Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River

Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River Basin

RICHARD J. PRESTON, McMaster University

FIKRET BERKES, University of Manitoba

PETER J. GEORGE, McMaster University

INTRODUCTION

For several years now, as principal investigators in the Research

Program for Technology Assessment in Subarctic Ontario (TASO), w e

have been identifying and analyzing the environmental, economic and

sociocultural determinants of sustainable development in the Cree com

munities of the Mushkegowuk region of the Hudson and James Bay

lowlands. W e believe that a combination of traditional land-based

activities, increased wage and proprietorial income, and transfer payments

will constitute the economic base of viable Cree communities in the

future.

A number of fundamental concepts have guided TASO's work, two

of which we want to discuss in this paper. First, we contrast some

conflicting perspectives on the meaning of sustainable development, and

second, we advance the notion of cumulative cultural impact assessment

(Preston 1994). Specifically, we discuss Cree perspectives on sustainable

development versus industrial developers' perspectives on sustainable

development, by addressing the question: sustaining what, to develop

whatl The answer depends on whose interests are being served. It also

depends on what factors are contributing to the actual events of these

developments. Environmental, technological, economic, political and

cultural factors all cumulatively effect the course of development.

Documenting and evaluating the whole context of development is the

purpose of cumulative environmental and cultural impact assessment. W e

are presently attempting to frame a methodology for a more complete and

appropriate assessment of industrial developments in the Moose River

region.

The starting point for an analysis of sustainability and development

is the issue of world view, the way in which a culture looks at and orders

the world around it. W e regard the crucial question as being, whose

380 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE

world view determines sustainable development in the Moose River

region? Different perspectives on the world have differently guided

human activities in the region, ranging from the holistic perspective of the

indigenous peoples to the more specialized perspectives of those who

came into the region with a particular, specialized purpose. While our

main purpose here is to contrast the perspectives of the contemporary

Cree and Ontario Hydro, w e will briefly describe three historically

relevant perspectives — those of the 19th-century Cree, the Hudson's Bay

Company, and the companies building railways into the region — before

turning to our primary task.

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

The "traditional" (19th-century) Cree perspective was focussed on

sustaining family and community life by hunting and the use of other

land-based natural resources. The concept of development seems foreign

to this milieu, except in terms of the ideal of enjoying a long life with

many surviving children to carry on the small personal community after

one's life on the earth was ended (Hallowell 1955). The meaning of

"holistic" in characterizing the traditional Cree perspective can be given

some specification by working interpretively from oral tradition and

written documents. For example,

It was thought by some of the elders interviewed by John Long in the 1980's, that the Indians taking part in the treaty negotiation intended to mean that the Indians go with the land, as a part of the land's "dressing", which includes the animals, trees, rivers — all that is on the land. (Preston 1990b)

Essentially, the meaning here is a Cree cultural gloss: that there is a vital

connection or integrity of all creatures with each other and with the land.

For our reader's clarity of understanding, w e note that for the term

ecosystem there is a comparably holistic scientific meaning, though it has

a more limited and secular sense. W e would say that the Hudson Bay

Lowlands ecosystem is a combination of diverse physical (abiotic and

biotic) components, some of which are human, and that the perspective

of ecosystemic science is that all of components are interrelated in a

condition of dynamic equilibrium.

From either of these holistic perspectives w e can see that the Cree

signing the treaty responded to the pressures they felt from southern

PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 381

intruders and from hardships arising from scarcity of food animals. They

felt that these pressures on the people and on the land were beyond their

ability to deal with effectively, and so they were giving over to the king

(kihci-okimaw) their responsibility for "looking after" the integrity of the

ecosystem, including the people w h o lived there. By this means they

hoped to be able to live unmolested.

