB著脂

平

開AB屍脂

平 開AB矢脂

上

合AB水脂

上 開C詩之

平

開C始之

上 開C試之

去

開AB氏支

上

開AB是支

上

合AB垂支

平

開AB視脂

上

合AB誰脂

平

開C時之

平

開C侍之

去

蟹

攝

開4西齊

平 開4棲齊

平 開4洗齊

上 開4壻齊

去 開4細齊

去 合AB歲祭

去 合1碎灰

去

開2灑佳

上

開2曬佳

去

開2酒佳

去

開2殺皆

去

開AB世祭

去

開AB勢祭

去

合AB說祭

去

開AB逝祭

去

開AB誓祭

去

梗

攝

開4星靑

平 開4析靑

入

開4淅靑

入 開AB性淸

平

開AB省淸

上 開

AB姓淸去

開AB昔淸

入 開AB惜淸

入

開AB夕淸

入

開AB席淸

入

開2生庚

平

開2甥庚

平

開2省庚

上

開2索庚

入

開AB聲淸

平

開AB聖淸

去

開AB郝淸

入

開AB釋淸

入

開AB成淸

平

開AB城淸

平

開AB誠淸

平

開AB盛淸

平/去

開AB石淸

入

開AB碩淸

入

咸

攝 1三談

平

開AB閃鹽

上

開AB陜鹽

上

開AB攝鹽

入

山

攝

開4先先

平/去 開AB仙仙

平 開AB渫仙

入 開AB紲仙

入 開AB鮮仙

平/上 合AB宣仙

平 合AB選仙

上 合AB雪仙

入 合1筭桓

去 合1酸桓

平 開1散寒

上/去

開2山山

平

開2産山

上

開2殺山

入

開AB扇仙

去

開AB設仙

入

合AB說仙

入

開AB蟬仙

平

開AB善仙

上

宕

攝

開C相陽

平/去 開

C廂陽平

開C想陽

上 開1桑唐

平

開1索唐

入 開1喪唐

平/去

開C祥陽

平

開C象陽

上

開C霜陽

平

開C爽陽

上

開C傷陽

平

開C商陽

平

開C觴陽

平

開C賞陽

上

開C餉陽

去

開C常陽

平

開C裳陽

平

開C嘗陽

平

開C尙陽

平/去

開C上陽

上/去

江

攝

2雙江平

2槊江入

深

攝 AB心侵

平

AB尋侵平

AB習侵入

AB襲侵入

AB森侵平

AB參侵平

AB深侵平

AB甚侵平

AB斟侵平

AB審侵上

AB甚侵去

AB十侵入

臻

攝

開AB辛眞

平 開AB新眞

平

開AB薪眞

平 開AB信眞

去

開AB悉眞

入 開AB䣛眞

入

合AB珣諄

平 合AB荀諄

平

合AB峻諄

去 合AB濬諄

去 合1窣魂

入 合1損魂

上

合1遜魂

去 合1孫魂

平/去

合AB率眞

入

合AB帥眞

入

開AB瑟臻

入

開AB申眞

平

開AB紳眞

平

開AB身眞

平

開AB失眞

入

開AB室眞

入

合AB舜諄

去

開AB臣眞

平

開AB辰眞

平

開AB晨眞

平

開AB愼眞

去

合AB淳諄

平

合AB純諄

平

合AB蓴諄

平

曾

攝 開

C息蒸入 開1僧登

平

開B色蒸

入

開C升蒸

平 開C勝蒸

去

開C式蒸

入 開C拭蒸

入

開C識蒸

入

開C丞蒸

平

開C承蒸

平

開C寔蒸

入

通

攝

C粟鍾入 C嵩東

平 C宿東

入

C夙東入 C肅東

入 1送東

去

1速東入

C松鍾平

C頌鍾去

C俗鍾入

C謖東入

C春鍾平

C束鍾入

C叔東入

C菽東入

C蜀鍾入

C屬鍾入

C孰東入

C熟東入

Based on the table in (30) above, we can identify 16 examples of minimal pairs between the

alveolar [z] 邪 and the palatal [ʑ] 常, as shown in (31) below. This leads us to conclude that the alveolar

/z/ 邪 was phonologically opposed to the palatal /ʑ/ 常 in EMC.

(31) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [z] 邪 and the palatal [ʑ] 常.

1. 辭[邪開C平之] (14) : 時[常開C平之] (60)

2. 夕[邪開AB入淸] (5) : 石[常開AB入淸] (28)

3. 俗[邪中C入鍾] (6) : 屬[常中C入鍾] (4) (13 examples are omitted.)

In the series of voiceless-unaspirated consonants, there are 55 examples of minimal pairs between

the alveolar [s] 心 and the palatal [ɕ] 書, 16 examples of minimal pairs between the alveolar [s] 心 and

the retroflex [ʂ] 生, and 19 examples of minimal pairs between the retroflex [ʂ] 生 and the palatal [ɕ]

書, as shown in (32~34) below. The existance of these minimal pairs enables us to list the three

phonemes /s 心, ʂ 生, ɕ 書/ in the consonant inventory of EMC.

(32) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [s] 心 and the palatal [ɕ] 書

1. 新[心開AB平眞] (15) : 身[書開AB平眞] (21)

2. 性[心開AB平淸] (13) : 聲[書開AB平淸] (14)

3. 思[心開C平之] (30) : 詩[書開C平之] (6) (52 examples are omitted.)

