Paul, Robert. Historia de Shamanismo

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volume is on t he w ider social context of developmentsInvention and Transformation in anthropology. Anthropology never has been polit i-cally neutral, but in G erm any, especially betw een thein Anth ropological TraditionsWorld Wars, and in America in the Boasian era its poli-t ics w ere often very close t o t he surface. As alw ays inthis series, the volum e has a small but splendid collec-a l a n b a r n a r dt ion of photographs. Several are of Boas in va rious styl-Department of Social Anthropology, U niversity of ized poses (in Eskimo costume, in the pose of a Kw aki-Edinbu rgh, A dam Ferguson Bui l din g, George Square,utl Ham atsa dancer, etc.). These convey t he flavour ofEdinburgh EH8 9LL, Scot land , 30 vii 97the period and no doubt serve to remind us t hat our in-tellectual antecedents less than a century ago lived inAnthropology and Anthropologists: The Modernv e r y d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l m il ie u s in t e r m s o f u n iv e r s i t yBrit ish School, 3d edit ion. By Adam Kuper. London:life, public life, and the pract ice of anthropology fromRoutledge, 1996. 244 pp.t h o s e o f t o d a y .

Volksgeist as M et hod and Et hi c consists of an in-T he I nv ent i on of Pr i m i t i v e Soci et y : troduction, a reprint of Boass key essay The Study ofT r ansf or m at i ons of an I l l usi on. By Adam Kuper.G eography, and seven original chapters by historiansLondon: Routledge, 1996 (1988). 264 pp.of anthropology. These include Matti Bunzl on Boas andt h e H u m bo ld t ia n t r a d it io n ; B e n o it M a s s in o n G e rm a nVolksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays onphysical anthropology from Virchow to Fischer; Julia E.Boasian Ethnography and the GermanLiss on Boass early education and the development ofA nt hr opol ogi c al T r adi t i on. Edited by G eorge W.his ideas on culture; Ira Jacknis on the ethnographic ob-Stocking Jr. M adison: U niversity of Wisconsinje ct in B o a ss e a r ly c a r ee r; Ju d i t h B er m a n o n B o a s,Press, 1996. 357 pp.G e or ge H u n t , a n d a n t h r o po lo gic a l m e t h o d ; Th o m a s

A lt h ou g h t w o a r e by t h e s a m e a u t h o r a n d t h e t h ir d is B u ck ley o n K ro eber s C a l i fo r n ia n e t h n o log y ; a n d Su -a n e di t ed v o lu m e w i t h c o nt r ib u t io n s f ro m s ev er a l, za n n e M a r ch a n d o n G e rm a n a r c h a eo lo gy a n d c u lt u ra lthese three books represent t hree dist inct styles in the imperialism in Asia Minor. No doubt different readersw r i t in g o f t h e h is t o ry o f a n t h r o po log y . Anthropology w ill hav e their favorit e chapters depending on their ow n

and A nt hr opol ogi st s im p lici t ly s ee s a n t h r o po lo gy a s interests, but I found those by Bunzl and Liss part icu-c on s t ru c t ed o f n a t i on a l t r a di t i on s , i n t h i s c a se t h e larly insightful. Bunzl traces the central ideas of Boassmodern Brit ish one, and it comm unicates essentially Study of G eography to t radition al dist inct ions in G er-a great-m an view of history. T he I nv ent i on of Pr i m i t i v e man science. He argues further that Boass anthropol-Society presents the discipline as one m ade up of para- ogy can be seen as a unit ing of the int erests of the Hum -digms, each one advancing on its predecessors, w hether b ol d t b ro t h er s: Wi l he lm v o n H u m b o l dt s w o rk i nof t he sam e nat ional tradit ion or anoth er. Volksgeist comparat ive linguist ics and ethnology, as w ell as his-as M et hod and Et hi c concerns tw o nat ional tradit ions t o ry a n d f ol k ps y ch o lo gy , a n d A le xa n d er v o n H u m -and th e relat ion betw een them , w ith a focus on the m i- boldt s w ork in explorat ion, na tural h istory, an d ecol-n u t ia e o f t h e h is t o r y o f t h e d is c ip l in e a n d t h e p iv o t a l ogy. The emphasis of the chapter is on the H umboldtianposition of one person, Franz Boas. t r a d i t io n in G e rm a n y bu t w i t h r ef er en c es t o i t s u l t i-

Stockings edited volume Volksgeist a s M e t h o d m ate fruit ion in Boass anthropology throughout. Lisssand Ethic is the eighth in the highly acclaimed History chapter concerns other influences on Boas, especiallyof Anth ropology series, w hich he ha s edited since it his family and his schooling but also the rise of nat ion-

appeared in 1983. P r e v io u s v o lu m e s in t h e s e r ie s f o - a l ism a n d a n t i-Sem it is m in G er m a n y a n d , in c o n t ra s t ,cused on fieldw ork, function alism , ma terial cult ure and the peace he found w ith the Eskimo of Baffinland. I t ism u s e u m s , c u l t u r e a n d p e r s o n a l i t y , bio lo g ic a l a n t h r o - e x t en s iv ely d o cu m e n t e d f ro m t h e p er so n a l p a pe rs o fpology, romant icism, an d colonialism. This w ill be the B o a s a n d h is f a m ily .la s t o f t h e v o lum e s w i t h St o c kin g a s s o le e d i t o r; t h e Kupers I nv ent i on of Pr i m i t i v e Soc i et y is q u i t e a d i f-n ex t v o lu m e w i l l b e e di t ed jo in t l y b y S t oc k in g a n d ferent book. Like Stockings it is packed full of fascinat-R ic h a rd H a n d le r a n d p la n n e d s u bs eq u e n t v o lu m e s by ing facts, hist orical nuan ces w hich bring out t he person-Handler. One em phasis of several of the art icles in this alities involved in earlier anthropology, and references.

The difference is that it takes a broad sw eep across thediscipline. His approach is as m uch th at of a pract icing1. Permission to reprint item s in this sect ion m ay be obtained only

from their authors. anth ropologist (w hich h e is) as of a historian of anth ro-

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284 c u r r en t a n t h r o po l o g y

pology. Kuper concentrates on explaining the relat ions U rry 1993), a bo u t i t s h e y d a y a s a ( c o lo n ia l) t r a d i t io n(e.g., Kuklick 1991, G oody 1995, Stocking 1996), a n dbet w e en e a ch p a ra d igm a n d w h a t h a s g on e bef o re .

D r a w in g o n Th o m a s K u h n s n o t ion o f pa r a d ig m s a n d I. e v en a bo u t i t s A u st r a l ia n a n d So ut h A fr ica n bra n c h e s(respectively Hiatt 1996, Hammond-Tooke 1997).Bernard C ohens notion of transformations, Kuper puts

forw ard a strong argument that the 19 th-century idea of The first edit ion consisted of seven chapterson Ma-linow ski, Radcliffe-Brow n, th e thirt ies and forti es, colo-a primitive society has persisted in anthropology for

m o r e t h a n 10 0 y e a rs , t h o u g h i t s c h a ra c t e ris t ics h a v e n ia l ism , t h e p o st w a r e ra , Le a c h a n d G lu c k m a n , t h e in -

fluence of Levi-Strauss, and anthropology in 1972. Thebeen transformed w ith each succeeding paradigm . Inthe closing pages he proposes that t his primit ive illu- second edit ion (Kuper 1983) w as lit t le changed but in-

cluded chapters on the lean years (1972 t o 1982), a n ds ion be je t t is on e d , bu t e ss en t ia l ly t h e bo ok is a n a t -tempt t o account for the origin and persistence of that (somew hat out of place) the t heory of ant hropological

comparison, as w ell as a st at ist ical study of changes ini l lu sio n r a t h e r t h a n a n a t t a c k o n i t .Through the book, Kuper charts a unilinear develop- interest of m embers of th e Associat ion of Social An-

thropologists of the Commonw ealth.m e n t o f a n t h r o p o lo g y , t h o u g h in a c o m p le x o f s o c ia land cultural influences, from about 1861 t o t h e 1980s . Th e t h i rd e d it i o n (r ev i ew e d h er e) i s a l so n o t v e ry

much changed. The m ain difference is t he scrapping ofThe first part, The C onsti tut ion of Prim itive Societ y,t races developm ents from M aine to Morgan to theoreti- the tw o final chapters and appendix of t he second edi-

tion in favo r of a new chapter and bibliographical appen-c a l t o t e m is m , A u s t r a l ia n t o t e m is m , a n d t o t e m a n d t a -boo. The second part , Academ ic Anthropologists and dix of secondary literature. The new chapter, An End

and a Beginning, examines a num ber of issues w hichPrimit ive Society, continues from the Boasians to Riv-ers to Ra dcliffe-Brow n an d Ma linow ski to descent the- have arisen since 1972. He remarks that w hat could not

have been seen at t hat t im e w as that Brit ish anthropol-ory, alliance theory, and recent issues in kinship stud-ies. Kinship is , in Kupers presentat ion, the prime focus ogy as a unified body of theory, largely insulated from

d ev el opm e n t s i n N o r t h A m er ic a , w a s t o e nd i n t h enot just of the book but of the illusion of primitive so-ciety w hich each succeeding generation of anthropolo- 1970s. Kupers vision is much more optimist ic than in

the second edition. Not only have the lean years beengists has constructed. Maine, in reject ing the socialc o n t r a ct a s t h e ba s is o f s o ciet y , s u bs t i t u t e d t h e id ea o f r em o v e d f r o m t h e e di t io n bu t t h e l in k s w i t h A m e ric a

