PECOJON Magazine AMpa Massacre

8/6/2019 PECOJON Magazine AMpa Massacre

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Editors Note

STAGGERING. This best describes how the Philippine news mediacommunity is currently experiencing more than a month after theAmpatuan massacre last Nov. 23 that killed at least 57 people, 32 of

them journalists and media workers.

Even then, it has to move forward from this sorry condition to fullyget back to the crucial business of reporting about the real state of thecountry and its peoples. And seeking accountability for the brutality

will be its most pressing challenge in moving forward.

Bringing before the bar of justice the

people responsible for the crime will be amajor effort to pursue.

Another will be a more vigorous

campaign to battle the culture of impunity.This is the very social circumstance that shaped up the character of the

massacre perpetrators.

In this edition of the PECOJON Digest, we train our sight on the

signiicant issues related to the Nov. 23 massacre in aid of making senseof the dire event.

In his story Patience in search of justice, long-time justice beatreporter Karlon Rama shows us the legal landscape attendant to thestruggle to seek accountability

for the brutality suffered bythe victims of the Ampatuan

massacre. This provides us apeek into the hard realitiesof litigation in which crafty

moves are equally vital as theweight of evidence to prove a

case.

A sidebar story summarizes

the arguments of severalAmpatuan clan members in

From brutality to accountability

FOUNDED in 2004 by Filipino and German journalists, PECOJON - The Peace

and Conflict Journalism Network, unites reporters, editors, photographers and

academicians and other communication professionals under the goal of providing

human, conflict-sensitive and quality reporting of conflict, crisis and war.

Through this type of reporting, it aims to empower people in the most challenging

moments of their lives to make well-informed decisions and reclaim control over their

situation despite the manipulative power of propaganda and the painful experience of

conflict and war.

Along this principal goal, PECOJON seeks to develop the capacity of the news

industry to undertake conflict-sensitive journalism.

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T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k

answer to allegations they planned and carried out the massacre.

Mindanao-based journalist Ryan Rosauros Counting deaths andtoll on the living tries to fathom the impact of the massacre on thePhilippine news media community which continues to stagger with the

event up to now.

An accompanying article describes the effort of the National Union

of Journalists of the Philippines to set up a Justice Fund to bankrollactivities geared at seeking accountability for the incident and the

related circumstances that contributed to the shape up of events leadingto the carnage.

Clans in clash provides us a historical look at the relationshipbetween the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan families, and tries to tracethe source of their falling out.

A sidebar story by Ben Jason Tesiorna, Starting them young?describes how some scions of both the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan

clans were reared into the gun culture widely prevalent in their homecommunities.

A photo essay by Rommel G. Rebollido, Pen vs Sword, takes us tothe emotion-illed and gripping moments in the wake of the massacre.

In this edition, and hopefully in the others that follow, we featureviewpoints that enrich the body of knowledge underpinning the practiceof conlict-sensitive reporting.

The editorial, Uncovering the coverage landscape is an attempt tosqueeze lessons from the incident on reporting about sensitive topics

from conlict-ridden areas like Maguindanao.

We also run here a piece by Antonia Koop, An Open Letter to Non-

journalists, which she wrote in the aftermath of the massacre. It isan appeal for greater public ownership of the journalism professionand hence, also public obligation to protect the lives of journalists.

Journalism is not about journalists; it is about public interest.

Beyond the enormous loss, it can be categorically said that journalists

in the Philippines have found themselves in greater community withone another in the aftermath of the massacre. This can be the situation-

changing asset for them, not only to cope, b ut to overcome.OUR COVER. Erlyn Umpad weeps while grieving for her loved one,

UNTV reporter McDelbert Arriola who was killed along with 57 others in

Maguindanao on Nov. 23. Cover photo byRommel Rebollido

PECOJON Digest remembers the Nov. 23 massacre by the colors of its

cover. Black joins the families, relaves and friends in mourning those

killed and red reminds the ruthless killings on that day.

CONTENTS PAGE TITLE

PATIENceINSEARCH OF JUSTICE

CLANS IN CLASH

4 5AMPATUANSBELIEWITNESS CLAIM

COUNTING DEATHSAND TOLL ON THE LIVING

17GROUPS RESPONDTO MASSACRE AFTERMATH12

18

2728STARTING THEM YOUNG?

PEN VS. SWORD

EDITOR'SNOTE

FROM BRUTALITYTO ACCOUNTABILITY

EDITORIAL:

uncovering thecoverage landscape

1 30 33AN OPENLETTERTONON-JOURNALISTS

PHOTO ESSAY

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Patien ce in s earch of j ustic e

THE gates of justice turn on slow

hinges and the private complainants in the

murder cases against an indicted member

of the Ampatuan family, as well as others

still undergoing preliminary investigation,

can only wait.

Yet comfort may lie in the surviving

words of the late Sextus Empiricus. The

mills of the gods grind slow, says the

Roman philosopher, but they grind

exceedingly ine.

Chairperson Leila De Lima of the

Commission on Human Rights reminds

journalists and victims families not to

take the law into their hands, followingan incident where journalists mobbed

and hurt Andal Ampatuan Jr., principal

suspect in the Nov. 23 massacre.

Irrespective of what we think or feel,

everyone has human rights, even suspects

and convicted criminals. Violators of the

law have limited rights but have rights

nonetheless. The only limitations are

those set by law, such as restrictions to

right of liberty on account of detention,

De Lima said.

Andal Jr. stands charged with 56

counts of murder before the Regional

Trial Court (RTC) for the Nov. 23 massacre

Swift justice has been a persistent cry ofthose who lost loved ones in the Ampatuanmassacre. Yet, the Philippine legal systemprovides enough opportunity for theaccused to prolong the process.

COURTS. Government prosecutors file murdercharges against Andal Ampatuan Jr., at a localcourt in Cotabato City.

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

of 57 people, 32 of whom were media

practitioners, in Sitio Masalay, Barangay

Salman, Ampatuan town, Maguindanao.

On the other hand, the Philippine

National Police has detained six other

members of the Ampatuan family, all

taken within hours after the Presidents

imposition of Martial Law over the entire

Maguindanao province on Dec. 5, 2009.

Former Maguindanao Governor

Andal Ampatuan Sr., Autonomous Region

for Muslin Mindanao (ARMM) Governor

Zaldy Ampatuan, Mamasapano Vice Mayor

Akmad Ampatuan, Shariff Aguak Mayor

Anwar Ampatuan, Acting Maguindanao

Governor Sajid Ampatuan, and Krauner

Ampatuan have yet to be charged in C ourt

though.

Complaints, which include rebellion,

have also been iled against them and

over 600 more people. As of this writing,

these are still undergoing preliminary

investigation.

Complaints

Defense lawyer Sigfrid Fortun, who

represents Andal Jr.

in what is sure tobe a lengthy legal

battle, has already

accused the justice

department of bias.

He highlighted

his point by telling a

panel of prosecutors

last Dec. 18 that

Andal Jr. was not

going to submit a

counter-afidavit.

The panel was

then conducting

the preliminary

investigation on the

Ampatuans belie witness claimFOUR of the six Ampatuan family members the police held following the Nov. 23 killings in

Maguindanao have formally denied any involvement to the incident and, in separate counter-

affidavits, cited a lack of direct evidence linking them to any crime.