(33) Minimal pairs between the alveolar [s] 心 and the retroflex [ʂ] 生

1. 心[心中AB平侵] (36) : 參[生中AB平侵] (9)

2. 雖[心合AB平脂] (42) : 衰[生合AB平脂] (5)

3. 想[心開C上陽] (10) : 爽[生開C上陽] (5) (13 examples are omitted.)

(34) Minimal pairs between the retroflex [ʂ] 生 and the palatal [ɕ] 書

1. 史[生開C上之] (13) : 始[書開C上之] (11)

2. 參[生中AB平侵] (9) : 深[書中AB平侵] (21)

3. 參[生中AB平侵] (9) : 甚[書中AB平侵] (14) (16 examples are omitted.)

In summary, the retroflex [ʐ] 俟 in fricative consonants was excluded from the phonemic

inventory of EMC, as were both the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 and the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 in affricate consonants.

This consistent lack of phonological opposition in retroflexes strengthens the argument that the two

retroflexes /ʂ/ 生 and /ʈʂ/ 莊 in the series of voiceless-unaspirated 全淸 were listed in the phonemic

inventory of EMC, but their voiceless-aspirated 次淸 and voiced-unaspirated 全濁 counterparts were

not yet present.

5. Discussions and implications for historical phonology

In Chinese historical phonology, it remains unsolved a very important question about when exactly

the retroflex group 莊組 in dentals became part of the phonemic system. Wang 王力 (1980: 244) has

hypothesized that the retroflex group 莊組 had not yet split from the alveolar group 精組 in OC, but

did so in MC. Based on the conclusions that we have drawn from the phonographs used in the dialogue

sentences from A new account of tales of the world, it seems evident that the retroflex group 莊組 was

present in the phonemic system of EMC, as both the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 among affricate consonants and the

retroflex /ʂ/ 生 among fricative consonants were listed in the phonemic inventory of EMC.

However, Wang’s hypothesis fails in certain detail. The fact that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 in the

voiced-unaspirated series 全濁 was in complementary distribution with the palatal [ʥ] 船 in EMC, as

shown in (28) above, indicates that the retroflex [ɖʐ] 崇 was not a member of the alveolar group 精組,

but of the palatal group 章組 in OC. In other words, two types of divergence can be hypothesized to

explain the appearance of retroflex consonants. First, voiceless retroflex consonants in MC were derived

from “voiceless alveolar” consonants in OC. Second, voiced retroflex consonants in MC were derived

from “voiced palatal” consonants in OC. Following this hypothesis, phonological oppositions among

affricate consonants in OC can be reconstructed as follows;

(35) Phonological oppositions among affricate consonants in OC

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音 alveolar 精組 /*ʦ/ 精(莊) /*ʦh/ 淸(初) /*ʣ/ 從

palatal 章組 /*ʨ/ 章 /*ʨh/ 昌 /*ʥ/ (崇)船

It is uncertain when the palatal group in (35) was differentiated from both the velar group 見組

and the alveolar group 精組 in Chinese historical phonology. Kōno 河野六郞 (1950/79) has argued

that the palatalization of the velar /*k/ began to occur in the Eastern Han 東漢 (25〜220 CE) period, and

support for his argument for the existence of the palatal group in OC has been offered by Coblin (1983:

55), Yu 兪敏 (1984), and Han 韓炅澔 (2010). The many examples of minimal pairs between the

alveolar group 精組 and the palatal group 章組 discussed in this paper, can also help substantiate their

hypotheses.

If affricate consonants in the phonological system of OC is reconstructed as shown in (35), the

question arises as to how the retroflex [*ʈʂ] 莊 merged with the alveolar /*ʦ/ 精 in the voiceless-

unaspirated series of consonants. Even though the convergence is supported on the basis of the

complementary distribution between the alveolar /ʦh/ 淸 and the retroflex [ʈʂh] 初 in fifth-century

Chinese, it is necessary to explain the reason why the retroflex [*ʈʂ] 莊 merged with the alveolar /*ʦ/ 精

instead of the palatal /*ʨ/ 章 of OC.

Based on phonological opposition theory, the reason for such convergence can be explained by the

relative proportion of onset consonants and minimal pairs. Generally speaking, based on both the

frequency or occuence of each onset consonant and the frequency of minimal pairs in EMC, we are able

to predict whether a newly split phoneme X in EMC was derived from a phoneme Y or from a phoneme

Z in OC. Given the frequency or occurrence of each onset consonant and the number of minimal pairs in

EMC, shown in (36) below, we can determine whether the retroflex [*ʈʂ] 莊 resulted from convergence

with either the alveolar /*ʦ/ 精 or the palatal /*ʨ/ 章 in the voiceless-unaspirated series of Old Chinese

consonants.

(36) Frequency of onset consonants and minimal pairs7

(77)

/ʦ/

4 ∕ ＼ 38

(16) /ʈʂ/ ― /ʨ/ (67)

7

(37) Relative distance

1. between /ʈʂ/ 莊 and /ʦ/ 精: 4/7 × 67/77 ≒ 0.5

2. between /ʈʂ/ 莊 and /ʨ/ 章: 7/4 ×nd . be≒ 2.0

In figures (36) and (37), there are approximately 4 times8 as many minimal pairs between the the

retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 and the palatal /ʨ/ 章 than between the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 and the alveolar /ʦ/ 精. This

suggests that the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 in EMC was not derived from the palatal /*ʨ/ 章, but from the alveolar

/*ʦ/ 精 of OC. Based on this relative distance, we might conclude that the retroflex [*ʈʂ] 莊 in OC was

phonologically opposed to the palatal /*ʨ/ 章 rather than to the alveolar /*ʦ/ 精.