(both before and after 1972) and differences betw eenf a m ily a n d p a t ri l in ea l c la n o r g a n iza t io n . H is 19 th-cen-t u r y s u c c es s or s a r gu e d t h a t is w a s in f a c t m a t r i l in e a l A m e ric a a n d B ri t a in a r e m a d e c lea r er . Wh a t is m o r e ,

Britain is now seen as a part of Europe, and the Euro-k in s h ip w h ic h f o rm e d t h e f o u n da t io n o f s o cie t y , a n d20 t h -c en t u r y s c h ola r s, n o t a bly L ev i-St r a u ss , s u bs t i- p ea n v is ion , in c lu d in g t h e in s t i t u t ion a l s t r en g t h o f a n -

thropology there through the European Associat ion oft u t e d a l l ia n c e f o r d e s c e n t , bu t t h e i l lu s io n o f k in s h ipand all i t entails (totem ism, taboo, etc.) rem ained. Kup- Social Anthropologists (of w hich Kuper w as founding

president), is given special prominence. I predict that ifers case is w ell put , but the significance of the booklies in its ability to draw connections betw een different he w rites a fourth edit ion it w ill go beyond Europe, link-

ing British anthropology to the anthropologies of formerhistorical periods and different nat ional t radit ions. Thecoverage is excellent , t hough the G erm an a nd Boasian colonies, especially on the African continent . I f Brit ish

anthropology gained its greatest strength from Africant r a di t i on s r ec ei v e l es s a t t e n t io n t h a n s om e r ea d er sm ig h t w is h . Th e bes t c h a pt e rs a r e t h o s e o n t h e ev o lu - e t h n o gr a ph y , A fr ica n a n t h r o po log y (a n d n o t o n ly in

South Africa) is set t o com e into its ow n, t aking fromtionists, and part icularly nice is the treatm ent of the in-t e rp la y bet w e en a r m c h a ir t h e or y a n d A us t r a lia n e t h - a n d giv in g t o t h e Br it is h t r a di t io n .

I t is w orth not ing that Kuper himself has long sincenography.A nt hr opol ogy and A nt hr opol ogi st s (originally A n - r ea c h ed t h e s t a t ur e f o r i n c l us io n i n s u ch a v o lu m e ,

t h o u g h , n o d o u bt o u t o f m o d es t y , h e p re fe rs t o s pe a kth ropologists and A nth ropology) is now in its t hird edi-ti on. The first ed iti on (Kuper 1973) w a s h a i led a s a lo n g- o n ly o f t h e c o n t r ibu t ion s o f o t h e rs . Th u s , w h i le n o t a

player in this volume, he is ever there as a guide, w ithneeded introduction t o t he discipline in Britain. I t w asalw ays popular w ith students, w ho liked the polemical his ow n opinions expressed refreshingly if often w ith

some subtlety. H e is very m uch a product of the Brit ishstyl e and irreverent t reatm ent of th e great s of th e firstand second generat ions of m odern Brit ish anth ropology. (or South African Brit ish) tradit ion: a fan of Radcliffe-

Brow n and of Levi-Strauss, trained by Fortes, mentoredIt had less success among professionals of the t imen o t a bl y s om e o f t h o se w h o d id n o t r a t e a m e n t i on ! b y h i s a u n t H i l da K u pe r a n d la t e r b y Sc h a pe ra , a n d in

touch w ith C ontinental, especially Leiden, st ructural-So m e t h o u g h t i t o d d t h a t a s o c ia l s c ie n t is t s h o u ld e s -pouse so extreme a great-m an view of h istoryespe- ism as w ell as Brit ish and American efforts at anthropo-

lo gic a l c o m p a ris on . K u pe r d is l ike d m a r x is m a n d d is-c ia l ly a p pa r en t in t h e e x ce l le n t a n d o f t en h u m o r o u schapters on those tw o flam boyant eccentrics, Malinow - likes postm odernism, though throughout the book he

t e m p er s h is c ri t ic ism s w i t h f a ir a n d s y m p a t h e t ic d is -ski a nd Radcli ffe-Brow n. While t he first edition w as th eonly book available on the subject at the t im e, the third cussions of all points of view .

I t is difficult t o pick a favourite am ong these threeedit ion w ill com pete w ith an array of recent volumesabout Brit ish anthropology in its form ative years (e.g. , books. Stockings contains the greatest efforts at origi-


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n a l s c h ola r sh ip, a n d t h e a n a ly s is o f h is t o ric a l d e t a i l is m a n is m ) a n d p ol i t ic a l a ut h o r i t y (n o t j us t w h a t is u s u -ally called the state ). The theoretical int ention is toincomparable out side the History of Anthropology

series. T he I nv ent i on of Pr i m i t i v e Soci et y is t h e m o s t r ep la c e a n E lia d ea n e s s en t ia l ism t h a t w o u ld s ee s h a -m a n i s m a s a k i nd o f U r-religion w ith a m ore nuancedoriginal in its conception of an thropology and therefore

t h e m o s t in t e l lec t u a l ly s t im u la t in g . A nt hr opol ogy and view of phenomena of inspired or enthusiast ic religionin part icular historical, sociopolit ical contexts.Anthropologists is the best read for those, l ike this re-

v iew e r, in t r igu e d by t h e p er so n a l i t ies o f t h o s e w h o fa s h - Nic h o la s T h om a s s a r t ic le is a c lea r a n d s y s t em a t ic

controlled comparison of Eastern Polynesian data show -ioned our discipline. Both of Kupers books are highlysuitable for undergraduate teaching, and all three offer ing tha t chiefs tend to be prominent w here sham ans

are marginal and vice versa (p. 15). C hiefs are held re-much material for discussion and debate as w ell as form ere in form at ion . spon sible for econ om ic w ell-bein g, a n d so t h eir pow er

w anes w hen ecological deterioration occurs. A key dis-t in c t io n e m e rg es bet w e en is la n d s o n w h ic h e ro s io n

References C ited from deforested slopes w ashes into the deep sea versusthose w ith more gentle shelves, w here eroded soil cre-g o o d y, j a c k. 1995. The expansiv e mom ent: The ri se of social

anthropology in Br i ta in and Afr ica, 19181970. Cambridge: ates lagoons that provide a substitute source of nutri-Cambridge University Press. t ionan ecological argument that brings to mind Sah-

h a m m o n d - t o o k e , w . d . 1 99 7. Imperfect interpreters: Southlinss early w ork exploring the difference betw een highAfricas anthropologists, 19201990. Johannesburg: Witw aters-and low islands.rand Un iversity Press.

h i a t t , l . r . 1996. A rgum ents about A bor ig ines: Au stral ia and Stephen Hugh-Joness t horough essay on N orthw estthe evolution of social anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge Amazonia contrasts horizontal sha ma nism, w hich is

Un iversity Press. individualist ic and open to all adult men and involvesk u k l i c k , h e n r i k a . 1 99 1. The savage w ith in: The social h is- the frequent use of hallucinogens, w ith vert ical sha-tory of Br i t ish anth ropology, 18851945. C a m b rid ge : C a m -m anism, occurring in more com plex, ranked societ iesbridge University Press.

ku pe r , a d a m. 1973. A nthropologists and anthropology: The in w hich an elite of pow erful men oversees elaborateBritish school 192272. Harmon dsw orth: Allen Lane. init iatory cults. In the lat ter, no trance or possession