Brothers Zaldy, Sajid Islam and Anwar, as well as cousin Akmad Ampatuan, all of whom hold

public office in Maguindanao, claimed they were not aware of the massacre, with one saying

he was with President Arroyo when the killing took place.

In a three-page affidavit, subscribed before Assistant City Prosecutor Venchito Bangayan of

General Santos, Zaldy, Autonomous Region in Mu slim Mindanao (ARMM) governor, called the

allegaons of a witn ess a sham.

The witness, Kenny Dalagdag, is an alleged member of the Ampatuans supposed private

army who claimed to be present during a meeng a day before the killings at the ShariffAguak

home of Andal Ampatuan Sr.

The plan to kill the journalists and supporters of Buluan town vice mayor Esmael Toto

Ampatuan belie 11

CACHE. Hundreds of rounds of ammunition for machineguns, mortarsand rifles were found by government troops in hastily dug pits aroundShariff Aguak town.

Its doors then forced

a yawning chasm great,

Unfolding giant wings attached with pins

Of brass in two-way hinges.

Squealing dins

The air with painful moans,

as doors ixed fast

With rows of riveted boltswheel lazily past

-- Parmenides maidens persuade

vengeful Justice to open Her Gates

5

Text by Karlon N. Rama and

photos by Froilan O. Gallardo


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remaining 16 of the now 56 counts of

murder against him.

He also announced that other

immediate Ampatuan family members,

whom he also represents, will also not be

submitting counter-afidavits in so far as

murder is concerned.

The justice department irst iled 25

counts of murder against Andal Jr. last

Dec. 1. The cases were lodged before the

Cotabato City Regional Trial Court, which

has jurisdiction over where the massacre

took place.

Additional 15 counts of murder were

iled by the Department of Justice (DOJ)

last Dec. 9 after processing documents

for 15 more victims. It was also iled with

the Cotabato RTC and submitted before

the cases were transferred to t he Quezon

City RTC in compliance with a Supreme

Court order dated Dec. 8.

Last Dec. 21, days after Fortun

manifested that they were not submitting

a counter-afidavit, the justice department

lodged 16 more counts of murder against

Andal Jr., bringing the total to 56 cases

already in court.

A counter-afidavit is a legal document

whereby the respondent in a complaint

answers the allegations leveled.

Process

The legal process starts with a

complaint, executed in the form of an

afidavit containing an allegation that

a certain person or group of persons

committed an illegal act before the DOJ.

The DOJ then gives the accused, known

as respondent, opportunity to refute the

allegation, via a counter-afidavit.

In the process of preliminary

investigation, the assigned prosecutorstudies the evidences and both the

complaint-afidavit and the counter-

afidavit to determine whether there is

probable cause to believe that a crime

was committed and that the accused is

probably responsible.

If a respondent

declines to submit

a counter-afidavit,

the prosecutor

is compelled

to resolve the

complaint based

only on the

evidence at hand.

If probable

cause is

d e t e r m i n e d ,

the prosecutor

prepares an i n f o r m a t i o n

which is lodged

before the court.

Behemoth

The totality

of the complaints

indicts 638 people and of whom only 25

are in custody so far.

It includes one for murder against

Andal Sr., as well as rebellion against

him, three of his sons Zaldy, Sajid and

Anwar and 20 other individuals, for


RAID. PNP Special forces raid several houses of the Ampatuan clan inShariff Aguak, searching for evidence that could be linked to the massacreof 57 civilians, including 32 journalists.

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

allegedly trying to go up in arms against

the government following Andal Jr.s Nov.

27 arrest.

The others indicted include Vice

Governor Akmad Tato Ampatuan, Goldo

Ampatuan, Abdulla Kaliangat Ampatuan,

Kusain Akmad Sakilan, Jovel Vista Lopez,

Rommy Gimba Mamay, Sammy Duyo

Villanueva, Ibrahim Tukya Abdulkadir,

Samil Manalao Mindo, Amaikugao

Obab Dalgan, Billy Cabaya Gabriel Jr.,

Moneb Smair Ibrahim, Umpa Ugka

Yarya, Manding Abdulkadir, Dekay Idra

Ulama, Kapid Gabriel Cabay, Koka Bating

Managilid, Sammy Ganda Macabuat, DucaLendungan Amban, and Akmad Abdulijah

Ulilisen.

The Criminal Investigation and

Detection Group of the Philippine

National Police, on the other hand, have

identiied ive other supposed leaders in

the alleged rebellion, an allegation later

used to justify the imposition of martial

law, as Rajah Buayan Mayor Yacob

Ampatuan, Mamasapano Mayor Banarin

Ampatuan, Datu Ulo Ampatuan, Datu Ipi

Ampatuan and Datu Kanor Ampatuan.

The agency also indicted members

of the Philippine National Police, the

Bureau of Jail Management and Penology

and some Army regulars. They submitted

counter-afidavits during a televised

clariicatory conference last Dec. 28.

The number of indicted individuals

alone, if all cases reach the court, indicatesa behemoth of a criminal proceeding in

the making.

Swif

What people want, noted retired

Cebu Regional Trial Court judge Fortunato

de Gracia, is that the Ampatuans are all

sentenced to jail and that the sentencing

is done swiftly.

But the former executive judge,

during whose term the accused in both the

murders of journ alists Edgar Damalerio

and Marlene Esperat were convicted in

2005 and 2006 respectively, also worries

that not giving the trial court enough elbow

room to separate the chaff from the grain gives

token justice at the expense of the credibility

of the judiciary.

Doubt has already been cast against the

judiciary this early, following the refusal of

Judge Luisito Cortez, presiding over the 84th

branch of the RTC in Cotabato City, to accept

the cases.

It was his refusal which moved the

Supreme Court to transfer the case to Quezon

City, at the National Capital Region, where it

got rafled to 49-year old Judge Jocelyn Solis-

Reyes of branch 221.

De Gracia, a Supreme Court judicial

excellence award recipient and current

coordinator of the Philippine Judicial Academy

(Philja) for the Visayas and Mindanao, says the

Rules of Court indeed provides the accused a

vast array of suits, motions and petitions with

which to delay the proceedings.

He conirmed that Andal Jr. can indeed

question the validity of the cases against him

by iling a motion that asks the RTC to order

a reinvestigation on the 56 counts of murder,

alleging lack of probable cause.

If denied, he can ile a motion for

reconsideration and a petition for review

that can reach all the way to the Ofice of the

President. Only when probable cause is inally

determined can the court even begin to hear

the case.

But while the process would delay the

proceeding, de Gracia explains, it will alsomean the prolonged detention of the Andal

Jr., who is being held without bail.

In the end, expediting the proceedings

is what is best for both the people and the

accused, he said.

Maneuver

De Gracia instead anticipates that

the Ampatuans will forgo what remedies

are available to them at the preliminary

investigation stage and proceed directly with

trial.

The Ampatuan legal camp has already

signaled that they are taking this route when

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they, last Dec. 3, submitted a petition for

bail before a trial court in Cotabato City. The

pleading was attached to the docket rafled to

Judge Solis-Reyes of Quezon City.

By submitting a petition for bail, the defense

will compel the judge to direct the prosecution

to present its evidence and witnesses. The

defense can then cross-examine the witnesses

and present their own evidences.

If granted, Ampatuan will be allowed to

post bail while the trial on the murder cases

continues.