Moreover, compared to the distribution of the palatal /ʨ/ 章 and the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 in EMC,

7 In this figure, the frequency or occurrence of onset consonant is represented by (77), (16), and (67),

and the quantity of examples of minimal pairs are represented by 4, 38, and 7. 8 It is calculated by both 2.0 in (37.1) and 0.5 in (37.2).

there are 1.3 times10

more minimal pairs between the palatal /ʨ/ 章 and the alveolar /ʦ/ 精. In other

words, there is little difference in quantity between the two phonological oppositions, the relative ratio is

close to 1. This quantitative analysis suggests that there was no phonological opposition between the

alveolar /*ʦ/ 精 and the retroflex [*ʈʂ] 莊 in OC.

With reference to the quantitative research discussed above, however, it is necessary to provide a

complete enumeration survey that covers the entire set of data. As the total amount of phonographs gets

smaller, the possibility of failing to detect the presence of phonological oppositions and phonemes

increases. Thus, it is necessary to determine empirically how many phonographs are required to

exhaustively list all phonemes of a language.

For instance, based on a subset of 1,112 phonographs that were used more than three times in the

the dialogue sentences of A new account of tales of the world, the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 and the aspirated /ʨh/

昌 were determined to be listed in the phonemic inventory of EMC, which was consistent with our

findings based on the entire set of phonographs.12

On the other hand, when we limit ourseves to the 656

phonographs that occur more than six times, these two consonants end up excluded from the phonemic

inventory based on the absence of minimal pairs, which is inconsistent with our findings when based on

the entire set of phonographs. This empirical evidence propose that at least 1,100 phonographs13

representing the spoken Chinese are necessary for a successful and exhaustive reconstruction of the

phonological system.

The conclusions drawn on the basis of the tables (28) and (35) in this paper can be directly linked

to the interpretation of the retroflex group 莊組 in Old languages inscribed using Chinese characters. As

an example, we turn to the 340 phonographs used to transcribe the Goguryeon 高句麗 (37BCE~668CE)

language. The phonological system of the Goguryeon language can be analyzed on the basis of the

phonological system of EMC, because of the temporal coincidence between the two languages.

Among Goguryeon phonographs, the alveolar /ʦ/ 精 in affricate consonants was not distinguished

from either the retroflex /ʈʂ/ 莊 or the palatal /ʨ/ 章, nor was the retroflex [ʂ] 生 distinguished from

either the alveolar /s/ 心 or the palatal /sj/ 書 (Lee SeungJae 2016: 322~5). However, the alveolar /s/

心 in fricative consonants was phonologically opposed to the palatal /ɕ/ 書, which might phonologically

be reanalyzed as /sj/ within the Goguryeon consonantal system. Thus, there then arises a question of

whether the retroflex [ʂ] 生 should be merged with the alveolar /s/ 心 or the palatal /sj/ 書 in the

Goguryeon language.

This question can be answered through turning to tables (25) and (35). The two tables lead us to

conclude that [ʈʂ] 莊 and [ʂ] 生 in the retroflex group 莊組 and in the series of voiceless 淸 were

merged with /ʦ/ 精 and /s/ 心 in the alveolar group 精組 and in the series of voiceless 淸,

respectively, while [ɖʐ] 崇 and [ʐ] 俟 in the retroflex group 莊組 and in the series of voiced 濁 were

merged with [ʥ] 船 and [ʑ] 常 in the palatal group 章組 and in the series of voiced 濁. Based on this

conclusion, it appears the voiceless vs. voiced feature of the Goguryeon language as well as of EMC,

might play a key role in determining the nature of convergence.

10 It is calculated by both 0.87(= 7/38 × 77/16) and 1.13(= 38/7 × 16/77).

12 It is specified in the appendix of this paper how many times each phonograph was used.

13 Karlgren (1957) dealt with about 1,260 phonographs.

6. Concluding remarks

This paper began with the presumption that the 2,212(2,485) Chinese characters, recorded in the

dialogue sentences in A new account of tales of the world (shìshuōxīnyǔ 世說新語) compiled by Liú

yìqìng (劉義慶, 403~444 CE), are reflective of the spoken form of fifth-century Chinese. The phoneme

identification procedure of the Prague school has been applied to 347 phonographs that have an affricate

consonant in the onset position. These 347 phonographs were examined according to the criteria of both

complementary distribution and the existence vs. absence of minimal pairs, resulting the conclusion that

seven consonants can be listed in the phonemic inventory of EMC.

(38) Affricate phonemes (347 phonographs)

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

dentals

齒音

alveolar 精組 /ʦ/ 精 77 /ʦ

h/ 淸初 58

/ʣ/ 從 67

retroflex 莊組 /ʈʂ/ 莊 16 /ʥ/ 崇船 34

palatal 章組 /ʨ/ 章 67 /ʨh/ 昌 29

Based on the same 2,212(2,485) phonographs and by using the same phoneme identification

procedure, the phonological oppositions between bilabial consonants 脣重音 and labio-dental

consonants 脣齒音(脣輕音), as well as the phonological opposition between lingual consonants 舌頭

音 and post-lingual consonants 舌上音 were also examined.