There is an important comparison to be made here. The fact that

many Cree and ecologists share a holistic perspective does not mean that

modern ecological concepts are necessarily identical with traditional

aboriginal ones. The issue of aboriginal responsibility for the integrity

of the ecosystem is currently being disputed (Martin 1978, Krech 1981,

Brightman 1993, Koenig 1994). W e have learned that discerning

aboriginal conservation practices is more subtle than trying to discover

current principles of environmental management in an aboriginal guise.

What w e do find are traditional cultural institutions that support

sustainable animal populations, for the good reason that people wanted

to be able to return year after year to find their living. And w e find that

the traditional Cree ethics of relations with animals that are their food

includes notions that apply to the well-being of animal populations.

The "traditional" (19th-century) Hudson's Bay Company ( H B C )

perspective was focussed on the development of trade of particular land-

based natural resources (mainly fur) for profit. The Company's method

was first to get the Indians to bring their furs in to the post for trade, and

secondly to increase the intensity of fur-harvesting activities. The H B C

records for the east side of James Bay, for example, frequently express

concern about how they can persuade the Indians to spend less time on

caribou hunting (a major source of food) and more on the "productive"

activity (from the H B C perspective) of fur trapping (Francis and Morantz

1983). H B C notions corresponding to sustainability may have been of

the European farm management type, focussing on trying to maintain a

population of breeders and avoiding the destruction of mothers and the

very young, though w e have not determined to what extent this was a

concern for particular post managers. It is difficult to say if the demands

placed by the H B C on hunters resulted in their harvesting non-sustainable

quantities of beaver and other fur resources. Elsewhere w e have

postulated that the intensification of harvesting may have resulted in the


emergence of a tighter cultural institution, with family-controlled

territories and "beaver bosses" acting as stewards, in place of a looser,

communal territory system (Berkes 1989).

The major episodes of beaver scarcity coincide with periods of

competition between fur companies and fur harvesters, as happened in the

early 1800s. Fur returns and thus profitability gradually declined until

1821 when the H B C absorbed its rival, the North West Company. Fur

harvests reached a low in 1825-29 in the Rupert's River District (James

Bay); presumably the recovery phase followed the amalgamation, to

return to a high in 1830-34 (Francis and Morantz 1983:130). Both in the

1800s and in the later fur depletion episode of the 1920s, beaver were

overhunted as a result of the breakdown of the Cree institution of beaver

hunting territories and beaver bosses, by incursions from the outside (Feit

1986), essentially creating open-access conditions leading to a "tragedy

of the commons" (Berkes 1989).

H o w did the H B C react to the depletion of beaver? Brightman

(1993) has documented that the H B C responded to the crisis of 1820-30

by instituting conservation measures to protect mother beavers and the

very young. And w e know that at this time H B C Governor Simpson

ordered a beaver preserve to be set up on Charlton Island (Frantz and

Morantz 1983:129). These conservation measures probably represent the

first European-style management regulations. But without detracting from

the value of these activities, w e would argue that success in sustaining the

recovery of fur-bearer populations was dependent on the recovery of

aboriginal institutions for the regulation of land use and for proper

conduct of the hunt.

The "modern" railway developer's perspective was focussed on

getting and sustaining access in order to transport natural resources from

the north, and to transport immigrants into the north, and then to transport

merchandise to them. Opening the Northern Ontario frontier by

constructing railroads had more direct results than the developers

anticipated, because of the discovery of very valuable mineral deposits in

the process of excavating the roadbed. Other direct results were

deliberately anticipated, such as choosing railway routes that passed close

to sites with identified potential for mining and hydroelectric construction.

The impact of the presence of many hundreds of railway and hydro


construction labourers in the region was partly environmental, partly

technological, partly economic, partly political, and partly cultural.