But while the mere existence of the of

the petition will get people following the case

worked up, de Gracia says getting the court to

allow Ampatuans release on bail will actually

be a secondary consideration for the defense,

as granting the petition remains all up to the

judges appreciation of the strength of the

prosecutions evidence.

What they would really want is to force

the prosecution to reveal their case, de Gracia

explained.

Once that happens, they can prepare a

solid defense, if they have not done so already,

he added.

He noted how the defense is playing its

card close to the table and has not revealed

anything that the prosecutors could exploit.

He said the defense is also being consistent

about it, referring to how they have not asked

for a preliminary investigation against Andal

Jr.s case as well as not submitting a counter-

afidavit to the one against his father and thelatters co-respondents.

Submitting a counter-afidavit will reveal

your defense, he explained.

De Gracia said government prosecutors

rarely dismiss complaints involving heinous

crimes at the level of the preliminary

investigation anyway.

But opting to go directly to trial with

a motion for bail is not without cost to the

defense, particularly since once Ampatuan is

arraigned, he seals later avenues to point out

whatever defects may lie in the cases iled

against him.

The Supreme Court, in previous decisions,

including its Oct. 4, 2007 en banc ruling in Frias

vs. People, declared that the right to question the

suficiency of (an) Information is not absolute

and that an accused is deemed to have waived

this right if he fails to object upon his arraignment

or during trial.

It actually cures the defects, de Gracia said.

At any rate, he added, trial will take time and

the public must trust the process.

Tradeo

And shortcuts, like the warrantless searches

and seizures that followed the presidents

imposition of martial law from Dec. 5 to 11, actuallypose a disservice not only to the prosecution but

to justice in general, says Cebu lady lawyer Ligaya

Barcenas.

Already, says the daughter of a former Marcos

political detainee, due process violations done in

the false understanding of the presidents martial

law endanger those cases that will be iled against

the 638 individuals the police have named, as

warrantless arrests remain illegal and evidence

obtained in illegal searches remain inadmissible

in court, martial law notwithstanding.

Whatever President Arroyos real intent was

when she imposed martial law, the public will

never fully know. In her speeches, she declared

that it was to quell an impending rebellion

which Ampatuan supporters were gearing up for

following Andal Jr.s arrest.

However, journalists who trooped to

Maguindanao following the Nov. 23 massacre, and

who stayed in the area for weeks thereafter, never

reported seeing any evidence of such impending

rebellion.

Answers would have been forthcoming during

the session the Senate and Congress jointly held

after the imposition, but the President lifted it

before the record got straightened.

Some question the timing of the imposition,

saying it came after media reported the police and

the militarys discovery of government-procured

irearms and ammunitions supplied to civilian

volunteer organizations and Citizens Armed

Forces Geographical Units (CAFGUs), which

turned out to be the same people the government

considered the Ampatuan familys private army.

They also questioned why the Ampatuans

warranted martial law but the nearby-camped

Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) forces,

whose organization has waged a secessionist war

against the government for years, did not.

Rep. Teodoro Locsin Jr., speaking during the

joint session of the House of Representatives

and the Senate which discussed the presidents

imposition, said martial law provided more of a

psychological tool than a legal one.

Indeed, Lt. Gen. Raymundo Ferrer, who

took over Maguindanao as the highest military

commander on the ground following theimposition, announced during a press conference

that the military would be conducting arrests

and searches that would be warrantless while

martial law remained in effect.

But even as Justice Secretary Agnes

Devanadera, speaking with Locsin during the joint

session, seems to suggest that martial law allowed

warrantless arrests, searches and seizures, these

have all been stripped away under the present

Constitution.

There is no such creature as a warrantless

search in a ny feature of martial law, said criminal

lawyer Atty. Jade Ponce of the Cebu City-based

Aumentado Duallo and Ponce Law Ofice.

If indeed the items were recovered pursuant

to a warrantless search, the rules of court wont

let it become admissible as evidence, he added.

The (framers of the) 1987 Constitution

created a soft martial law as a reaction to decades

of oppressive martial rule under Marcos, agrees

Atty. Gloria Estanzo-Ramos, a professor of political

law at the University of Cebu.

Paragraph 4 of Section 18, which gives the

President power to declare martial law, alsodeines what can and cannot happen under such

regime.

A state of martial law does not suspend

the operation of the Constitution, nor supplant

the functioning of the civil courts or legislative

assemblies, nor authorize the conferment of

jurisdiction on military courts and agencies over

civilians where civil courts are able to function,

the Constitutional provision says.

The Supreme Court, in a litany of decisions,

ARMORY. Hundreds of rounds of ammunition for machineguns, mortars and riflesare displayed after having been seized by government troops in different parts aroundShariff Aguak town.

T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

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has dismissed criminal cases with inality

because the evidences used by the prosecution

were all illegally obtained and inadmissible.

Pieces of evidence which were not legally

obtained cannot be admitted as evidence in

court. At the very core of the Bill of Rights is

the right of the people to be secure in their

persons, houses, papers. The effects against

unreasonable searches and seizures of

whatever nature and for any purpose shall be

inviolable, says Ponce.

Moreover, those arrested for murder done

in furtherance to the supposed rebellion areeligible for bail.

When murder, as charged against the

Ampatuans, is complexed with rebellion, the

crime becomes bailable because rebellion is

bailable, Barcenas explained.

A state prosecutor, Graeme Elmido,

agreed. But, he said, they (defense) have to

prove that the killings were in furtherance of

rebellion.

In rebellion, murder, despite being a

heinous offense that carries an even higher

penalty and is non-bailable, is merely

considered incidental to the act of rebellion

itself and deemed a mere aggravating

circumstance to the main offense.

But Justice Secretary Agnes

Devanadera has assured that

government will be prosecuting

two cases against the Ampatuans -

murder and rebellion.

The cry for justice increases day

by day, Devanadera acknowledged

to reporters a month after the

massacre.

Journalists should not allow other

bigger stories to bury developments

on the massacre, she added.


EVIDENCES. Department of Justice personnelcarry boxes of death certificates and otherdocuments during the filing of the case againstAndal Ampatuan Jr. by government prosecutorsin Cotabato City.

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

Mangudadatu, according to Dalagdag, was supposedly hatched during that meeng,

which was likewise allegedly aended by the brothers, Akmad and several others.

Zaldy, in his affidavit, said he was nowhere near Shariff Aguak on Nov. 22, saying

he was at his Juna Subdivision home in Davao City, aending to a visitor, one Ulama

Acad.

He stressed that it was impossible for him to have been in that meeng, Davao City

being 300 kilometers or so away from ShariffAguak, a five-hour trip by land.

Prior to this, Zaldy said, he was in Manila. He claimed to have le for Davao on Nov.

20 to aend his youngest sons birthday.

Plainly, the present complaint against me is uerly insufficient to indict me for a

plot to murder innocent civilians. Again, it is premised on a single general allegaonthat I supposedly aended a purported meeng at ShariffAguak on Nov. 22, 2009,

he said.

Aside from the fact that this is not true, complainant did not even specify any act

allegedly commied by me that would indicate my complicity thereon and jusfy my

indictment for a serious criminal charge, Zaldy added.

It was the ARMM governor who claimed to have been with President Arroyo in

Malacaang on the day of the killings.