The result of this examination suggests that the bilabial group 幫組 of [p, ph, b] 幫滂並 was in

complementary distribution with the labio-dental group 非組 of [f, fh, v] 非敷奉. Moreover, there are

no examples of minimal pairs between the bilabial [m] 明 and the labio-dental [ɱ] 微. This suggests

that the labio-dental group 非組 had not yet split into a distinct group in EMC. Similarly, there are no

examples of minimal pairs between the lingual group 端組 of [t, th, d] 端透定 and the post-lingual

group 知組 of [ʈ, ʈh, ɖ] 知徹澄. This absence of minimal pairs leads us to conclude that the post-lingual

consonants [ʈ, ʈh, ɖ] were not separate phonemes, but allophones of the lingual consonants /t, t

h, d/ in

EMC. Moreover, a post-lingual consonant [ɳ] 娘 as well as a palatal consonant [ɲ] 日 were found to be

in complementary distribution with a lingual consonant [n] 泥. This suggests that the post-lingual [ɳ] 娘,

as well as the palatal [ɲ], had not yet split from the lingual phoneme /n/ 泥 in fifth-century Chinese, as

shown in (39) below.

(39) Consonantal phonemes of fifth-century Chinese14

(28 consonants and a glide /j/)

consonantal phonemes of fifth-century Chinese

manner

place

voiceless-

unaspirated

全淸

voiceless-

aspirated

次淸

voiced-

unaspirated

全濁

Sonorant

次濁

14

The table that illustrates consonantal phonemes is taked from Lee 李丞宰 (2016: 405).

labials 脣 /p/ 幇非 /ph/ 滂敷 /b/ 並奉 /m/ 明微

lingual 舌 /t/ 端知 /th/ 透徹 /d/ 定澄 /n/ 泥娘日

dentals 齒

/s/ 心 /z/ 邪 /l/ 來

/ʂ/ 生

/ɕ/ 書 /ʑ/ 俟常 /j/ 羊

/ʦ/ 精 /ʦ

h/ 淸初

/ʣ/ 從

/ʈʂ/ 莊 /ʥ/ 崇船

/ʨ/ 章 /ʨh/ 昌

velars 牙 /k/ 見 /kh/ 溪 /g/ 群 /ŋ/ 疑

glottals 喉 /ʔ/ 影 /h/ 曉 /ɦ/ 匣云

The conclusions of this paper, based on 2,212 phonographs, concur with those previously asserted

by many scholars depending on various methodologies. Therefore, it is argued that the methodology

proposed in this paper is yet another useful and valuable means of reconstructing phonological system in

Old and Middle Chinese.

While Old and Middle Chinese pronunciations have been described phonetically rather than

phonologically since Karlgren (1954/92), given a certain number of phonographs taken from dialogue

sentences, we can successfully reconstruct the phonological system through application of the theory of

complementary distribution and minimal pairs suggested by the Prague school. Through this

methodology, it is then possible to describe both consonants and vowels of EMC phonologically rather

than phonetically, as asserted by Martin (1953).

Reference

Coblin, W. South (1983), A handbook of Eastern Han sound glosses, Hongkong: The Chinese University

Press.

Han, Kyung-ho 韓炅澔 (2010), Some phonological reflections of the Eastern Han ~ the Six Dynasties period Chinese in Sino-Korean, Kugyol Studies 24, Seoul: The Society for Kugyol

Studies. [고대 韓國漢字音에 반영된 東漢六朝代 中國音, 口訣硏究 24, 서울:

口訣學會.]

Ito, Chiyuki 伊藤ちゆき (2007) (translated by Lee Jinho), A study of Sino-Korean, Seoul: Yeoknak. [

한국 한자음 연구: 본문편 (이진호 역), 서울: 역락.]

Karlgren, Bernhard (1954/1992), Compendium of phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese, Taipei:

SMC Publishing Inc.

Kono, Rokuro 河野六郞 (1950/79), A trend of Chinese historical phonology concerning the first

palatalization, Kono Rokuro’s collected writings 2, Tokyo: Heibonsya. [中國音韻史の一

方向 – 第一口蓋音化に關聯して,河野六郞著作集 2, 東京: 平凡社.]

Lee, SeungJae 李丞宰 (2013), A consonantal system of the Baekjean language - based on Middle

Chinese pronunciations of the Baekjean phonographs, Seoul: Taehaksa. [漢字音으로

본 백제어 자음체계 , 서울: 태학사.]

Lee, SeungJae 李丞宰 (2016), A phonological system of the Goguryeon language - based on Middle

Chinese pronunciations of the Goguryeon phonographs, Seoul: Iljogak. [漢字音으로

본 고구려어 음운체계, 서울: 일조각.]

Martin, Samuel E. (1953), The phonemes of Ancient Chinese, Journal of the American Oriental Studies

supplement 16.

Mizutani, Shinjoo 水谷眞成 (1967), Some problems on historical phonology between Old and Middle

Chinese, in A series of Chinese culture 1, language, Tokyo: Taisyukan sypten. [上中古音

の間における音韻史上の諸問題, 中國文化叢書 1 言語, 東京: 大修館書店.]

Wang, Li 王力 (1957), Manuscripts on the history of the Chinese language, Peking: Kēxué chūbǎnshè.

[漢語史稿,北京: 科學出版社.]

Yu, Min 兪敏 (1984/99), Sound glosses of Later Han, Three Kingdoms, and Chu Han, Yu Min’s essays

on linguistics, Peking: Shāngwùyìn shūguǎn. [後漢三國楚漢對音譜, 兪敏語言學論

文集, 北京: 商務印書館.]