Native people were no longer physically or culturally secure on their

land, as the ethics of relations with other people and relations to the

animals were not shared or respected by most of the intruders. W h e n

confronted with a large number of people w ho did not share their

understanding of the desirable way to respect each other's rights, or the

desirable way to treat animals, the natives lacked effective means for

protecting their hunting environment. In consequence, the sustainability

of their hunting culture was seriously challenged. In the case of the most

directly impacted group, the N e w Post band, the consequences were quite

lethal; all but two of the families who took treaty in 1905 had died out

by 1943. These people were the victims of cumulatively destructive

impacts, including cultural impacts. While w e lack an adequate statement

of the methodology needed for cumulative cultural impact assessment, its

importance is highlighted by our documentation of the N e w Post case

(Schuurman et al. 1992).

THE CASE OF THE MOOSE RIVER HYDROELECTRIC EXPANSION

N o w w e consider the contemporary Cree and Ontario Hydro

perspectives, and the contrast between them. The "modern" hydroelectric

perspective is focussed on developing new (or re-developing old)

generating stations and transporting a sustainable quantity of energy for

the purposes of large scale extracting and processing of natural resources

in the north, and providing energy for southern industrial and consumer

markets.

In 1990, Ontario Hydro released their long term (25-year) Demand/

Supply Plan Report. Proposals included new generating sites and the re

development of existing sites in the Moose River drainage basin (Fig. 1).

From Ontario Hydro's perspective, this part of their plan seemed fairly

non-controversial, and even modestly beneficial, since Ontario Hydro

would provide employment benefits to the natives in the region. The

main points of Hydro's perspective are as follows:

a) Hydroelectric power development is seen as using an otherwise

wasted water resource, as the northern rivers flow into Hudson and

James Bays. Exploiting the power potential of northern Ontario's


Hearst

Kapuskasing

Mobsonee 'A.

Renison Kipling/ 0

Smoky Falls Little Long

Kapuskasing ,Q

f X, Allan Rapids I- Sand Rapids-. Blacksmith Rapids

~apk' ids

H\r~- Abitibi Canyon Cypress Falls

# & " Nine Mile Rapids • ^ o t l e r . R a P i c ' s

, James Bay 0

Moosonee ^j

^\ ^ * *

Cochrane \ • \

mins cf) \

<? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

O ,o rr loi < IR p IUJ 2 '2 O |0

Moose River Kwataboahegan River Cheepash River Missinaibi River Mattagami River Kapuskasing River Onakawana River Ivanhoe River Groundhog River Mattagami River Abitibi River Little Abitibi River North French River Lake Abitibi

Figure 1: The Moose River Basin and its major tributaries. Inset: Locations of proposed development sites (squares), and existing sites (circles) on the Mattagami, Abitibi and Moose rivers, according to Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan". Source: Ontario Hydro (1989).


rivers initially made mineral extraction and later pulp-and-paper

development in the north practical and profitable. Compared to

Quebec's and Manitoba's Hudson and James Bay watershed mega-

projects, very little hydro development exists in Ontario. Yet there

is considerable hydro potential; thus, the resource is under-utilized.

b) Water is a renewable resource, unlike the other sources of electric

power (coal, natural gas, nuclear fuel), and so is an indefinitely

sustainable source of energy generation. As well, hydro development

does not involve the burning of fossil fuels, a source of atmospheric

pollution.

c) The proposed impoundments in the Moose River drainage are not

extensive, and this area already has some older hydro plants.

Additional flooding is on the order of thousands of hectares, not

thousands of square kilometers as in Quebec's Baie James develop

ment (Table 1). Thus, the additional environmental impacts are

probably negligible in the larger picture, and the environment can

sustain these impacts without significant changes.

d) Water impoundment and flow regulation diminish the hazards of

flooding during breakup, and additional dams therefore provide a

safety benefit to the communities downriver, not to mention other

community economic benefits from construction work, road access

and other developments.

e) The area of proposed developments is a huge and empty land, as can

be seen from a map. Human use of the area is probably negligible.

By exempting the major recreational river of the area (the Missinaibi)

from the construction plans, the major social impact of Moose River

basin development can be addressed.