. 1983. A nthropology and anthropologists: Th e m odernis involved (p. 33), w hich m akes it ha rd for me to seeBritish school. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.w h y i t w o u ld q u a l i fy a s s h a m a n is m a t a l l . H u g h -s t o c k i n g , g e o r g e w . , j r . 1 9 96 . After Tylor: Br i t ish social

anthropology, 19881951. London: Athlone. Joness ana lysis appears at least som ew hat relat ed to theu r r y , j a m e s . 1 99 3. Before social anth ropology: Essays on the o n e m a d e by R o be rt e H a m a y o n in a n a r t icle t h a t is a n

history of Br i t i sh ant hropology. Ch ur, Sw itzerland: Harw ood overly condensed exposit ion of ideas from her book onAcademic Publishers.

sham anism. She suggests a dist inct ion betw een the sha-m anism of Siberian hun ter-gatherers, w hich functionsas a direct exchange, mediated by shamans, betw een thetw o moieties of animate beings, human and animal,

a n d p a st o r a l s h a m a n is m in t h e s a m e r e gio n , in w h ic h a n c e s t o r s a r e a d d e d a s a t h ir d t e r m in t h e s y s t e m ,Shamans in H isto ryforcing shamans to share pow er w ith clan elders. Onesees the outline of a pattern w hereby the clan elders tryto monopolize religious pow er in more complex settledr o b e r t a . p a u lt r ib es , i n c on t r as t t o t h e m o r e f re e-w h e el i ng s h a-G r aduat e I ns t i t ut e of L i ber al A r t s, Em or y U n i v er si t y ,m a n is m o f h u n t in g p eo ple s o r le ss c o m p le x h o r t ic u l-A t l a n t a , G a. 30322, U .S.A . 14 viii 97tural societ ies, but , as is com m on in collect ions of thisgenre, no real effort is made to generalize or compare

Shamanism, History, and the State. Edited byacross papers.

Nic h o la s Th o m a s a n d Ca r ol in e H u m p h r ey . A n nSu sa n B a y ley e x a m in es t h e r ela t io n s be t w e en s t a t e

Arbor: U niversity of Michigan Press, 1994 (cloth),founders and spiritual gurus of Hindu, Islamic, and

1996 (paper). 23 2 pp.C hristia n cults in precolonial South India and finds tha tin the volat ile w orld of the south Indian chiefdoms,

Shamans and Elders: Experience, Knowledge, and the expansion of cults and th e creat ion of new polit icalPow er am ong t he D aur M ongol s. B y C a r ol in erealms w ere expressions of alm ost indist inguishable

Humphrey w ith Urgunge Onon. Oxford: Clarendonforms of pow er and authority. They . . . w ere mutua lly

Press, 1996. 396 pp.intertw ined, mutually indispensable (p. 126). This sit-uation might be usefully contrasted w ith that describedShamanism, History, and the State, a collect ion based

o n p a pe rs f ro m a 1989 c o n fe re n c e a t K in gs C o lleg e, in Ta m s y n B a rt o n s a rt ic le on a s t r olo gy a n d t h e s t a t ein im perial Rom e. (Here w e finally come to the actualCa m brid ge , is m is lea d in gly t i t le d, s in ce i t d ea ls w i t h

the relat ionship betw een any kind of system of inspira- state, but astrology seems so far from sham anism,no m att er how broadly conceived, as to render that cat e-t ional religion or know ledge of the supernatural (not

ju s t w h a t is u s u a lly u n d er st o o d by t h e t e rm s h a - g or y m e a n in g les s .) Th e e m p er or s beg in n in g w i t h A u -


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gustus tried, not alw ays w ith much success, to monopo- life in northern M anchuria since t he 17 t h c e n t u ry , c u toff by t he G reat Xingan M ountains from t heir generallylize the arts of divinat ion and astrology so as to limit

access t o this reservoir of pow er (p. 154). Ta k e n t o - m o r e p a st o r a l M o n g o lia n c o n f re re s a n d d i f f er in g f r ommost of them too in never having accepted Buddhism.gether, Bayleys and Bartons exam ples m ight be read to

i l lus t r a t e a We ber ia n pa r a d ig m a bo u t c h a ris m a e m e rg - A lt h o u g h t h is m a k e s t h e m in s o m e s e n s e s h a m a n -ists, shamanist ic trance, healing, and ritual hardly ex-ing in t imes of fluidity and change and its subsequent

routinizat ion in w ell-established and relat ively unchal- hausted their tradit ional cultural repertoire of religious

practice, belief , and ceremony. Fit t ing the Hugh-Jones/lenged regimes. Again, readers are left to think aboutt h is on t h eir ow n . H a m a y on m odel referred t o a bove, t h e D aurs, a set t led,

clan-based society (in contrast to their hunting neigh-The interest ing material in Caroline Humphreys ar-t icle w ould be consistent w ith t he Weberian paradigm. bors to the north), also had a n onecstat ic ritual system

dominated by patrilineal clan elders, central to the re-( H e r a r t ic le , in d e e d , is t h e o n ly o n e t h a t a c t u a l ly a d -d re ss es s h a m a n is m , h is t o ry , a n d t h e s t a t e .) Sh e c o n - p ro d u ct io n of t h e so c ia l sy s t e m a n d n o t o rien t e d t o w a r d

c r is is, d ise a se , o r in d iv id u a l s u bje c t iv i t y . R e lig io u st r a s t s w h a t w e k n o w o f M o n g o l s h a m a n is m f ro m t h ec h a ris m a t ic p er iod o f C h in gg is K h a n s r is e t o p ow e r p ra c t i t io n er s in a d d it io n t o s h a m a n s a n d c la n e ld er s

also incl uded bone setters, m idw ives, specialist s in a fe-w ith the state-sponsored shamanic rituals of the Man-chu emperors and then w ith a crisis cult that emerged ma le procreat ive cult , and specialists in various crisis

cults th at emerged in t he region during the polit ical up-among increasingly peripheralized ethnic groups duringthe breakup of the Man chu empire. Whereas it appears heavals of the present century.

An intriguing and ult ima tely frustrat ing dimension oft h a t Ch in g g is h im s e lf n o t o n ly r e l ie d o n d iv in e r s bu tshama nized in a w ay th at vita lized his project of w orld this book is th e collaborat ion betw een t he anth ropolo-

g ist a n d O n o n , w h o is n o t a n a n t h r o po lo gis t a n d w h oc o n q u es t , t h e s h a m a n ic r i t e s in s t i t u t ed by t h e M a n c h uimperial elite in a m isguided effort t o reclaim their Si- strongly identifies as a M ongol but w ho, in t he course

o f a n e v en t f u l l i f e , h a s l iv e d in Ja p a n , t h e U .S.A ., a n dberian roots produced a bloodless and i neffective parodythat helped encourage disastrous resistance, including Britain for much of his adult l ife. Although the authors

t r y t o a c h iev e a d ia log ic lo n g c o n v er sa t io n , i t is athe Taiping Rebellion. As the regime disin tegrated, pro-phetic and nat ivist ic cults emerged, cobbled together somew hat lop-sided one, and w henever Onon is quoted

directly, I found m yself w ishing that I had m ore unim-out of already exist ing shamanic ideas and pract ices inn ew l y e m er gi ng po li t ic al c irc um s t a nc es . ped ed a cc es s t o w h a t h e h a d t o s ay a bo ut h is o w n t ra d i-

t ion, w ith less of Hum phreys at t empts at clarificationThe remaining art icles, by Peter G ow on ay ahuascas h a m a n is m in t h e w e st e rn A m a zo n . M a u r ice Blo c h o n a n d e x plic a t ion . Wh ile O n o n e xp re ss es h im s e lf in a

clear, l ively, and direct w ay, Hum phrey has a w rit inga M a r ia n p os s es sio n c u lt a m o n g e x-s la v es in A n t a -n a n a ri v o, a n d M a r y B ea rd o n t h e c u l t o f t h e G r ea t s t y le t h a t t e nd s t o b e l on g -w i n de d a n d m e a n de ri n g,

w i t h a s y s t em o f e xp os i t o ry d ev e lo pm e n t t h a t m ig h tMother in ancient Rome, are studiesinterest ing andw ell-executed, to be sureof part icular idiosyncrat ic charitably be described as free associat ion, m aking

t h e bo o k m o r e d a u n t in g a n d o bf u s c a t o r y t h a n n e c e s -e t hn o gr a ph i c s it u a t i on s s om e w h a t t o o d i spa r at e t op oin t t o w a r d a n y u s e f ul g e n er a l iza t io n s be y o n d t h e m - s a ry .