Appendix: the list of 2,212 Chinese characters15

不(669), 之(425), 何(384), 人(340), 此(269), 以(262), 有(242), 爲(238), 如(227), 可

(211), 卿(196), 我(162), 君(162), 所(160), 無(155), 而(147), 自(145), 當(142), 其

(141), 得(137), 子(136), 是(135), 復(134), 公(123), 與(115), 見(113), 一, 耳, 故(108),

王(106), 於(103), 下(101), 言(93), 作(92), 中(91), 亦(90), 若, 能(89), 者(86), 也(84),

在(79), 爾(74), 非, 家(73), 邪, 未, 今(72), 知(71), 必(70), 事(69), 至(67), 日, 使

(66), 汝(65), 來(64), 欲(62), 然, 相(61), 長, 時, 乃(60), 足, 大(58), 吾(57), 名, 道

(56), 天, 正, 生, 明(53), 已, 上(50), 臣(49), 將, 安, 士, 令(48), 處(47), 淸, 才, 阿,

聞(46), 則, 謂(45), 文(44), 出(43), 諸, 雖, 少(42), 二, 意, 語, 去(41), 好, 致, 年

(40), 情, 物(39), 小, 山(38), 兒(37), 後, 風, 太, 心, 但, 高(36), 行, 神, 世(35), 便,

勝, 似, 國(34), 先, 三, 德(33), 矣, 常, 理, 同(32), 眞, 唯, 昔, 謝, 比, 伯, 方, 門

(31), 酒, 遠, 思, 亡, 萬, 馬, 難(30), 乎, 異, 林, 多(29), 親, 千, 石, 佳(28), 賢, 周,

識, 郞, 軍, 過(27), 州, 宜, 應, 云, 死, 旣, 擧, 江(26), 孝, 懷, 祖, 父, 百, 輩, 那,

及, 共, 恐(25), 侯, 向, 往, 叔, 近(24), 治, 地, 仲, 朝, 用, 問, 流, 度, 貴(23), 形,

許, 從, 易, 尙, 本, 論, 禮, 東, 談(22), 平, 入, 義, 飮, 由, 庾, 玉, 深, 身, 聖, 望,

劉, 居, 皆, 覺(21), 稱, 重, 仁, 元, 憂, 淵, 餘, 白, 樂, 官, 敬(20), 兄, 忠, 坐, 任,

猶, 雲, 外, 五, 惡, 須, 成, 夫, 婦, 器(19), 玄, 志, 主, 弟, 殊, 殺, 裴, 命, 甯|寧, 敢

(18), 通, 盡, 終, 樹, 立, 朗, 奴, 久, 顧, 簡(17), 興, 學, 體, 進, 箸, 伊, 眼, 嘗, 府,

里, 老, 求(16), 會, 桓, 弘, 嵇, 解, 恨, 初, 且, 友, 容, 彦, 羊, 新, 數, 司, 四, 負,

民, 目, 面, 金, 固, 客, 堪, 減(15), 陛, 賊, 音, 源, 吳, 甚, 食, 受, 遂, 孫, 聲, 辭,

北, 法, 武, 亂, 都, 女, 氣, 康(14), 和, 荊, 推, 絶, 前, 張, 衣, 尹, 袁, 遇, 要, 焉,

陽, 水, 誰, 性, 盛, 書, 色, 史, 勿, 忘, 莫, 陵, 古(13), 還, 海, 存, 尊, 定, 殷, 遺,

牛, 溫, 夜, 十, 蕭, 西, 母, 了, 南, 期, 豈, 孔, 計, 經(12), 恒, 河, 癡, 超, 聽, 宗,

15

These characters were used in the dialogue sentences in A new account of tales of the world (世說新

語), compiled by Liú yìqìng (劉義慶, 403~444 CE). In this appendix, they are arranged first in terms of how many times each phonograph came to appear in the dialogue, and then in descending order

according to their Sino-Korean pronunciations.