Once the Ontario Hydro plan was made public in 1990, the Cree

response was swift and unequivocal. To fight the project, the Moose

River/James Bay Coalition was formed, representing all seven aboriginal

agencies of the area (Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association, MoCreebec

First Nation, Moose Factory First Nation, Moose Factory Island Local

Services Board, Moosonee Metis Association, Mushkegowuk Tribal

Council, and N e w Post First Nation). The Coalition expressed strong


Table 1. Details of Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan" for the Mattagami,

Abitibi and Moose rivers. Source: Ontario Hydro (1989).

Sites

DEFINITION PHASE: Mattagami Complex Kipling Smoky Falls Harmon Little Long All sites combined

C O N C E P T PHASE: Abitibi Complex Abitibi Canyon Otter Rapids Nine Mile Rapids All sites combined

Renison Blacksmith Rapids Sand & Allan Rapids Cypress Falls

River

Mattagami

Abitibi

Moose Abitibi Abitibi Mattagami

Proposed Development

Flooding Required

(ha)

0 35 0 0 35

0 0

473 473

440 801 n/a 550

Incremental Capacity

(MW)

68 182 68 61 379

463 174 295 932

135 140 262 42

Existing Developments on River

Number of Developments

9

5

0 5 5 9

Total Installed Capacity

(MW)

471

561

0 561 561 471

objection to the Ontario Hydro proposal, pointing out the vulnerability of

the local land-based economy and the damage caused by past projects.

The Coalition encouraged elders to speak out, and rejected the notion that

Ontario Hydro's Demand/Supply Plan should determine the fate of the

region's communities.

As the Cree position evolved, the Coalition demanded a thorough

assessment of cumulative impacts of development in the Moose River

region (Table 2). This was intended to cover all past as well as proposed

hydro development in the region. Further, the assessment should cover

other industrial development activities, their impact on the Cree com

munities, and their cumulative effects on the much larger Hudson Bay

region. Any future development projects should be assessed in the

context of other kinds of developments, including the role of aboriginal

activities, commercial trapping and fishing, tourism and other potential kinds of activities.


Table 2. Excerpts from MRJBC's Position on Cumulative Impact

Assessment for the Moose River Basin

MRJBC maintains that in order for the concerns and interests of all people living in the Moose River Basin to be protected and promoted, there is a need to assess the cumulative and long-term impacts of development in the Moose River Basin.

Cumulative assessment must involve looking at the whole range of development alternatives for the Moose River Basin which at all times must be done from the perspective that the culture of the people living in the Basin will be protected or enhanced. This broad-ranging assessment must look not only at Ontario Hydro's proposed new hydraulic developments, and at non-utility generation. It must also look at Ontario Hydro's proposed redevelopments and extensions and at the infrastructure that would be associated with all of these hydraulic projects. Just as important in the assessment is consideration of all other regional development scenarios for the Basin. Those scenarios would include, for example, looking at the role of traditional aboriginal activities, commercial trapping and fishing, tourism, and other options for

the Basin.

The cumulative impact assessment cannot be done in a vacuum, taking as its starting point the current status of the Basin. A proper cumulative assessment must examine what has happened in the past to our communities as a result of Ontario Hydro's activities and the activities of other developers. It will attempt to identify measures to mitigate and compensate for past damages.

Our decision must be made out of a basic respect for the land, the waters and the life sustained by them, and not out of a view that the land and waters are here to be exploited for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as secondary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely, that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin.

Further, the Coalition argued that assessment must be done from the

perspective that the culture of the people living in the basin must be

protected or enhanced. The Hydro perspective was evaluated as focus

sing on the exploitation of the land and water resources:

for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as secondary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin. (MRJBC n.d.:3)

In May 1990, shortly after our TASO research team was notified of

the award of a research grant from the Social Science and Humanities


Research Council of Canada, w e were asked by representatives of the

Coalition to direct our research to assisting the people of the region. W e

agreed, with the understanding that the research would serve the

purposes of both the Coalition and T A S O . The compilation of maps that

document land harvesting in the Moose River basin, and community

profiles for N e w Post, Moose River Crossing, Moosonee and Moose

Factory were the first specific projects requested.