Also, w hile I a ppreciate H um phreys convict ion thatselves. They a lso sha re th e self-declared judgment oftheir respective authors that t hey are speculat ive, being social structural models alone w ill not illum inate sha-

m a n is m a n d t h e c o sm o s in w h ic h i t o pe ra t e s a n d a p -based on ent irely insufficient da ta.In summ ary, th e beginnings of a cont ribution to the plaud her w illingness to turn to psychological theory for

understanding, her choice of the cognit ive psychologycomparat ive project of anth ropology w ith respect tos h a m a n is m a n d h is t o ry a r e p re se n t in t h e g en e ra l ly o f w r i t er s l ik e P a s c a l B o y er a n d D a n Spe rber t o i l lu m i-

nate this ecstat ic phenomenon based on altered statesg oo d a n d in t e re st in g p a p er s in t h is v o lu m e , bu t o n ew ishes that t he editors and conferees had taken the dis- of consciousness strikes m e as a singularly unhelpful

one. As she h erself documents, the spirits encounteredcussion the next step tow ard synt hesis.Sham ans and Eldersis a m a s s iv e a n d a m bit io u s e t h - in s h a m a n is m a r e do m in a t e d by t h e p a s sio n s o f t h irs t

f o r r e ve n ge , a t t a c h m e n t t o u n s et t le d g ru d ge s in r e-n o gr a ph ic m o n o g ra p h , r ep re se n t in g t h e p oo led r e-s o ur ce s o f C a r ol in e H u m p h re y a n d U r g u n ge O n o n , a s po n s e t o pa s t c r u el t y , a n d in g en e ra l t h e r a ge , a gg re s-

sion, hatred, self-assertion, and dread rigorously deniedD aur M ongol now w orking at C am bridge. Their collec-tive know ledge of the ma ny lan guages necessary for ex- expression in the course of ordinary social life. So w hen

she w rites (in her art icle in Shamans, History, and theploring the scholarship on the area and their access toa region that is and has been restricted and ina ccessible State) tha t I am not borrow ing th e term repressed from

psychoanalyt ic theory but using it in an at tempt to ex-to most Western scholars provide a veritable treasuretrove of hard-to-come-by ethnographic and historical plain a D aur idea (pp. 22223), one w onders (a) w hat s

the difference? and (b) w hy not?m a t e ri a l, d oc u m en t a ry , o ra l , a n d ph o t og ra ph i c, f orw h ic h t h e in t e re st e d sp ec ia l is t m u s t be gr a t ef u l a n d by D e s pit e t h e se d r a w ba c k s, t h e bo o k is a n in c o m p a ra -

ble c om p e n diu m o f D a u r m a t e ria ls a n d m u s t c e rt a in lyw hich any anth ropologist m ust be im pressed.Th e D a u r s, s o m e t im e s k n o w n in t h e li t e ra t u r e a s D a - be r ea d by a n y o n e in t e re st e d in t h e r eg io n a n d /o r in

No r t h A s ia n s h a m a n is m .g o rs , h a v e l iv ed a s et t le d , p r ed o m in a n t ly a g ric u lt u r a l


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economy, a role w hich h e thin ks w ill inevitably bringA G lobal Anthropology? us int o conflict w ith our subjects. The last three chap-t e rs o f t h e bo ok a r e c o n c er n ed w i t h id en t i t y a n d m o -d er ni t y a n d i n cl u de a s us t a in ed a t t a c k o n c u lt u ra lessentialism and t heories of creolizat ion a nd cosmopol-r i c h a r d w i l k itanism . Here he introduces an important concept w ithD epar t m ent of A nt hr opol ogy , I nd i ana U n i v er si t y ,his distinction betw een strong forms of globalizationBl oom i ngt on, I nd. 47405, U .S.A . 27 viii 97

that extend Western cultural dominan ce a nd w eakg lo ba l iza t io n t h a t e x t e n d s t h e f o r m bu t n o t t h e s u b-

Cultural Ident i ty and Global Process. By Jonathans t a n c e, a l lo w in g f o r lo ca l a p pr op ria t io n o f We st e rn

Friedman. London: Sage, 1994. 270 pp.ideas, pract ices, and goods. Chapter 7, G lobalizat ionand Localizat ion, is my choice for the best single es-The 12 e ss a y s t h a t c o m p os e C u l t u r al I d en t i t y a nd

Global Processw ere published in various journals and say. H e develops a contrast betw een urban C ongoleseand rural Ha w aiians, identifying their different strate-collections betw een 1980 a n d 1995. G iv en t h a t t h e y

w ere w rit ten over a considerable period of t ime for dif- gies of creat ing identity at the m argins of pow erful sys-tems. He persuasively argues for the importance of con-ferent audiences, they are remarkably coherent and con-

s ist e n t in t h e ir a pp ro a c h , ou t lo o k, a n d st y le . Th e y re p- s u m p t ion in t h e c ra f t in g o f id en t i t ie s w i t h d i ff er en trelat ionships to the West .r es en t o n e o f t h e v er y f ew r ec en t a n t h ro po l og ic a l

a ppr oa c h es t o g lo ba l c u lt u ra l ph en o m e na , s ee ki n g a Fr ie dm a n i s d efin i t el y a pe ss im i s t , a l m o st a c a t a s -trophist , w ho sees the West in the t erm inal phases ofgrand historical synt hesis of how all th e disparate local-

i t ies s t u d ie d by a n t h r o po lo gis t s fit t o g et h e r. E t h n o - c o l la p se ; h e f o re se es a lu m p en ize d v io le n t We st

a w a s h w i t h f ra c t io u s i m m i g ra n t s a n d s u bn a t i on a l sgraphic exam ples a re draw n from Friedman s an d Ek-holm -Friedma ns fieldw ork in C ongo, Friedm ans w ork float ing around th e deindustria lized husk of the old cap-

italist core. Science and empiricism are headed to thein H aw aii , and a va riety of historical cases from G reecet o C h in a . jun k-pile a lon g w it h m odern ism . It is da n gerous t o de-

pict the rise of new forms of nat ionalism , ethnic identi-Friedman establishes a theoretical home base usinga r efin e d f o rm o f c u l t u ra l n e om a r x is m u n d er t h e fic a t io n , a n d a s pir a t ion s f o r lo c a l c u l t u ra l a u t o n o m y a s

symptoms of decline and disorder. While Friedman isu m b re ll a o f w o rl d -s y st e m s t h eo ry . H i s h i st o ri ca la n a ly s is o f t h e r ela t io n sh ip be t w e en g loba l e c on o m ic n e u t ra l a bo ut t h e s e c h a n g es , se ein g t h em a s s y m p t o m s

of an inevitable global development of capitalism, hisa n d c u lt u ra l c y cl es u n de rpi n s e ve ry c h a pt e r o f t h ebo ok . H is d riv in g f o rc e is t h e c y c l ic r is e a n d f a l l o f c o n c lu s ion s a r e u n c o m f o rt a bly c lo s e t o t h e id ea s of re -

a c t io n a ry c u l t u ra l p ur ist s w h o bla m e m in o r i t ies a n deconomic empires. At their peaks, t hese empires exer-cise real cultural hegemony and project a unified cul- imm igrants for the destruction of Western society.