字, 魏, 榮, 哀, 巖, 雅, 失, 始, 秀, 手, 松, 師, 僕, 保, 煩, 拜, 臨, 龍, 獨, 內, 群|羣,

觀, 恭, 功(11), 虛, 閒, 夏, 布, 破, 最, 陳, 齊, 載, 丈, 因, 夷, 戎, 顔, 實, 愼, 肅,

脩|修, 想, 寶, 美, 陸, 己, 歸, 嶠, 愧, 光, 關, 更, 彊(10), 回, 況, 標, 敗, 它|他, 測,

取, 就, 參, 儁, 濟, 制, 全, 田, 莊, 逸, 衛, 委, 月, 右, 又, 屋, 英, 野, 視, 乘, 善,

斯, 備, 輔, 別, 放, 免, 陶, 待, 斷, 奇, 幾, 規, 鬼, 丘, 敎, 季, 看(9), 黃, 患, 婚, 虎,

彼, 頗, 退, 託, 輒, 直, 止, 罪, 精, 政, 昨, 泣, 潤, 堯, 詣, 預, 豫, 業, 氏, 率, 省,

選, 旋, 喪, 社, 服, 伐, 發, 反, 木, 利, 梁, 亮, 頭, 動, 讀, 覩, 達, 極, 克, 口, 交,

骨, 苦(8), 希, 華, 狐, 合, 漢, 痛, 齒, 差, 支, 曾, 衆, 左, 帝, 戰, 益, 肉, 穢, 嚴, 魚,

審, 尋, 室, 承, 巢, 踈|疎, 誠, 惜, 壻, 散, 賓, 崩, 賦, 奉, 伏, 甫, 病, 並|竝, 博, 夢,

落, 羅, 等, 倒, 噉, 短, 騎, 起, 寄, 郡, 具, 寡, 空, 哭, 輕, 開, 嘉, 加, 假(7), 戱, 胸,

勳, 厚, 或, 戶, 刑, 表, 七, 秋, 徹, 暢, 察, 執, 疾, 晉, 遲, 竹, 朱, 縱, 造, 第, 靜,

廷, 傳, 褚, 爭, 哉, 遊, 危, 願, 阮, 詠, 逆, 艾, 詩, 試, 荀, 損, 俗, 說, 傷, 賞, 寫,

貧, 譬, 富, 浮, 兵, 辟, 犯, 潘, 微, 茂, 妙, 蒙, 鳴, 吏, 壘, 領, 劣, 量, 略, 蘭, 洛,

杜, 斗, 棟, 咄, 敦, 頓, 迺, 冀, 肯, 舊, 俱, 苟, 狂, 管, 曲, 孤, 皐, 傾, 京, 竟, 詎,

鑒, 葛, 間, 角, 暇(6), 休, 皇, 喚, 化, 忽, 胡, 楷, 害, 寒, 汗, 壑, 鶴, 被, 皮, 豊, 廢,

偏, 特, 歎, 卓, 置, 楚, 川, 尺, 次, 車, 塵, 職, 持, 池, 旨, 卽, 注, 條, 曹, 蚤, 詔,

鳥, 亭, 節, 裁, 擬, 議, 依, 邑, 幽, 運, 于, 延, 余, 讓, 愛, 闇, 峨, 侍, 舜, 宿, 衰,

遜, 速, 消, 攝, 夕, 爽, 絲, 嗣, 鼻, 紛, 鳳, 邊, 柏, 拔, 薄, 務, 沒, 慕, 眠, 末, 蠻,

離, 柳, 累, 勞, 路, 靈, 力, 驢, 良, 爛, 豆, 對, 撻, 念, 屈, 舅, 九, 句, 匡, 廣, 郭,

果, 㡓, 頃, 乞, 巨, 蓋, 甘, 各(5), 喜, 欣, 黑, 凶, 毁, 活, 禍, 洪, 混, 酷, 惠, 兮, 馨,

顯, 奕, 抗, 逼, 疲, 抱, 弊, 偸, 土, 坦, 濯, 炊, 充, 沖, 春, 草, 逮, 請, 靑, 瞻, 遷,

淺, 泉, 策, 采, 蒼, 傖, 澄, 集, 稷, 住, 珠, 鍾, 鐘, 操, 照, 啼, 庭, 接, 折, 寂, 適,

著, 仗, 章, 爵, 姿, 忍, 移, 疑, 儀, 愔, 隱, 位, 威, 原, 雄, 優, 遙, 畏, 譽, 映, 厭,

緣, 輿, 憶, 楊, 養, 仰, 沈, 悉, 信, 息, 丞, 孰, 垂, 壽, 屬, 韶, 紹, 歲, 勢, 城, 鮮,

鼠, 索, 牀, 商, 桑, 射, 舍, 沙, 婢, 拂, 佛, 傅, 符, 簿, 覆, 凡, 桮, 髮, 半, 亹, 糜,

靡, 彌, 米, 廟, 穆, 邁, 每, 李, 倫, 誄, 賴, 露, 廉, 慮, 登, 董, 堂, 答, 尼, 駑, 佞|侫,

男, 急, 錦, 憒, 勸, 宮, 狗, 喬, 曠, 鼓, 兼, 介, 改, 强, 竭, 脚(4), 諱, 效, 橫, 膾, 荒,

火, 畵, 衡, 頰, 協, 穴, 懸, 弦, 獻, 響, 韓, 瘧, 避, 播, 投, 宅, 澤, 泰, 殆, 快, 枕,

穉|稺|稚, 臭, 醉, 賤, 責, 彰, 慙, 捉, 徵, 朕, 鎭, 秦, 津, 智, 枝, 晝, 奏, 佐, 種, 卒,