He said they had a meeng with Reps. Yusop Jikiri, Munir Arbison, and other polical

leaders of the province of Sulu, and discussing the peace and order situaon.

He said he only learned of the killings aer the meeng.

I am thus surprised that I am one of those being linked to said incident when I was

not even in Mindanao when the same occurred, he said.

On the other hand, Sajid, then acng governor of ARMM, said he was at the Comelec

office in ShariffSaydona Mustapha with his wife, Bai Zandria Ampatuan, on the day

of the incident.

Bai Zandria was there filing her cerficate of candidacy.

He also claimed to be not present in the supposed meeng of Nov. 22, saying as he

was out supervising the cleaning and repairs of the municipal office of ShariffSaydona

Mustapha.

Similarly, Anwar, elected mayor of ShariffAguak town, claimed to be somewhere

else - the ShariffAguak municipal hall having a meeng with the Municipal Council

members and barangay officials on a proposed Local Water Ulies Administraon

project - when the massacre took place.

Anwar stated that their meeng started at around 9 a.m. and ended at noon.

He said he and municipal engineer Halili Lucas, together with contractors and some

laborers, inspected the site or the proposed project thereaer.

In his affidavit, Akmad said he was at his residence in Mamasapano, Maguindanao

on Nov. 22 preparing for a scheduled medical mission to be conducted by several

doctors from Manila. He is the town vice mayor.

The medical mission was scheduled the next day, Nov. 23, and was held at the

municipal gymnasium from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. where, he stressed, he was also present.

KNR

ARRESTED. Datu Unsay Mayor AndalAmpatuan Jr., primary suspect in the massmurder of journalists and unarmed civiliansthat shocked the world, is escorted by amilitary officer and Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan ofthe Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao,his brother, as Andal voluntarily surrenderedto Presidential Adviser Jesus Dureza at theMaguindanao Provincial Capitol in Shariff Aguak. Ampatuan denied the charge buthe was brought to General Santos City forinquest.

Ampatuans belie... from P5

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Counting deathsCounting deathsand toll on the livingand toll on the livingRevisiting the Massacre Arithmetic


The Philippine news media community is still staggeringfrom the Ampatuan massacre that claimed 32 of itsmembers from the cities of Davao, Cotabato, Tacurong,Koronadal, and General Santos.

by Ryan D. Rosauro

MORE than a month after the massacre in Ampatuan, Maguindanao,both the news media and authorities have not yet categorically declare

the exact number of people who died in the incident.

The oft-repeated casualty count is 57 which is actually the numberof bodies recovered from the massacre site.

But a lingering challenge to this count is the claim of the family ofTacurong City-based journalist Reynaldo Momay that he continues to

be missing up to now. Momay was part of the convoy en route to Shariff

Aguak town on Nov. 23 for the iling of a certiicate of candidacy forgovernor of Buluan vice-mayor Esmael Mangudadatu.

Momays denture was recovered from the massacre site, deepening

the suspicion of colleagues he was among those killed. At one time, his

family was among ive families with conlicting claims over only four

bodies in a funeral parlor in Koronadal city.

There is no other proof that more bodies have not yet been

recovered than this case. This also begs the question, How many

really died in the massacre?

Using a collation of media reports and the report of the President

to Congress (in relation to her declaration of martial law), veteran

journalist Patricio Diaz, who is based in General Santos city, counted

the total massacre casualties as 65, including Momay.

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

In his column in the news site MindaNews, Diaz said the 65 individuals

were all identiied by names in the various sources that h e cites.

Diaz notes that the victims were in eight vehicles: ive comprised the

Mangudadatu convoy (the UNTV van and four Toyota Grandia vans); a red

Toyota Vios, a Tamaraw FX, and a Pajero which all happened to be trailing the

convoy.

In coming up with his own count, Diaz compared the various lists available,

and then totaled the number of individuals so named.

Diazs count is as follows:

a) Mangudadatu relatives12

b) Lawyers3

c) Journalists/media workers34

In all, there were 65 people listed as victims, yet only 57 bodies wererecovered. The igures for some categories may change as the

identities of some victims are known. However, this count

provides a general overview of the approximate extent of

human lives lost in the massacre. Taking into account that

Araneta drove the Pajero, which he owns and was part of theconvoy, and that one of the four UNTV personnel drove their

van, that would only make four the number of drivers listed as

dead.

It took a month before police authorities realize the need

to dig for more bodies in the massacre site; announcing the

possible launch of the effort last Dec. 21.

The National Union of Journalists of the Philippines had so

far documented 32 journalists killed in the massacre, based on

the identities of bodies recovered from the site.

Koronadal City

1. Cachuela, Hannibal, Punto News, Koronadal City2. Razon, Fernando Rani, Periodico Ini, Koronadal City

3. Araneta, Henry, Radio DZRH, Koronadal City4. Legarte, Bienvenido, Jr., Prontiera News,

Koronadal City

5. Maravilla, Ernesto Bart, Bombo Radyo,

Koronadal City

6. Merisco, Rey, Periodico Ini, Koronadal City

7. Parcon, Joel, Prontiera News, Koronadal City

8. Betia, Arturo, Periodico Ini, Koronadal City

9. Caniban, John, Periodico Ini, Koronadal City

10. Decina, Noel, Periodico Ini, Koronadal City

General Santos City

1. Arriola, McDelbert Mac-Mac, UNTV,

General Santos City

2. Cablitas, Maritess, News Focus, General Santos City

d) Government employees5

e) Drivers of vehicles6

f) Civilians5

Photo by NONOY ESPINA

13


9/21


3. Dalmacio, Lea, Socsargen News, General Santos City

4. Dela Cruz, Gina, Saksi News, General Santos City

5. Dohillo, Eugene, UNTV, General Santos City

6. Montao, Marife Neneng, Saksi News, General Santos City

7. Morales, Rosell, News Focus, General Santos City

8. Nuez, Victor, UNTV, General Santos City

9. Reblando, Alejandro Bong, Manila Bulletin, General Santos City

10. Subang, Ian, Socsargen Today, General Santos City

11. Evardo, Jolito, UNTV General Santos City

12. Adolfo, Benjie, Gold Star Daily, General Santos City

13. Bataluna, Robillo, Gold Star Daily, General Santos City

14. Perante, Ronnie, Gold Star Daily correspondent, General Santos City

15. Cadagdagon, Jepon, Saksi News staff photographer, General Santos City

Tacurong City

1. Cabillo, Romeo Jimmy, Midland Review, Tacurong City

2. Duhay, Jhoy, Gold Star Daily, Tacurong City

3. Teodoro, Andres Andy, Central Mindanao Inquirer, Tacurong City

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

Davao City

1. Gatchalian, Santos, DXGO, Davao City

2. Lupogan, Lindo, Mindanao Daily Gazette,

Davao City

Cotabato City

1. Salaysay, Napoleon, Mindanao Gazette, Cotabato City

Still unaccounted for:

1. Reynaldo Bebot Momay, Midland Review, Tacurong City

Diaz wrote: Is it right to name 65 as having been massacred but to

consistently report 57 as the number of victims? Were eight names among the

65 wrongly entered? If so, identify them. It is not right to report them as dead

if they are alive. If they were truly among the victims, it is not right to excludethem by reporting only 57. In fact, it is also unjust and uncharitable.