G lobal sy nt hesis is difficult territory for ant hropolo-tural model founded on a coherent vision of progress.As they dissipate and collapse, they become culturally gists. We tend to know a few places very w ell through

o u r o w n e t h n o gr a ph y bu t m u s t d ep en d o n r ea d in g afragmented, and their hegemony is increasingly ques-t ioned. New centers grow on the old periphery. It hap- very inconsistent and un even literature to learn about

th e rest of t he planet. We are alw ays in danger of castin gpened to the H ellenes, says Friedman, and it is happen-in g t o us. t h e globe in t erm s of t h e few pla ces w h ere w e h a ve

w orked, seeing global processes through a very smallAs a result of this modern crisis of capitalism, ofeconomic fragmentat ion, deindustrializat ion, and capi- lens. There is constant tension betw een the big pic-

tures w e w ant to paint in t erms of general a nd usuallytal flight to the periphery, the West is in rapid decline.Ne w n a t io n a l ism s , e t h n ici t ies , a n d id en t i t ie s a r ise , h ig h ly a bs t r a ct pr oc e ss es a n d t h e t in y fr a gm e n t s o f e v i-

dence th at w e control. O ther fields use aggregat e stat is-each incorporating fragments of Western consumer cul-ture but each negotiat ing different sorts of relat ionships t ics, indices, surveys, and ot her measures to try t o un-

d e rs t a n d g lo ba l p ro c es se s, bu t Fr ied m a n , a lo n g w i t hw ith Western cult ural forms. Postm odernism and an-thropological struggles over representat ion and author- other recent anth ropological syn thesizers such as U lf

Han nerz and Arjun Appadurai, shuns such crude de-ity are simply the scholarly reflections of the new erao f d iso r de r, do w n w a r d m o bil i t y , a n d fr a gm e n t a t io n . v ic es . In s t e a d h e t e n d s t o re ly o n h is t o r ic a l n a r ra t iv e s

and ethnographic illustrat ions, w hich are usually t run-Friedman devotes several chapters to exploring a cy -clic m odel of rise, hegemon y, and fragmentat ion. His cated into sketches or anecdotes. In global anth ropology

richness and creativity of ideas and diversity of theoreti-most st imulat ing and original sect ions juxtapose mod-e rn is m , p rim it iv is m , a n d p os t m o d e rn is m a s p os i t ion s c a l c o n n ec t io n s a r e n o t co m p lem e n t e d by m u c h em p ir i-

c a l e v id e n c e . I n F r ie d m a n s bo o k ( a s in o t h e r s o f t h etaken w ithin an identity space of lat e capitalism aslocal cultures and groups struggle w ith a declining West genre), t he authors veracity rests on clever a rgum ent,

dazzling and sophist icated references an d conn ections,f o r a u t h e n t ici t y a n d id e n t i t y . H is g lo ba l t y p o log y o fmovem ents highlights th e key roles of history and con- and striking examples w hich appeal t o our ow n experi-

ence, all of w hich a re provided in abundan ce. But t hesumer goods in t hese art iculat ions. The strong crit iqueof current anthropology aim s direct ly a t the roles and theoretical richness raises the question of w hat kinds of

c o m p a ra t iv e , h is t o ric a l , o r e t h n o gr a ph ic e v id en c e afunctions served by our field in a declining polit ical


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truly global anthropology w ill need to call upon if alter- tural pat t erns that have endured are those w hich h averesponded to basic cultural needs w hile retaining thenative proposit ions are t o be evaluat ed.

I found this book a st im ulat ing read, full of original flexibility to evolve in response to polit ical and techno-logical changes. Ferguson reasons that although Zuniideas that point the w ay tow ard the next generat ion of

g lo ba l a n t h r o po lo gy . Fr ied m a n s a r gu m e n t a bo u t t h e s pa t ia l a rr a n ge m e n t s h a v e c h a n g ed d ur in g t h e pa s t 50 0y e a r s , t h e y h a v e c o n s is t e n t ly t a k e n a f o r m c o n g r u e n tp o li t ic a l e c o n o m y o f a n t h r o p o lo g y m a k e s e n s e o u t o f

ma ny recent trends in the discipline. The scholarly exu- w ith changes in Z uni social structure.

R e co gn izin g t h a t t h e c o n fig u ra t io n o f bu i lt s pa c e sberance and eclect icism of the w rit ing is often st imula t-ing, but som e sections are also sloppy and repetit ious, constitutes an expression of the social relat ions of the

group responsible for their construction may not, in andand the author sometimes stretches a point or analogyfar past the breaking point . More serious, I am not con- of itself , be revolutionary, but the applicat ion of space

syntax analysis permit s one to put a num ber on th e rela-v in c ed by t h e m a in t h e s is t h a t h e g em o n y is o v e r a n dt h e We st is in a t e rm in a l d e cl in e. I a m n o t c o n v in c ed t io n s h ip . B y w a y o f ba c k gr o un d , in The Social Logic of

Space (1984) and subsequent publicat ions, Bill Hillierthat Western h egemony w as ever quite so t horough orall-encompassing, preferring Bruno Latours formula- and Julienne Han son and their colleagues at Un iversity

C ollege London hav e refined th is approach to archit ec-tion We hav e never been m odern. I suppose th at onlyt im e w ill tell i f the resurgence of local identity and eth- tural an alysis t hat reduces the spatial arrangements of

buildings and set t lements to a series of numerical val-nicity is indeed the death knell of the West or merelyone of the m ore visible features of the latest phase of ues. The values are based upon the posit ion and poten-

tial accessibility of a ll spaces w ithin a system relat ivecapitalist expansion an d consolidat ion.to all other spaces. The theoretical underpinnings of

s pa c e s y n t a x a n a ly s is c o m bin e e le m e n t s f r o m g ra p ht h e o ry w i t h D u r k h e im s n o t io n s o f o rg a n ic a n d m e -chanical solidarity, because w hat is really being m ea-N ew View s on Old Wallssured is the potential for social interact ion.

Operat ionally, space syntax in volves a series of rulesthat control the ma nner in w hich people segregate andj a s o n s . s h a p i r oconnect built spaces. The techniques for representing,Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania Statequant ifying, an d interpreting the spatial configurationU ni versit y, York Cam pus, York, Pa. 17403-3398,of buildings and set t lements rest upon a conception ofU .S.A . 18 ix 97the built environment that considers spaces in terms ofbounda ries (i.e., w hether they are open or closed) as w ell

H i s t or i c Z uni Ar c hi t ec t ur e and Soci et y : Anas relat ionships (i .e., w hether t hey are contiguous or

A rchaeological A ppl icat ion of Space Synt axnot ). Structu res are reduced t o sim plified net w orks of

Analysis. By T. J. Ferguson. Tucson: University ofn o d es (s pa c es ) a n d l in k a ge s (d o or w a y s , p a t h w a y s ),

Arizona Press, 1996. 176 pp.w hose analy sis provides a set of num bers t hat describethe ease of movement through the netw ork. To be sure,Th e c o n st r u c t ion , m a in t e n a n c e , a n d m o d ific a t io n o f

the built environm ent constitut e some of hum anity s Fergusons book is challenging, especially for individu-als w ho are unfamiliar w ith the theory and pract ice ofm o r e c o m p le x a n d e n du r in g c u l t u ra l e n d ea v o rs , y e t

a m o n g a r c h a eo lo gis t s a rc h i t ec t u r e h a s n o t r ec eiv ed t h e s pa c e s y n t a x a n a ly s is. H e t a k e s g re a t p a in s t o e x p la int h e lo gic beh in d t h e m e t h o d s , h o w e v er , a n d r ea d er sprofundity of a nalysis accorded other element s of m ate-

rial culture such a s ceram ics, l i thics, and even set t le- w ho are w illing to persevere w ill be rew arded.D r a w in g o n h is lo n g-t e rm a s s oc ia t io n s w i t h Z u n iment pat terns. Certainly architecture has been uncov-

ered, m easured, a nd described, but m ost studies ha ve Pueblo, Ferguson reveals a series of recurrent behavioralpatterns that have become embodied in Zuni architec-failed to elucidate, or even investigate, such fundam en-

tal issues as the relat ionship betw een the arrangem ent ture. For example, a relat ionship is identified betw eensett lement accessibility and the perceived need for de-of built spaces and the nature of face-to-face social in-

t e ra c t io n s w i t h in a s oc iet y . Th is st a t e o f a f f a ir s m a y be f en s e. P r ior t o t h e la t e 19 t h c e n t u r y , t h e Z u n i f a c e dt h r ea t s f ro m t h e Sp a n ish , a s w e l l a s f r o m a v a r ie t y o fchanging as a num ber of recent publicat ions, including

H i s t or i c Z uni Ar c hi t ec t ur e and Soc i et y , s u gg es t n e w P u e blo a n a n d A t h a pa s k a n g r ou ps . I rr es pe ct iv e o f t h ea d o pt io n o f s o m e m in o r a r c h it e c t u ra l m o d ific a t io n s,w a y s i n w h i ch h u m a n s pa t i a l a r ra n ge m en t s m a y b e

q ua n t ified a n d st udied. t h e fun da m en t al a rra n gem en t of Z un i set tlem en t s so a sto segregate and protect inhabitants from outsiders Borrow ing a set of techniques called space syntax

analysis from Brit ish architects and planners, Ferguson did not change significantly until the external threatsd iss ipa t e d . A n ot h e r fin d in g s u gg es t s t h a t v a r ia t io n sinvestigates changes in Z uni society from early historic

t o c o n t em p o ra r y t im e s a n d d e lin e a t es t h e l in k s be- a m o n g c a lc ula t e d v a lu es f o r a v a rie t y o f s pa t ia l a r ra n g e-ments are differences of degree rather than kind. Thist w e en Z u n i s o cia l s t r uc t u r e a n d a r c h it e c t u ra l f o rm s .