族, 趙, 阼, 調, 助, 刁, 除, 際, 貞, 挺, 鼎, 點, 截, 籍, 積, 財, 宰, 杖, 葬, 雜, 雀,

資, 顗, 懿, 鷹, 允, 愈, 違, 尉, 紜, 韻, 隅, 尤, 禹, 宇, 辱, 臥, 翁, 悟, 永, 鹽, 熱,

掾, 掩, 揚, 弱, 躍, 晏, 牙, 矢, 升, 䣛|膝, 嵩, 熟, 首, 豎, 灑, 笑, 訴, 召, 舌, 宣, 釋,

裳, 徙, 憑, 飛, 霏, 肥, 臂, 朋, 分, 奔, 膚, 裒, 鋒, 腹, 壁, 盤, 味, 黙, 貌, 毛, 冥,

茗, 緜|綿, 覓, 孟, 網, 滿, 羸, 稜, 屢, 聊, 料, 磊, 籠, 烈, 廬, 儷, 兩, 冷, 狼, 琅, 藍,

覽, 砢, 鄧, 童, 突, 徒, 圖, 洮, 堵, 唐, 怒, 煗, 吉, 箕, 機, 羈, 矜, 琴, 禁, 斤, 根,

郤, 窺, 窟, 懼, 驅, 巧, 壞, 棺, 霍, 谷, 溪, 稽, 階, 鷄|雞, 景, 徑, 決, 遣, 據, 感, 刻

(3), 噫, 釁, 暉, 欻, 訓, 淮, 惶, 宦, 泓, 鴻, 溷, 浩, 晧, 狹, 嫌, 軒, 憲, 鄕, 幸, 奚,

骸, 蟹, 伉, 割, 閑, 限, 郝, 霞, 賀, 乏, 畢, 披, 品, 飄, 豹, 評, 鞭, 八, 辦, 妬, 貪,

探, 呑, 誕, 濁, 打, 寢, 漆, 恥, 値, 側, 趣, 吹, 聚, 萃, 瘁, 祝, 醜, 崔, 榱, 撮, 寸,

觸, 囑, 稍, 妾, 掇, 穿, 喘, 擲, 畼, 慘, 嵯, 質, 殄, 震, 振, 指, 憎, 增, 駿, 柱, 肘,

遒, 舟, 騤, 拙, 鏃, 粗, 遭, 躁, 爪, 弔, 梯, 提, 靖, 淨, 井, 竊, 纏, 轉, 電, 殿, 顚,

迹, 豬|猪, 滓, 匠, 藏, 暫, 牸, 咨, 紫, 煮, 仞, 刃, 引, 翼, 毅, 倚, 膺, 陰, 融, 襦, 乳,

宥, 幼, 楡, 猷, 游, 牖, 喩, 偉, 緯, 慰, 越, 蔚, 殞, 虞, 紆, 勇, 饒, 繇, 汪, 曰, 玩,

宛, 盌, 瓦, 螯, 汙, 硏, 予, 櫱, 約, 藥, 厄, 昻, 鞅, 黯, 暗, 俄, 啞, 雙, 辛, 申, 晨,

式, 屍, 施, 翅, 僧, 繩, 習, 瑟, 述, 術, 脣, 鬚, 漱, 守, 瘦, 酬, 隨, 送, 謖, 蘇, 燒,

劭, 洗, 姓, 閃, 雪, 仙, 逝, 絮, 抒, 舒, 暑, 署, 緖, 敍, 霜, 象, 森, 私, 肆, 瀉, 娑,

祠, 祀, 殯, 鄙, 卑, 賁, 敷, 副, 釜, 腐, 封, 峯, 福, 步, 報, 柄, 屛, 汎, 范, 倍, 配,

仿, 房, 邦, 撥, 返, 飯, 班, 攀, 縛, 愍, 眉, 撫, 霧, 苗, 牧, 謀, 矛, 某, 暮, 髦, 滅,

盲, 買, 罵, 賣, 梅, 昧, 妄, 茫, 晩, 幕, 琳, 藺, 裏, 籬, 梨, 履, 懍, 隆, 慄, 綸, 戮,

留, 樓, 漏, 雷, 錄, 碌, 盧, 伶, 齡, 列, 練, 閭, 厲, 廊, 酪, 屯, 鈍, 銅, 瞳, 㹠, 滔,

濤, 闍, 臺, 代, 戴, 澹, 淡, 湛, 端, 丹, 旦, 泥, 納, 企, 棄, 饑, 譏, 禽, 衿, 勤, 謹,

屐, 棘, 軌, 權, 窮, 寇, 邱, 鳩, 駒, 韭, 救, 矯, 郊, 校, 塊, 乖, 卦, 筐, 館, 攻, 貢,

困, 穀, 斛, 姑, 告, 啓, 桂, 契, 繼, 競, 慶, 驚, 警, 鏡, 勁, 耿, 結, 牽, 肩, 堅, 儉,

劍, 檢, 傑, 建, 巾, 距, 羹, 慨, 羌, 慷, 疆, 剛, 酣, 艱, 姦, 干, 榦, 閣, 柯(2), 歆, 欽,

訖, 揮, 煇, 虺, 卉, 薰, 候, 曉, 鴞, 崤, 晦, 獪, 豁, 闊, 歡, 話, 昏, 渾, 毫, 瑚, 湖,

壺, 護, 濠, 慧, 邢, 挾, 俠, 革, 險, 驗, 獫, 墟, 香, 餉, 覈, 咳, 駭, 孩, 陜, 咸, 函,

瞎, 翰, 釬, 狢, 蝦, 廈, 荷, 弼, 筆, 匹, 陂, 楓, 諷, 馮, 稟, 驃, 彪, 暴, 蒱, 蒲, 苞,

飽, 哺, 蔽, 蓱, 貶, 遍, 愎, 烹, 悖, 佩, 狽, 判, 版, 琶, 罷, 婆, 把, 波, 簸, 擺, 鬪,

槌, 頹, 穨, 慟, 討, 攄, 擇, 台, 汰, 湯, 蕩, 榻, 㯓, 躭|耽, 奪, 炭, 彈, 憚, 墮, 跎, 侵,