Diaz said it is the obligation of the news media to correct the discrepancies

in the casualty count if they are true to their pledge to uphold truth, justice

and rights

He suggested that reporters should see the families of the named and

identiied victims from their cities.

The main and real purpose is not to prove correct or incorrect the 65

or the 57 but to come out with a true list the number notwithstanding

of victims correctly named and identiied in the name of truth, justice and

rights, Diaz stressed.

The 65 or 57 are people, not animals or stones, Diaz quipped.

Pervading anxiety

One month after the massacre, the brutality still refuses to escape the

consciousness of many people.

For Grace Carasco, niece of Tacurong City-based journalist Reynaldo

Momay, and for the rest of his family, the incident is made continually fresh as

they anxiously await each day any news about where to ind their kins body.

We tried to live as if nothing happened. We tried to believe we can still see

his body, said Carasco.

Until today, only the denture of Momay was recovered from the site of the

massacre in hinterland sitio Masalay of barangay Salman.

So far, only the bodies of 31 victims recovered from the site were identiied

as journalists and media workers, and this does not include Momay. (The

media workers account for 54 percent of total casualties so far counted.)

The sheer enormity of the case and its attendant socio-political implications

is raising widespread anxiety on the commitment and capacity of government

the carry out a full and independent effort to bring the perpetrators to the bar

of justice.

Photo by Rommel Rebollido

15


10/21

For one, the principal suspects are

members of the Ampatuan family who

has been a principal ally of the Arroyo

administration in the province, both

in combating the Moro insurgents and

in delivering game-changing hordes

of votes during the 2004 presidential

and 2007 midterm elections.

Second, there is the over-arching

concern of the security of witnesses

to the crime. The sheer thought of

going against the Ampatuans is mind-boggling for ordinary citizens who

have seen them carve, with impunity,a notorious image of violence.

The onrush of public outcry over

the incident has somehow softened

partisan ties and moved political

authorities to action although much

of the legal strategies continue to be

suspect until now.

Legal battle of historic scale

In a statement last Dec. 23, the

National Union of Journalists of the

Philippines (NUJP) said that justice

is still a far cry for victims of the

massacre.

Underlining this situation,

members of the International

Solidarity Mission led by the

International Federation of Journalists

(IFJ) has called on the globalcommunity to continually

pressure

government to take the right actions.

A mission report noted that the

prosecution of the perpetrators of

the mass murder will be one of the

largest legal cases ever mounted in

the Philippines history

To ensure an open and

transparent investigation and trial,

sustained and determined pressure

from international human rights

groups will be vital, the mission

report further said.

Governments declaration ofmartial law over Maguindanao

province supposedly to hasten build-

up of the case against massacre

suspects has raised concern it isgiving legal loophole for its erstwhile

allies to escape responsibility.

Many of the arrests claimedby government to be suspects in

the massacre happened under this

regime. But various legal circles

question the validity of these, hence,

make only inirm their prosecution.

Even under martial law, the basic

charter requires a warrant for the

arrest of a person, or the search on

premises. Hence, how government

argue its case will be a most sought-

after development in the coming

T h e P e a c e a n d C o n f l i c t J o u r n a l i s m N e t w o r k D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

days.Apart from creating huge legal

demands, the massacre dealt a cruel

blow to democracy and free media in the

Philippines, according to the IFJ mission,

noting that it came at the onset of the

2010 electoral exercise.

Enormous personal losses

Our Philippine colleagues have

suffered not only a brutal and ruthless

assault on their profession and l ivelihood,but also incomparable personal losses,

said Australian journalist Mike Dobbie

who headed the

mission.

The incident had

redrawn the lives of

those the victims left

behind.Take the case of

UNTV cameraman

McDelbert Arriola who

was supposed to get

married on Dec. 6 but

was rolled down the

aisle in a cofin on that

very same day.

In a months time, the

wife of print journalist

Ronnie Perante will

deliver a baby as a

widow.FORENSICS. Police investigators gather evidences at the dig site in Maguindanaoprovince. NONOY ESPINA

REMAINS. Coroners collect the bodies of the 57people. NONOY ESPINA

17

The non-government group Center

for International Law has noted the

wiping out of the entire editorial staff

of Koronadal city-based local weekly

Periodico Ini which is published in

Hiligaynon and circulated in South

Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat provinces.

Five of Periodico Inis six staff were

killed in the massacre.

The General Santos city-based Saksi

Mindanaoan News also lost three of

its six staff. But because it lost its main

editorial people, it appears to have

ceased operation until Issue No. 012covering Nov. 23-29, 2009.

Of the 32 journalists and media workers

(including Momay), 22 have children, in all

numbering some 75. Many of the victims

were sole breadwinners.

When murder raps were iled against

eight more Ampatuan family members,

authorities have said it is their Christmas

gift to the victims families.

But as to when justice is inally served,

the journalists can only wish it will not

take the next Christmas.

Groups respond

to massacre aftermath

Various groups of journalists have come forward to

assist beleaguered colleagues in Mindanao to respond to

a host of concerns in the wake of the Nov. 23 massacre in

Masalay, Salman, Ampatuan, Maguindanao that killed at

least 30 journalists and media workers.

Last December, the Naonal Union of Journalists of

the Philippines (NUJP) has announced it is seng up a

fund that will bankroll efforts to seek jusce to the vicms.

This developed as newsmen look back into the pains

and gains in 2009, the year which saw journalists in the

Philippines closed ranks and defiantly stood up for the

freedom of the press and democracy.

Groups Respond24

by Ryan D. Rosauro


11/21

WHAT she saw made her numb and sent herkneeling to the ground.

Gergin Malabanan, 15, was among several family

members of the Nov 23 massacre in Ampatuan,

Maguindanao, who went to the crime scene on Nov.24 in search of the remains of their loved ones.

Photo story by Rommel G. Rebollido

Pen vs Sword

18

What I irst saw were the

ingernails. I polished it the night

before she left, Malabanan narrated

how she discovered the remains of

her mother Gina, one of the 57 killed,

31 of whom journalists,

when she went up to sitio

Masalay, barangay

Salman in Ampatuan town.

As if trying to conirm further,

the teener said she checked on the

remains footwear and found the

sandal her mother bought for her that

Sunday before Gina left for Buluan,

Maguindanao.

19


12/21

It was in Buluan where Gina and

other journalists were to join a convoy

that would take female representatives

of Toto Mangudadatu to Sharif Aguak

to ile his certiicate of candidacy for

Maguindanao governor.

Speaking in the vernacular, Gergin

said as she was about to pass out, she

could only feel the cool wind on her face

amid the noise of an equipment nearbydigging for more remains who were

buried along with their vehicles.

20

Malabanan, who was left to care

for her four siblings and a grandma,

shares almost similar experience as

the other victims family members,

many of whom do not have the wealth

and the means to put on a long hard

battle for justice.

The wife of Macmac Arriola could

only sob in desperation while clutching

their three weeks old baby. The

couple were barely starting out with

their family when the tragedy tookMacmacs life, leaving the young wife

with almost nothing but an infant and

memories of a happy past.

We can only hope for justice, she

said in the vernacular, adding that

media will be as vigilant in seeking

justice.


1721


13/21


James, son of the late Alejandro

Bong Reblando of Manila Bulletin,said their family will pursue a

campaign that will seek justice for

what was done to his father. They

did not only kill my father, they also

mocked at democracy, he quipped.