His them e is one of continuit y in t he face of change, finding supports the existence of a set of unstated rulesunderlying the structure of the Zun i built environment.and through his applicat ion of space syntax analysis he

illustrates this continuity by show ing how the architec- In other w ords, the sam e cultural imperat ives that Fer-


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guson ident ifies am ong 17 t h - a n d 18 th-century set t le- that caste is to be explained by the hierarchical opposi-t ion of purity and im purity. There is no doubt tha t H in-ments continued to operate through the 19 t h a n d 20 t h

cen t uries. dus a re en dlessly preoccupied w it h pollut ion con cept sand boundary m aintenance; equally there is no questionO n e o f t h e s t u d y s s t re n gt h s is t h e u s e o f e t h n o h is-

toric and ethnographic m aterials to help interpret the that cont rol over resources in peasant South Asia is de-cidedly unequal. D umont s theory, w hich m arries thesespatial configurations of Z uni set t lements. Although

Ferguson analyz es several contact-period sites, much of tw o ideas, should, then, be m ore or less tenable. The

trouble is that it simply does not explain ethnographich is s t u d y in v o lv e s la t e r s e t t le m e n t s f o r w h ic h a c t u a lspace usage can be confirmed. He does not ma ke claims and historical realit ies.

F o r D u m o n t , t h e id e o lo g ic a l f a u l t l in e s o f c a s t e - o r -o n w h i ch s pa c e s y n t a x c a n n o t d el iv er , a n d h e c om -m e n t s u p o n t h e l im it a t io n s in h er en t in t h e t h e o ry a n d g a n ise d c om m u n it ies a r e i l lus t r a t ed c lea r ly by a le a gu e

table w hich reproduces itself again an d again in com-methods. For example, although space syntax analysisc a n e x pa n d t h e d a t a ba s e d ev e lo pe d by t r a d it io n a l a r - m u n it ie s t h r o u gh o u t H in d u I n d ia : pu r e, p rie st ly B r a h -

m ans are at one pole, pollution-rem oving U ntouchablec h a eo lo gic a l m e t h o ds , i t a ls o f a c e s t h e c o n u n dr u m o fc o n t ex t . I n o r de r f o r s pa c e s y n t a x t o w o r k w e ll , i t is v i- c a s t es a r e a t t h e o t h e r, a n d a l l o t h e r c a s t es c a n be

ranked in betw een on a purity-impurity scale. Aw k-tal to know how different types of open space or roomfunctions w ere integrated into the overall structural ar- w ardly for his theory, how ever, Hindu priesthood often

seems to involve the removal of inauspicious qualit iesrangement [of a societys spatial struct ure] (p. 49). U n -f o rt u n a t e ly , t h is in f or m a t io n is n o t a lw a y s r ea d i ly a v a i l- a s s oc ia t ed w i t h s in , e v il , a n d d e a t h . Th e p a t ro n o f

priestly ritual is generally som eone w ho is, according t oable in the archaeological record, and its absence canlimit the potential effect iveness of space syntax a nal- D umont s theory, low er than the priest he employs,

but the absorption by the higher functionary of theysis.The final w ords on the ability of archaeologists to re- inauspiciousness of the low er seem s to suggest a

rather idiosyncrat ic notion of ranking. The problem iscover the meanings tha t un derlie architectural pat ternshave not yet been w rit ten, but the new lines of inquiry compounded by the endless ethnographic descriptions

of castes w hose m embers dispute t heir rank relat ive t oexem plified by H i s t or i c Z uni A r c hi t ect ur e and Soc i et y w i l l s u r ely a id in t h e p r oc es s . O n ba la n c e, Fe rg u so n s e a c h o t h e r. Th is a ls o s ee m s t o in d ic a t e t h a t t h e re is a

significant am ount of am biguity in t he system.m o n o g ra p h o f fe rs in s ig h t s in t o t h e c o n n ec t io n s be -t w e en s o cia l a n d s pa t ia l o rg a n iza t ion a t Z u n i a n d h igh - A f u rt h e r sh o rt l is t o f ex a m p les w h ic h em ba r r a ss t h e

idea that castes are unambiguously ranked according tolights the potential for an analyt ical tool that may helpa r ch a e o lo g is t s t o u n d e rs t a n d m o r e a bo u t t h e n a t u r e o f t h e ir r ela t iv e p u ri t y w o u ld in c lu d e t h e f o llo w in g : t h e

prevalence of hypergamy in certain regions w hereby so-architectural rem ains and their relat ionships to t he peo-ple w h o built t h em . cia l m obilit y is in st it ut ion a lised; va rious pra ct ices t o

conceal ones parentagenam e changing, genealogy in-venting, and m oving aw ay to a district w here ones ori-

Reference Cited gins are unknow n; conversion, principally of U ntouch-ables, to a lternative ideologies (Buddhism, C hrist ianity,h i l l i e r , b i l l , a n d j u l i e t t e h a n s o n . 1 9 8 4. The social

logic of space. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. C o m m u n i sm ) w h i ch d o n o t a d d i n s u lt t o i n ju ry b yheaping celest ial scorn upon m aterial dispossession;and various ot her sub-altern m ovements in w hichthe disadvant aged stand up for them selves. All of these

The Hierarchy Trap are w ell documented: it seem s tha t som e H indus (his-torically rather a lot , i t t ranspires)just dont seem to ac-c e pt t h e ir pla c e o n t h e la d d e r a s D u m o n t s t h e or y o r -d a in s t h a t t h e y s h o u ld . No n e o f t h is m e a n s t h a t c a s t ed e c l a n q u i g l e ydoesnt exist ; clearly Hindus in normal society (i .e.,Department of Social Anthropology, The Queens excluding ascetics) are divided into groups w hich do notU niversity of Belfast, Belfast BT7 1N N , N o r t h er n in t e rm a r r y o r in t e rd in e o r p er fo r m c er t a in r i t u a ls t o -I reland. 30 viii 97gether and w hose members justify this in terms of pu-

rity. The separationis unequivocal even if the rankingH i er ar chy and I t s D i s cont ent s : C ul t ur e and t heis a matter of dispute.

Polit ics of Consciousness in Caste Society. BySteven Parish claims that H i er ar chy and I t s D i sc on-

Steven M. Parish. Philadelphia: University oft ent s is an interpretive ethnographic essay rather than

Pennsylvania Press, 1996. 270 pp.a monograph. Attacking Dumonts all-embracing con-cept of caste hierarchy, he argues tha t th e New ars of the

Caste T oday. Edited by C . J . Fuller. Delhi: O xfordKathm andu Valley in Nepal, w hile agreeing on the gen-

U niversity Press, 1996. 295 pp.eral form of their caste-organised society, offer a differ-ent conception of th eir w orld, in deed several. ParishsL ou is D u m o n t h a s a lo t t o a n s w e r f o r. I t is d o u bt f ul

w hether the explanat ion of caste w ill ever recover from argument is that ma ny New ars (certainly the four orfive h e repetit ively cites) fantasise about a w orld w heret h e d a m a g e d o n e by h is s ed u c t ive ly e le ga n t p ro po s a l