椹, 敕, 蚩, 鴟, 峙, 馳, 雉, 層, 惻, 仄, 娶, 黜, 秫, 逐, 軸, 芻, 趨, 鞦, 麤, 樞, 墜,

追, 捶, 催, 摧, 聰, 寵, 促, 蜀, 鈔, 峭, 譙, 肖, 替, 滯, 晴, 捷, 忝, 諂, 鐵, 轍, 輟,

綴, 哲, 阡, 倩, 踐, 剔, 滌, 妻, 悽, 蔡, 窗, 創, 唱, 簒, 粲, 讚, 贊, 饌, 蹉, 茶, 借,

戢, 斟, 嫉, 縉, 辰, 瞋, 胝, 芝, 脂, 咫, 甑, 烝, 汁, 蠢, 準, 峻, 濬, 粥, 籌, 疇, 紂,

宙, 冑, 駐, 誅, 譸, 蹤, 綜, 旐, 罩, 祚, 糟, 俎, 釣, 早, 祭, 題, 齏, 悌, 製, 艼, 珽,

酲, 鄭, 停, 渟, 征, 丁, 覘, 霑, 漸, 悛, 煎, 旃, 赤, 跡, 荻, 笛, 敵, 的, 苴, 杵, 儲,

渚, 低, 詆, 抵, 鎗, 箏, 崢, 災, 齋, 場, 帳, 牆, 廧, 漿, 獎, 臧, 璋, 障, 壯, 潛, 蠶,

箴, 殘, 怍, 酌, 斫, 灼, 刺, 慈, 藉, 恣, 茵, 姻, 印, 邇, 貽, 姨, 嶷, 凝, 吟, 淫, 恩,

狁, 育, 毓, 濡, 柔, 儒, 愉, 囿, 惟, 踰, 臾, 柚, 蕕, 韋, 圍, 猬, 渭, 熨, 鉞, 援, 轅,

猿, 園, 圓, 訏, 寓, 偶, 耦, 雨, 郵, 庸, 擾, 妖, 夭, 謠, 瑤, 撓, 澆, 巍, 猥, 頑, 翫,

完, 緩, 饔, 甕, 兀, 蘊, 慍, 穩, 獄, 敖, 梧, 傲, 忤, 誤, 奧, 塢, 乂, 翳, 瘞, 裔, 影,

嬰, 營, 盈, 郢, 髥, 悅, 燃, 姸, 燕, 宴, 捐, 筵, 域, 鄴, 淹, 御, 壤, 颺, 恙, 釀, 籥,

䚥, 耶, 冶, 閡, 諳, 遏, 案, 按, 岳, 握, 薪, 紳, 拭, 寔, 猜, 廝, 豺, 柴, 啻, 襲, 崇,

珣, 蓴, 純, 淳, 夙, 菽, 綏, 邃, 粹, 嫂, 獸, 帥, 殳, 授, 綬, 囚, 袖, 碎, 曬, 頌, 窣,

粟, 贖, 束, 昭, 霄, 簫, 愬, 素, 捎, 騷, 泝, 細, 星, 紲, 渫, 設, 船, 扇, 蟬, 淅, 析,

碩, 席, 蜍, 胥, 棲, 黍, 誓, 徐, 甥, 璽, 廂, 狀, 觴, 祥, 撒, 酸, 筭, 産, 槊, 樝, 駟,

仕, 蛇, 捨, 駛, 聘, 氷, 鬢, 篚, 費, 琵, 箄, 秕, 庇, 糞, 奮, 焚, 墳, 否, 孚, 赴, 瓿,

鳧, 扶, 阜, 部, 蜂, 逢, 蓬, 馥, 卜, 複, 濮, 補, 普, 秉, 幷, 䴵, 瞥, 辯, 辨, 卞, 胼,

變, 璧, 颿, 範, 番, 繁, 樊, 蕃, 魄, 排, 培, 背, 妨, 芳, 防, 傍, 榜, 謗, 勃, 鉢, 叛,

斑, 頒, 虨, 拍, 迫, 泊, 璞, 密, 閔, 敏, 迷, 吻, 誣, 蕪, 舞, 畝, 歿, 姥, 冒, 旄, 謨,

侔, 溟, 冕, 猛, 麥, 陌, 脈, 埋, 芒, 罔, 莽, 慢, 漫, 邈, 寞, 隣, 吝, 螭, 狸, 淪, 崙,

六, 謬, 類, 旒, 餾, 溜, 淚, 陋, 塿, 燎, 遼, 僚, 賚, 鹿, 轆, 漉, 轤, 例, 鈴, 酃, 獵,

斂, 裂, 戀, 臠, 連, 璉, 憐, 鍊, 礫, 櫪, 歷, 礪, 唳, 睞, 瑯, 臘, 拉, 卵, 犖, 遁, 竇,

洞, 冬, 豚, 犢, 篤, 途, 屠, 盜, 刀, 禱, 擣, 賭, 到, 搗, 岱, 帶, 儻, 黨, 棠, 塘, 潭,

儋, 猯, 檀, 單, 匿, 禰, 膩, 訥, 嬲, 濃, 弩, 恬, 捻, 奈, 囊, 懦, 喫, 夔, 旗, 棊, 萁,

妓, 欺, 崎, 綺, 庋, 璣, 飢, 祁, 驥, 給, 衾, 嶔, 靳, 劇, 戟, 橘, 揆, 睽, 閨, 珪, 几,

闕, 捲, 眷, 弓, 局, 麴, 傴, 鷗, 裘, 劬, 臼, 軀, 區, 鉤, 垢, 構, 驕, 狡, 渹, 蒯, 傀,

怪, 槐, 寬, 冠, 瓜, 拱, 工, 昆, 崑, 鵠, 枯, 叩, 考, 庫, 絝, 膏, 羖, 楛, 繫, 戒, 瓊,

境, 頸, 耕, 潔, 絹, 狷, 隔, 劫, 健, 褰, 蹇, 謇, 鋸, 倨, 凱, 犗, 糠, 講, 降, 帢, 碣,

渴, 諫, 肝, 桷, 架, 賈, 嫁, 價, 歌(1)