Two of Reblandos daughters

are contemplating on following his

footsteps and also become journalists.

22

For the teener Malabanan, she said

it would take a long time if she has to

inish her studies and help raise her

four siblings. It might just be a good ideafor her to join the police academy after

inishing high school, she added.

Caring for my siblings may just take

out the pain inlicted by the loss of my

mother. Time will heal that wound in

my heart and justice may just be around

then, she quipped.

23


14/21

between media and the public, and to deepen

public understanding of factors that led to the

massacre.

The Jusce Fund seeks to build awareness

not just on what happened in Ampatuan,

Maguindanao on Nov. 23, 2009, but on the

system that breeds corrupon, warlordism and

polical patronage which paved the way to the

carnage, Burgos explained.

Among others, a monthly commemoraon

of the massacre will be done to connually

highlight the issues related to the incident

which is the worst case of polical violence in

the countrys history.

The Maguindanao massacre is the worst

ever aack on the media throughout the

world, placing the country on top as the most

dangerous place to pracce journalism.

Yet, the NUJP points out that aacks on

the press are not likely to end despite the

outrage srred by the Ampatuan massacre and

many Filipino journalists connue to embark

on dangerous coverage with praccally no

tools to help them cope with the challenges as

well as stress in doing the job.

On Dec. 8, Camarines Norte broadcaster

Efren Espaol was aacked inside the

announcers booth by the former police

chief of the province, who was armed with a

.45-caliber pistol.

Unidenfied persons also fired a gun in

front of the house of Bacolod city journalist

Edgar Cadagat, former NUJP chair and current

president of the Negros Press Club. On Dec.

24, radio commentator Ismael Pasigma of

Labason, Zamboanga del Norte was gunned

down 6:30am while on his way to

work.

Driven by the need to

heighten coverage risk awareness

and consciousness among news

organizaons and journalists, the

Internaonal News Safety Instute

(INSI) has scheduled news safety

trainings for Mindanao media

praconers at the start of 2010.

Trauma and stress debriefing

sessions were also scheduled

to be held December towards

January 2010 for families of

the slain journalists and media

workers.

The NUJP has considered

2009 as a year of unprecedented

tribulaon for the Philippine press because of

the massacre.

The carnage in Ampatuan capped years

of connued impunity for killers of Filipino

journalists, an NUJP year-ender reads.

Before the massacre, 104 Filipino

journalists had been slain since 1986, 67 of

them under the administraon of President

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, based on the NUJPs

count.

Of these, only around five cases have

resulted in the convicon of the killers but no

masterminds in any of the murder s have

been arrested so far. (With reports from

Richel Umel)


According to Philippine Daily Inquirer reporter Nestor Burgos, who is NUJP chair, the fund

will primarily support legal acons to advance the cause of jusce for the journalist-vicms, help

address the needs of their families, and advocate the improvement of the environment of media

pracce especially in Mindanao.

The NUJP noted that the Maguindanao massacre has le the Philippine media community

staggering, not just from the toll but also the task of helping rebuild the lives of those le behind,

as well as of our colleagues who lost friends and co-workers, and have had to cover and live

through the story as well.

Another vital task is working to hold

accountable all those who should be held

accountable, not just the persons who carried out

the carnage, but those responsible for creang

the circumstances that made it possible, thegroup further said.

The NUJP admits that to achieve all these

will require substanal resources, thus, the

need to reach out to colleagues, friends and

the public for help.

Burgos said that through the Jusce

Fund, individuals and groups who wish to

help can send their donaons.

The acvies that the Fund will support

will be posted on the NUJP website, www.

nujp.org, and will be regularly audited by an

external auditor, the results of which will

also be published and reported to the donors,

he added.

But Burgos stressed that the Jusce Fund is

more than just raising money.

It seeks to build solidarity between the

target beneficiaries of the program and the

media, between media and the public, he

explained.

As conceived, the Fund will financially support the undertaking of a trauma and counseling

program for the families of killed journalists and members of their local media community.

In ligaon, the Fund seeks to support the legal acons against the suspects by assisng the

private and public prosecutors, and providing sanctuary for witnesses and even ligants who may

come under threat from the accused.

The Fund will also support a series of training on risk awareness and safety, especially in

covering and reporng events from culturally and polically sensive places.

Apart from the Nov. 23 massacre, NUJP also seeks to document other incidents of

harassment and aacks on the press in Mindanao, and launch a campaign to build solidarity

LOSING HOPE. With their emotionspainted on their faces and shirts, families offallen journalists express their indignation

not only on the fate of their slain loved ones,but, also on the manner justice is sought inthe country. ROMMEL REBOLLIDO

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

Groups Respond... from P17

25

Members of the International Federation of Journalists and theNational Union of Journalists of the Philippines pay respectsto the 12 slain journalists in General Santos City.

RICHEL UMEL


15/21


Clans in ClashClans in ClashWhen the time came that their respective parallel pursuits forpower met in a political intersection, the once warm relationsbetween the Ampatuan and Mangudadatu clans began to sour. Thisis thought to be the root of the Nov. 23 carnage that claimed at least57 lives in the countrys worst case of political violence.

"One loyal friend is worth

ten thousand relatives."

-- Euripides (408 B.C.)

VIOLENT confrontations over

control of communities dates back to

history in a place which was carved

from the northwest portion of thenempire Cotabato province and to

assume the name Maguindanao

(swampy).

Powerful families from what was

then known as ilod (downstream)

and Raya (upper delta) communities

of Maguindanao, fought battles in

their bid to widen and protect their

sphere of inluence.

The Ilod and Raya generally

delineate the irst and second

congressional districts of the

province.

On account of Cotabato City-

based journalist John Unson, theAmpatuans and the Mangudadatus

come from prominent clans in theRaya communities of the province.

These two families particularly

rose to prominence in 1986,

when then Pres. Corazon Aquinos

revolutionary government appointed

personalities to serve in local elective

posts.

Datu Andal Ampatuan Sr. andDatu Pua Mangudadatu -- knownpatriarchs of the two clans, wereappointed mayors of their respective

towns Maganoy (now Sharif Aguak)

and Buluan, both in Maguindanao.

FOR THE POSE. A reproduced photo of theMangudadatus and the Ampatuans was foundinside a drawer in the office of Andal Sr. at thecapitol. FROILAN GALLARDO

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

The two clan elders, who are

related to each other by afinity, have

always been triumphant in elections,

leading their children to follow in

their political footsteps.

Unson said the Mangudadatus

are 17th generation descendants of

Shariff Mohammad Kabunsuan, the

irst foreign Islamic missionary to

have set foot in mainland Mindanao,

through the Bucana District or the

delta of Rio Grande de Mindanao, a

part of Cotabato City.

Kabunsuan was of Arab-Malay

ancestry from Johore, now an island

state in Malaysia.

The Ampatuans, on the other

hand, are descendants of another

Islamic missionary Shariff SaidonaMustapha, who reportedly came

from a community in the old Arabian

desert, now known as South Yemen.

In one article he wrote, Unson said the

present members of the two clans have acommon prominent relative in the person of

Maguindanao First District Representative

Didagen Dilangalen, whose matriarch

belongs to the Piang family in Datu Piang,

Maguindanao.