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inequality does not exist and w here the fundam ental no coherent picture emergesexcept perhaps that castedivisions remain entrenched in India. Space precludesalikeness of all human beings rather than their differ-

en ces is st ressed. det a iled exa m in a t ion of ea ch pa per, so I w ill dea l brieflyw ith the t w o w hich deal m ost centrally w ith hierarchy.Presumably people everyw here are, a t least sporadi-

c a l ly , id ea l ist ic . To c o n st r u c t a n e n t ire s o cio log ica l M a y e r e xa m in e s d e ve lo pm e n t s in a v i l la ge in c en t r a lIndia w hich he has been looking at for nearly 40 years.anti-thesis a round occasional utopianism, how ever, is

itself rather shockingly na ve, part icularly w hen genu- The main change w hich he documents is the dimin ish-

ing of the sense of hierarchical relations (Untouchables,ine alternatives to caste divisions, such as those men-tioned above, are available and draw n upon. More w or- for example, are less m arginalised) even though ca stes

remain firmly separated from one anoth er through ther y in g s t il l i s t h a t P a r is h l ea v es o u t o f h i s a c c ou n tv irt u a l ly a l l o f t h e e x t en s iv e r es ea r c h t h a t h a s be en p ra c t ic e o f e n do ga m y . Th e re h a s bee n s o m e lo o se n in g o f

rules governing com mensality and w ater use, a generaldone on th e New ars. One result of th is is that he ignoresaffiliat ions based on principles other than caste, notably movem ent aw ay from tradit ional occupations associ-

ated w ith part icular castes, an d a corresponding changethose relat ing t o kinship a nd t erritory, w hich are cen-t r a l t o Ne w a r s s el f -c o n ce pt io n a n d h a v e bee n t h o r - in c a s t e n a m e s. So m e o f t h e o c cu pa t io n a l c h a n ge s a re

due to new opportunit ies in a nearby tow n, this also re-oughly explored by a number of anthropologists. Alsoignored are virtually all of the t heoretical alternatives sult ing in a less clear-cut correlat ion betw een w ealth

and landow nership, though th e size and distribution oft o D u m o n t s c o n c e p t io n o f c a s t e . I n s t e a d P a r is h s u b-jects us to an extreme psychologist ic view of society holdings have not great ly altered. One suspects that one

sees here a microcosm of the changes affect ing villagew h ic h , i r o n ica l ly , o u t d o e s D u m o n t in i t s r e d u ct io n o fsociety to culture and of culture to ideological stereo- India over the past half-century.

Change notw ithstanding, in 1992 caste affiliat ion int y p in g (Ne w a r s s a y t h is ; U n t o u c h a ble s t h in k a n d f ee lt h a t ). t h e villa ge of M a y ers fieldw ork rem a in ed un a m bigu-

ous, and people could not conceive of any alternative.Parish replaces considerat ion of the real w orld by as im p lis t ic v ie w t h a t t h e f o u n da t io n s o f c a s t e h ie ra r - Fo c u sin g o n t h e c o n n e c t ion s be t w e en s u bc a s t e a n d

kinship, Mayer argues that family arrangement of mar-c h ie s a r e a rb i t ra r y , s i m p ly a n a rg um e n t , o n e a m o n gm a n y p os s ible a l t er n a t iv e a rg u m e n t s . Bu t w h y d id t h e r ia ge s c o n t in u es t o p r o m o t e e n d o ga m y . H e c o n c lu de s

t h a t s epa r at i o n r a t he r t h a n r a nk i ng h a s b ec om e t h ecaste con figuration prevail over the a lternat ives? Rathert h a n a p p ea l in g t o t h e h is t o ry a n d e t h n o g ra p h y o f liv ed d o m in a n t m o r ph o lo gic a l a s p ec t o f c a s t e o r ga n iza t io n ,

and difference (based on family solidarity) rather thanlives as others are piously exhorted to do, Parish padsh is a r g um e n t w i t h e n dle ss ly r e pe t i t iv e ph ilo so ph is in g p ur i t y p ro v ide s t h e n o rm a t iv e u n d er pin n in g f o r t h is .

May er does not consider the possibility t hat it w as al-inspired by t he likes of Bourdieu, Habermas, and a kindof one-dimensional G eertz holding t hat people inhabit w ays thus. The question arises because in his contrasts

the earlier picture is heavily influenced by Dumontianthe w orld they ima gine. How it is tha t t he daily exigen-cies of ecology, economy, a nd polity escaped the imagi- notions of purity and hierarchy, and this theory has now

bee n d isc r ed it ed f ro m e v er y c o n c eiv a ble a n g le . Th enat ion of Pa rishs interlocut ors is difficult t o explain.To be fa ir , t h e re a r e m o m e n t s o f in s ig h t , s u ch a s t h e f a c t s o f t h e c o n t em p o ra r y s c en e in c e n t ra l I n dia a r e

c o m p a re d by M a y e r w i t h a n order c o n st r u c t ed by a n -recognit ion tha t t he fundam ental ant hropological prob-lem of caste revolves around the construction of differ- thropologists w hich seemed at one t im e to be indisput-

a ble bu t is n o w a n y t h in g bu t .ence in t he sense of natural kin ds (rather than the exis-t e n c e o f m a t e r ia l in e q u a li t y ) a n d t h e fa c t t h a t t h is is Th e s a m e d i f fic u lt y p e rv a d es F u lle rs in t r od u c t ion .

Fu ller be g in s by c a l l in g D u m o n t s t h e or y o f c a s t e t h elinked to the problem of social order. H ow ever, Parishtends to undermine his insights w ith his ow n reduc- most pow erful and coherent to date, but he quickly goes

o n t o s a y t h a t a c o m bin a t io n o f t e x t u a l , h is t o ric a l , a n dtionist count erarguments even if m ost of us w ould nowagree w ith him that D umont s ma ster principle w as too ethnographic crit icism has left l i t t le of i t int act . What

sort of pow erful t heory is this? Fuller t hen a rgues th atconsistent to be rem otely plausible.Caste Today is t h e pr od u c t o f a c o n f er en c e h eld in d u rin g t h e 19 th century hierarchy, based on royal rank

or caste purity, becam e an increasingly pervasive princi-London in 1993. Nin e of th e original conference contri-butio ns are reproduced here w ith a new in troduct ory es- ple throughout societ y (p. 6). But the idea of caste pu-

rity he has in m ind here is Brahm inical, and this princi-say by C. J. Fuller. Three papers (Mayer, Deliege, Lam-b er t ) ex a m i n e r u ra l H i n d u s oc ie t y , a n d t h r ee o t h er s pl e a n d t h a t o f r oy a l p re ce de nc e a r e q u i t e d i f fe re nt .

Fullers fudging of these tw o principles lends itself to a(Jamous, Fanselow , Vatuk) reopen the question of castea m o n g So ut h A sia n M u s lim s . R e in ic h e lo ok s a t a n u r- c er t a in a m o u n t o f c o n f u s io n , be c a u se a n y in t e rp re t a -

t ion of caste today must be clear about w hat caste yes-ba n c a s t e s t u d y f r o m Ta m iln a d u , w h i le D irk s t a k e s ahistorical perspective on the polit ics of caste and race terday looked like. Fuller is also ambiguous about how

much caste w as a product of recent colonial history a ndamong Tamils. Beteille offers a grand sw eep of the na-t u r e o f c a s t e a m o n g m id d le-c la ss I n d ia n s t o d a y . Th e re h o w m u c h o n e o f pr ec o lon ia l s o cia l f o rm a t io n s.

At heart, though, Fullers empiricism leads him to ac-is a great deal of fascinat ing informa tion here even if , aso n e m ig h t e x pe c t f r om s u c h a d is pa r a t e s et o f a r t icles , c ep t t h a t m o s t o f t h e in f or m a t io n c o n t a in ed in t h e et h -


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nographies of the 1950s a n d 1960s w as basically reli- In short , fine art painting, photography, and sculp-ture designed to be view ed and contemplatedis not aable, that the central features of village society during

this period w ere relat ively rigid and stable caste hierar- comm odity. I f an art ist is concerned w ith economics,h e o r s h e is a n a r t is a n , n o t a n a r t ist .c h ies , a n d t h a t in m a n y p a rt s o f I n d ia t o d a y l i t t le h a s

c h a n ge d . Th a t s ubs t a n t ia l c h a n ge h a s o c c ur re d in o t h e r O n e m e e t s s ev e ra l a r t is t s in H i gh A r t D o w n H o m e w ho express just such a view . One also encounters oth-sett lements, part icularly urban areas, prompts him to

c o n clu d e t h a t D u m o n t s t h e o ry is l in k ed t o t h e e t h - e rs w h o s p ea k o f t h e ir s t r u gg le t o e a r n a l iv in g w i t h

their art and of th eir at tempts to sat isfy customers aes-nography of a specific hist orical period that is now pass-ing aw ay (p. 11). But this is doubly mistaken. First of thetic and investment dem ands, concerns that are often

in conflict w ith their ow n. In fact , one m eets a w holeall , i t w ould seem that in rural South Asia, w hich re-m a in s by f a r t h e g re a t er p a rt o f t h e s u bco n t in e n t , c a st e r a n ge o f f a sc in a t in g in div idu a ls w h o m a k e u p t h e c o m -