The Coalition then made their case in an application to the Ontario

Environmental Assessment Board, received intervenor funding, and their

Scientific Co-ordinator retained over 40 scientific consultants. These

scientists prepared very substantial documentation that raised many issues

that had been ignored or passed over by Ontario Hydro, including

cumulative environmental impacts for the region as a whole (as opposed

to the localized impacts of individual dams), effects on native land use

and subsistence, cultural impacts, aboriginal rights, natural capital loss,

and more. In short, the Coalition saw the Hydro development as non-

sustainable.

THE NEED FOR CUMULATIVE CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT

The position developed by the Coalition in the Moose River hydro

case illustrates the "modern" Cree perspective which focusses on the

economic and cultural value of protecting land and animal resources,

thereby sustaining traditional pursuits and new uses for land-based natural

resources. Here w e find a combination of wishing to maintain cultural

continuity with their holistic traditional world view, and, at the same

time, to direct the contemporary transformations of Cree culture and

economy through the control and selective use of the land.

Many Cree believe that participation in traditional harvesting activi

ties is the most direct and effective way to maintain cultural values and

attitudes. And probably most Cree believe that the present and forseeable

future requires some additional economic activities as a practical and

necessary part of adapting to the "outside world". But again sustaina-

bility is the focus, because the goal is an authentic adaptation, through

Cree-directed cultural transformations.

Traditional harvesting activities are being successfully sustained,

transformed with the use of new technology (such as snowmobiles) and


new social forms (brief individual sorties into the bush rather than

extended residence by families or clusters of families), as our recent

research has documented (Berkes et al. 1994, Cummins 1992, George et

al. 1995). Our documentation of other types of Cree cultural transfor

mation is proceeding, although many aspects are still only schematic at

this time (Blythe et al. 1985, Fulford 1994, George and Preston 1987,

Graham 1988, Logotheti 1991, Preston 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1990a,

Schuurman et al. 1992, Schuurman 1994). Here the focus is on sustaina-

bility in the midst of multiple, rapid developments.

What perspective of sustainable development can be offered that is

consistent with the modern Cree view, and that addresses issues of local

and regional culture, society, economy and environment? Our analysis

is that there are four major elements of such a perspective. First, we

need more sensitive tools to diagnose the consequences of development,

through a comprehensive cumulative environmental and cultural impact

assessment. Second, beyond the assessment of past developments and

their consequences, w e need a more comprehensive view of sustainable

development, one that also accounts for cultural sustainability. Third, we

need a recipe for a development strategy that fulfills both cultural needs

and modern economic needs. Fourth, people should be able to determine

their own priorities and the fate of their communities. W e deal with each

in turn.

Cumulative effects are said to occur:

when at least one of two circumstances prevail: persistent addition of a material, a force, or an effect from a single source at a rate greater than can be dissipated; or compounding effects as a result of the coming together of two or more materials, forces, or effects, which individually may not be cumulative. (CEARC 1987)

Figure 2 sketches two functional pathways that may result in cumulative

effects. The pathway on the right, or "compounding effects involving

two or more processes", is the more likely pathway for the Moose River

Basin development case. Whether these impacts are "additive" or "inter

active" is more difficult to determine, but synergistic or interactive

relationships of a series of impacts seem likely. The methodology of

cumulative impact assessment has not yet been worked out. But limited

experience shows that there has not usually been a cultural component to


PATHWAY 1

SLOWLY

DISSIPATIVE

(additive)

\

PATHWAY 2

MAGNIFICATION

(interactive)

/

PERSISTENT ADDITIONS

FROM ONE PROCESS

PATHWAY 3

MULTIPLE

IMPACTS

(additive)

\

COMPOUNDING

INVOLVING TWO OR

PATHWAY 4

SYNERGISTIC

RELATIONSHIPS

(interactive)

/

EFFECTS

MORE PROCESSES

\ /

PATHWAYS THAT LEAD TO

CUMULATIVE EFFECTS

Figure 2: Basic functional pathways that contribute to cumulative effects. Source: C E A R C (1987).

impact analyses. The task, therefore, is to add a socio-cultural component

to any future cumulative impact assessment in the region.