Both the Mangudadatus and the

Ampatuans are related to the Piangs by blood,

he said.

Shariff Ampatuan and Rajah Muda Datu

Ali, a great grand uncle of now Sultan Kudarat

Rep. Pax Mangudadatu and his cousin, Datu

Pua, father of Vice Mayor Mangudadatu, were

even said to have formed a strong socio-

economic and political alliance in the 18th

century.

The alliance was said to be among

strategies aimed at consolidating their forces

who were then ighting the Spaniards and,subsequently, the Americans in the upper

delta of Maguindanao.

Several Moro history books describe the

alliance as the most gallant and celebrated

resistance against the Spaniards, where

forces of both sides were said to have killedmore than 300 Spaniards in one attack after

another.

Members and followers of theMangudadatu and Ampatuan clans again saw

action during the Second World War, when

they resisted the Japanese occupation using

only traditional weapons.

Startingthem young?

The culture of gun blamed for the

many instances of deaths and violence

in Mindanao is evident in how the

young members of the two influenal

Ampatuan and Mangudadatu clans

present themselves in cyberspace.

A check with the Friendster

accounts of some scions of the two

clans show pictures of young boys

along with other family members and

friends proudly carrying very high-

powered firearms.

The photos posted on Friendster

show the young men carrying assorted

Starting them young29

By Ben Jason O. Tesiorna

27


16/21


Two equally big Maguindanao

families related to the Mangudadatus,

the Mangelens and Pendatuns,

and members of the Piang family,

among them Datu Gumbay Piang, an

ancestor of Rep. Dilangalen, and the

Ampatuans joined forces and fought

the Japanese invaders.

Among the most decorated World

War II veteran from among the allied

clans was the late Gen. Salipada K.

Pendatun, who rose to become asenator.

Pendatun was one of the foundersof the renowned Bolo Battalion,that was armed only with spears,

and traditional Kris and Badung,

in defeating more than a thousand

Japanese soldiers.

Vice Mayor Mangudadatu of

Buluan town and his siblings became

adopted children of Datu Andal, Sr.

after their father, Datu Pua, died of a

lingering illness some ive years ago.

It was said that before Datu

Pua died, he had left his politician

children under the care and g uidance

of the elder Ampatuan, the two old

men having been very close friends.

In 2001, the Mangudadatus joined

the band of local leaders supporting

the candidacy of Ampatuan Sr. forgovernor of Maguindanao, against

then incumbent Governor Datu

Zacaria Candao.

A rift between the two families

started with rumors that Esmael

was running for governor in the May

2010 elections, which was seen as

in response to a move by Ampatuan

creating a town along the bailiwick of

the Mangudadatus.

Ties were severed when the

Mangudadatus purportedly blocked

the creation of the Adam municipality

D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 9

firearms, ranging from pistols to automac rifles.

Friends of either of the Ampatuan or Mangudadatu scions admied seeingthem carry guns with them whenever they go to bars and discos in Davao City.

In 2002, a young Ampatuan was accused of shoong and killing Carlo

Asisdo during an altercaon

in The Venue, a bar in Davao

city. Mohammad Banarin

was however absolved of

responsibility for the crime

aer the vicms parents

desisted from further

pursuing a legal tussle with

the polically powerful family.

The persistence of a culture of gun largely underpins the seeming social

tolerance on the growth of private armies. According to the Armed Forces of the

Philippines, there are about 73 private armies, including that of the Ampatuans

and the Mangudadatus, throughout the country.

Forty-two of these so-called parsan armed groups (PAGs) are said to be

found in Maguindanao with nine of these under the control of the Ampatuans,

accounng for some 2,410 armed men.

The AFP further revealed that the Mangudadatus maintain one PAG with

about 250 armed followers.

Most of the PAGs are said to have a legal face either as Cizen Armed Forces

Geographical Units (CAFGUs), Civilian Volunteers Organizaon (CVOs), or Special

Civilian Armed Auxiliary (SCAAs).

Though these PAGs are controlled by the policians, the military report said

government is responsible for providing them allowance and supplying arms and

ammunions on account of their parcipaon in the counter-insurgency effort in

the localies.

But Defense Secretary Norberto Gonzales said that there are already about

132 PAGs all over the country with control of more than one million high-

powered firearms most of which are said to be illegal.

The police oficial, who is also

related to the Mangudadatus being a

Piang, is said to be loyal to the elder

Ampatuan and also known as tutor

to Ampatuan Jr.

As Adam and his relatives began

establishing residency in Pandag

town in the political territory of

the Mangudadatus, he reported to

Ampatuan an attack by armed men in

late July, this year, where in a close kin

of the retired police oficer was killed.

A subsequent police operation had

some of the Mangudadatu followers

disarmed, triggering further falling

out of the two families with one

challenging the others mandate to

rule Maguindanao.

It was said that before Datu Puadied, he had left his politicianchildren under the care and

guidance of the elder Ampatuan,the two old men having been

very close friends.

Where that challenge will take

the two families may just be another

anecdote in Philippine politics. Whatis certain so far, it led to the gruesome

killing of 57 people, 32 of whom were

journalists.

Starting them young... from P27

to be culled from portions of thetowns that they control in the south

eastern tip of the province. Allegedly,

the proposed town did not meet the

population required by law.

Adam is reportedly the name of

the deceased father of Supt. Piang

Adam, who had retired as police

provincial director of Maguindanao

early this year.

Inside the governors office.

29


17/21


18/21


We think that this context is vital for us to understand the shape

up of the social circumstance leading to the death of 32 journalists

in the Nov. 23 carnage.

In fact, the above-described scheme of things is very true in most

areas of the country, including Maguindanao. Except that a major

power wielder in that province, the Ampatuans, enjoys a different

level of impunity owing to how their powerbase was built--helping

maneuver the electoral victory of the countrys most unpopular

chief executive. In addition, the Ampatuans also serve as major

fulcrum for leveraging local support in combating the widespread

inluence and armed presence of Moro rebels in Maguindanaos

communities.

As with other major violent incidents in history, the massacre

can be a watershed for very important lessons in media practice,

especially in localities marred by varying conlicts and enmeshed in

an intense culture of impunity.

To achieve this, the media community must seek answers, at the

appropriate time, to uneasy questions that arise from the incident.

We knew that the more than 30 journalists and media workers

were part of the Shariff Aguak-bound Mangudadatu convoy to

cover a historic iling of certiicate of candidacy of Buluan town

vice-mayor Esmael Mangudadatu for Maguindanao governor. His

wife Genalyn and a host of women relatives were doing that for

him supposedly to avoid violent reprisal from the Ampatuan clan

who dreaded the thought of anyone challenging their hold on

provincial government power and so were bent to prevent that from

happening.

But beyond simply doing coverage, the group of journalists was

tasked to accompany the convoy to serve as deterrent to any attackplanned against the Mangudadatus, primarily on Esmael. This

was after both the military and police had refused to provide the

Mangudadatus with security escorts.

Were the journalists aware of the risks attendant to such an

undertaking? What were the considerations of the journalists in

deciding to take part in, or even lead, the convoy? Was news safety

among these?

Their death in the massacre clearly shows the situation was

perilous. What could have been the appropriate response to the

request to accompany a political convoy? How could have coverage

been made safe?