Sustainable development — that is, development that meets the needs

of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to

meet their o w n needs — is often considered to have three major

dimensions: ecological, economic and social sustainability. But little

work has been done on social sustainability and even less on cultural

sustainability, even though the question of cultural health is essential to

any development planning in the north that involves aboriginal peoples.

There is a need to expand the definition of sustainability to include

culturally sustainable development:

development that meets the material needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to retain their cultural identity, social relationships and values, and allow for change recognized and guided in ways that are consistent with existing cultural principles of a people. (Berkes et al. 1994)


CONCLUSION

There is a basic dilemma for development planning in the Moose

River region, and indeed for much of the Canadian north. O n the one

hand, culturally sustainable development requires keeping the traditional

land-based economy in a healthy state. O n the other hand, the traditional

economy by itself cannot provide the cash income and jobs needed for a

healthy regional economy, especially since the collapse of fur markets in

the 1980s. The recipe for a viable development strategy for the region

could involve continued reliance on transfer payments and investment in

renewable resource-based industry and local services, while protecting

and enhancing the traditional economy. W e see the mixed economy not

as a transition stage to the ideal of a resource export and wage economy,

but as a culturally, ecologically and economically sustainable arrangement

in its own right (Berkes et al. 1994, 1995).

The concept of mixed economy, defined to include the imputed value

of the produce of the traditional economy, presents a more accurate

depiction of the full range of economic opportunities available to the Cree

than does the conventional emphasis on market-based activity alone. In

our view, the Cree themselves should decide on the definitions of

economic opportunities and the benchmarks of economic performance

appropriate to their present and future circumstances.

TASO's work on the traditional economy provides a key piece of

information missing until now, to help make these decisions informed

ones. The combination of low measured income and some continuing

dependence on transfers, even in the presence of some Cree outmigration,

does not establish convincingly the non-viability of Cree communities.

Indeed, the significant and apparently robust contributions of traditional

non-measured economic activities to real incomes warrant much greater

emphasis in assessing economic performance and viability.

The ability of the Cree to meet their expectations about real incomes

and other economic and cultural benchmarks depends upon the renewable

natural resource base and access to it. Keeping Cree culture intact (the

meaning of cultural sustainability) inheres in keeping the stock of natural

capital intact (biological sustainability). Only then can the traditional

bush activities continue to serve as an economically productive and


culturally essential cornerstone of the mixed economy, one that is too

often overlooked by the proponents of resource development.

Finally, the issue of self-government has been in the forefront of

much discussion of aboriginal affairs. In an area such as the Moose

River basin, the jurisdiction of self-government needs to include the vast

area in which the traditional land-based economy continues. Co-

management or the sharing of jurisdiction for resource management

between the government and the local community is one of the ways in

which self-government can be implemented (Berkes et al. 1991), and

Ontario has recently formally recognized First Nations participation as a

reviewer representing an aboriginal level of government in the

environmental assessment process.

In the 1990s the Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association developed

a capability for land resources management in the region, including the

ability to monitor animal harvesting activities. The re-establishment of

traditional hunting and trapping relations was a major goal of the

Association. This was not seen as a return to bows and arrows, but rather

a practical and culturally congenial transformation of traditional ethics,

to guide present and future activities. Looking to traditional institutional

arrangements to inform political policy formulation and implementation

at the regional and local level regarding direction and regulation of the

mixed economy may well be one of the abiding legacies of cultural

sustainability for the Muskegowuk Cree.

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Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River