Having Esmael successfully register his candidacy for

Maguindanao governor was surely a matter of great importance for

the electoral process in particular, and for democratic institutions

in general, which includes the news media. But should journalists

agonize over this?

Still staggering from the toll and grappling to make sense of

the incident, the Philippine media faced yet another challenging

situation as an aftermath of the massacremartial law in

Maguindanao.

There was immediate resonance of Sept. 21, 1972 when the

entire country was placed under martial law by President Ferdinand

Marcos which marked the beginning of his strongman rule until

deposed on February 1986. Images of the fall of democratic

institutions, including the press, reverberated back into current

social memory.

While almost the entire media community raised a howl on this

action by President Arroyo, its reportage of the martial law regime in

Maguindanao ironically helped justify the controversial declaration.

The media community, as the primary victim, had all wanted to

see the Ampatuans succumb to the strength of the law and made to

answer for allegations for perpetrating the massacre. We therefore

feasted on what we thought were images of the b eginning of the end

of the Ampatuans.

Field reports of the raids that followed the martial law

declaration came with little reference to the validity of the operation.

Martial law was supposedly declared to help build the case against

perpetrators of the massacre.

Reports of the seized guns, ammunition and munitions, aside

from a relative few, made little inquiry on how the items fell under

ownership of the Ampatuans.

Even until today, there is still a hangover of the grisly incident

among journalists throughout the country. This is best shown in the

incident whereby a photojournalist banged a camera into the head of

Andal Ampatuan Jr., primary massacre suspect.

Admittedly, the hangover cannot be easily foregone. But

because the medias role is to give the public a ll the relevant and

signiicant information it needs to make an informed choice, position

or discourse in matters that affect their daily lives, then all the

lessons that need to be learned from the Nov. 23 massacre must be

uncovered.

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An Open Letter to Non-journalistsby Antonia Koop

THIRTY-TWO Journalists died in an ambush on Nov. 23,2009in Maguindanao, Central Mindanao, Philippines, along with 27other people who joined the family of a local politician for the filingof candidacy for the upcoming 2010 elections. The InternationalFederation of Journalists (IFJ) qualified the incident as the worstattack on journalists recorded so far in journalism history. The eventhas come to be known as the Ampatuan or Maguindanao Massacre.

The brutal and brazen attack once more raises the most crucialquestions we as journalists have to face:

Is there any story worth dying for?

And for what do we journalists risk our lives?

Being a good journalist has never been easy. In many countries thejob is poorly paid, journalists are harassed or threatened. And in toomany places reporters get killed, such as in the Philippines.

Journalists often work in areas known to be dangerous. We askquestions that put us into trouble, that leave us hated and disliked bythose who attempt to hide their actions and intentions from public.

Many people look at us as if we were leeches who crave for the bloodof others to feed their newspapers sales. We are seen as tool, easy to abusefor polishing an image, for gaining fame, for outing an opponent byspreading scandals.

Even our own business driven companies often treat us journalists ascheap producers of reality entertainment for bored and disinterestedmasses waiting to be fed with delusion and potato chips on their livingroom sofa.

And then once in a while we become essential as instrument to be usedto gain political power in the campaign for an upcoming election.

What a dirty business. What a poor job.

So, why do we risk so much, risk our lives our families, our personalwell being to do that?

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Many believe journalists are natural adrenaline junkies,adventurous, restless folks who crave for experiences beyond the limit.And to a certain extend those people are right. But one can satisfythose needs by other less dangerous means, such as bungee jumpingor sky diving. So there must be more to the journalism profession thanadventurism.

The good ones among us deeply believe that journalism is a damnimportant profession.

In this interconnected interdependent world we live in, informationis power and those who control information control the world.

In this world journalism is the only institution that has the singletask to provide the public with independent, reliable information. Ourtask as journalists is to allow everybody access to vital information,

because only if each member of society truly knows what is happeningout there, people have a chance to make good choices for their own lives.We believe that journalism as an institution is essential to keep everymember of society accountable for their actions and is thereby crucialdefense for the people in our modern interest driven societies againstabuse, lies and manipulation.

We have painfully experienced what happens if this importantinstrument of accountability fails; in Rwanda where the media became

agitator for the genocide, in fascist Germany, wherepeople were all too willing to believe a propagandathat paved the way for killing Millions anddevastated not only Europe but affected largeparts of the world. In war zones all over theworld journalists got targeted and killed toshut out the worlds attention. Until todaywe have seen an increasingly sophisticatedpropaganda machinery driving some of the

Photo by RICHEL UMEL

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most suppressive or problematic situations in the world.

Without the courageous efforts of independent journalism we haveno chance to distinguish between what is true from what is fake; whatto believe and what to question.

This is why being a journalist is so challenging. Why we always haveto do our best despite danger, difficulties and dislikes. Despite beingharassed and threatened and having missed another birthday of ourkids because of a road accident, a bombing, a political clash, a burningchemical factory. Despite becoming ourselves victims of a system thatdoesnt like to have reporters around to tell the truth.

If we journalists fail, you live your lives blindfolded.

We are not journalists for our own fun, for travel and adventure.

We do this job for you people out there.

For the politicians who try to truly lead their cities, regions andcountries. For business that aims to be successful without leaving burnedearth behind. For public administration that truly aims to serve thepeoples needs. And for each and every member of a society that tries toexist in abundance, peace and security.

By keeping all stakeholders of society accountable, journalists protectyour rights.

And now we need you to protect us.

Do you choose to be a bored and disinterested mass that doesntcare? Or do you choose to claim your right to be concerned about whatis happening around you, willing to ask who defines the rules, willingto claim your right to speak out?

The killing of a journalist is not an internal problem of the media.

It is concern for each and every member of the public, of a society

that chooses to have a say.So now is the time to claim back your right to know and your right

to be heard.

It is time to protect your journalists.

Or you will lose us.

One after the other.

To danger or temptation wrapped in bribes, political power or thepromise of an easier way of life and earning.

Now it is time also for you to stand up and say:

STOP KILLING JOURNALISTS!

notes on the contributors

Karlon N. Rama has been covering the justice beat for over a

decade now as reporter for Sun.Star in Cebu City. He is a member of

the board of trustees of PECOJON International.

Rommel G. Rebollido is a Mindanao-based writer and

photojournalist. He is an alumnus of the Diploma in Photojournalism

course of the Asian Center for Journalism in the Ateneo de Manila

University.

Ben Jason O. Tesiorna is reporter for Sun.Star in Davao City.

Ryan D. Rosauro is a journalist based in Mindanao.

Antonia Koop is PECOJON International Coordinator. She iscurrently based in Germany.

We acknowledge news site Dateline Philippines (www.dateline.

ph) for contributing information. The following members of

the Network also contributed in the putting up of this edition:

Nonoy Espina

Froilan Gallardo

Richel Umel

Jeffrey Tupas

Cong Corrales

Hirohito Cadion

Philip James Tremedal

editorial staff

Ryan Rosauro, Rommel Rebollido,

Karlon Rama and Charlie Saceda

PECOJON-The Peace and Conflict Journalism Network

contact: Ledrolen Manriquez

National and International Secretariat

2/L Ab-der-Halden Haus

1550 East Capitol Road, Capitol Site

6000 Cebu City, Philippines

Telefax: +63 32 505 52 62

www.pecojon.org


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Documents

PECOJON Magazine AMpa Massacre