plex strat ified w orld of a regional Am erican a van t-gardeis rather resistant to change. Secondly, Fuller is increas-in gly is ola t e d in bel iev in g t h a t D u m o n t s t h e o ry o f a r t m a r k e t in t h is e xc e lle n t bo ok . B u ild in g o n t h e w o rk

of scholars w ho are concerned w ith the socioeconomiccaste ever accounted for that inst itut ion.O n c e d e s cr ibe d by Fu ller a s a r ev is io n ist t h e s is be - c o n st r u c t io n o f a r t w o r ld s a n d o f e t h n o g ra p h er s w h o

have studied local m arkets, Stuart Plat tner analyzes thec a u se i t d ist u r be d h is D u m o n t ia n v is io n , t h e m o s t e x -c i t in g et h n o g ra p h y o n c a s t e in r ec en t y e a r s (bec a u s e i t a r t w o rld s o f St . L ou is , M is s o u ri , a c o m m u n it y w i t h

w hich he is int im ately familiar t hrough long personalprovides a w ay out of the quagmire of hierarchy) re-m a i n s T he Poi s on i n t he G i f t (1988) by G . G . R a h e ja . a s s oc ia t io n . H e m a k e s a c o m p ell in g c a s e f o r t h e c h o ic e

of this city as a representative research locale; St. LouisC uriously, Ra heja w as also a participant in Fullers 1993conference, but her ideas w ere not discussed then and constitutes a medium-sized, nonspecialized art market ,

m a r g in a l ize d by Ne w Y o r k Cit y . I t is n o r m a l a n d c a n ,a r e m e n t io n e d o n ly br ie fl y ( by L a m be r t ) in t h e bo o kCaste T oday. I f progress is t o be m ade in the explana- therefore, i l lustrate how general issues [the differentia-

t ion and hegemony in the art m arket] are exemplifiedtion of caste, i t is t im e to stop using H om o H i er arc hi c us a s t h e t h e o re t ica l ba s el in e f o r d isc u ss ion : R a h e ja s bo ok in t h e p a rt ic u la r, a n d h o w g lo ba l t h e m e s a r e a d u m -

brated in local realities (p. xi). Unlike markets such asw ould m ake for a m uch m ore profita ble point of depar-t ure. Sa n t a Fe, w h ich specia lizes in In dia n a n d West ern a rt ,

St . Louis is a ma instream art com m unity w here art ist ics ign ific a n c e is d efin e d by t h e Ne w Y o rk a r t w o rld .

Reference CitedWhile Plat tner does not claim explicit ly that St . Louis

r a h ej a , g l o r i a g o o d w i n . 1988. The poison in the g i f t . is representat ive of specialized American a rt m arkets, IChicago: University of Chicago Press. did see m any parallels w ith Santa Fe and its art-w orld

part icipants, suggesting that his conclusions are rele-v a n t t o o t h e r c o n t e m p o r a r y e t h n ic a r t a n d c o l le c t in gmarkets in capitalist societ ies.

P la t t n e r s c e n t ra l r es ea r ch q u e st io n s d ea l w i t h t h ePaint ing a Local Landscape paradox of art as a commodity versus art as cultural cap-ital and h ow art ist ic value is socially constructed by di-verse players in a local art m arket . The book begins by

n a n c y j . p a r e z osituat ing St . Louis in historic/temporal and spatial con-

Arizona State Museum, U niversity of Arizona,t e x t s , s h o w in g h o w lo ca l c o n t ex t a r t ic ula t e s w i t h n a -

Tucson, Ariz. 85721, U .S.A . 28 vi 97t ional and int ernational ma rkets. This is follow ed by asummary of crit ical historical developments in the lo-

H i gh Ar t D ow n H om e: An Ec onom i c Ant hr opol ogy c a l a n d n a t io n a l m a r k e t s a n d a n o v e r v ie w o f t h e c u l-

of a Loc al Ar t M ar k et . B y St u a r t P la t t n e r . Ch ic a g o :tural geography of art and the citys public inst itut ions

University of Chicago Press, 1996. 264 pp.w here activit ies are played out. Together these cha pterss er v e a s a ba c k dr o p a g a in st w h ic h t h e beh a v io rs a n dD uring the first session of my course on the ant hropol-

o gy o f a r t I a s k st u d e n t s t o vie w a s e ries o f sl id es a n d v iew s o f p a rt ic ipa n t s c a n be a p pr ec ia t e d a n d u n d er -stood. Actors next take center stage as Plat t ner analyzesd e c id e i f a n im a g e d o bj e c t is a r t , a f u n c t io n a l o bj e c t ,

craft , and /or fine art in the society in w hich it w as ma de the life strategies, social situat ions, and art ist ic , aes-thetic, social, and economic choices of art ists, dealers,and w hether it w ould be considered art by average

Americans. What alw ays emerges from th is exercise is and collectors. The book concludes w ith a comparisono f t h e lo c a l a r t m a r k e t t o p ea s a n t m a r k et s a n d t h e n a -a questioning confusion about classification systems

and how art is cross-culturally defined. What a lso inevi- ture of transact ions w hich are built on asym m etrical in-formation, personal relat ionships, and trust .tably surfaces, most vehemently expressed by studio art

m a j o rs , is t h e v ie w t h a t in A m e ric a n so c iet y r ea l a rt M e t h o d olo gic a l ly s o ph is t ica t e d a n d c lea r ly a n d c o n -cisely w rit ten, H i g h A r t D o w n H o m e cont ains suffi-is purely aesthetic and real artists are not concerned

w ith, or have risen above, economic concerns. Real art- cient information on Plat t ners research protocol t hatinvestigators could replicate the study in other comm u-ists produce their w orks in isolation because they must.


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nit ies. Such an explicat ion is all too rare in much of the Measures of Polygyny :recent anth ropological/cultural-studies literature thatdeals w ith art . Plat tners methods and presentat ion for- An Improvementma t constit ute a very rigorous yet personal and aesthet-

upon Improvementsicized approach: I describe the nature of a local con-temporary art m arket th e w ay a realist painter w oulddepict a landscape. Like an art ist , my goal is to repre-

sent reality by applying disciplinary m ethods through a a . r . n . s r i v a s t a v apersonal focus (p. x). H e certain ly does th is w ell, draw - Department of Anthropology, U niversity of ing a vivid picture of the structure and dynamics of St . Al l ahabad, Al l ahabad 211002, I n d i a . 29 ix 97Louiss market by combining theory, context , and sup-po rt i n g d a t a t h a t i l lu st r a t e m a i n fin d in gs i n e ac h

Polygyny: A Cross-cultural Study. By Peterchapter.

Bretschneider. U ppsala: Acta U niversitat isWh a t m a k e s t h i s w o rk c om p el l in g r ea d in g i s t h e

Upsaliensis, 1995. 229 pp.books ethnographic brush strokesthe biographicalvignettes of key part icipants that i l lustrate the diversity Over the past 20 years cross-cultural researchers have

m ade significant contributions t o t he development andof the St . Louis art community: full- and part-t ime art-ists, am ateurs and professionals, educators, dealers, gal- refinement of anthropological theories and m ethods.

This book is a sincere effort in this direct ion.lery ow ners, collectors, periodic buy ers, curators, crit -i cs , a n d o c ca s io n a l v i ew e rs . Th ro u gh t h e se c a se P o ly g y n y , a fo rm o f p lu ra l m a r ri a ge d efin ed a s t h e

simulta neous conjugal relat ions of one man w ith m orestudiesglimpses of people and their livesone can

see the decisions that people have made in part icipat ing than one w ife, is a norm al m arriage pract ice in m anyethnographic regions of the w orld. Polygyny: A Cross-in a r t w o rld s a n d d ea l in g w i t h t h e ir in h e re n t r isk , a s

w ell as the expectations and life goals that colored their c ul t ur al St udy , as the subtit le of the book suggests, isa comparat ive study of the condit ions that m ay have ledactivit ies. I f I have any crit icism of P lat t ners book it is

that the vignettes are too brief . In every case I w anted to th e developm ent of this form. Bretschneider is veryc lea r w h a t h e w a n t s t o a c c o m plish in t h is s t u d y a n dto learn more about these peopleabout other aspects

of their part icipat ion in the production, m arketing, dis- w hat not . His important aim is to test already exist ingtheories [of polygyny] against a certain body of data , andpl a y , a n d c o ns um p t i on o f a rt . P e rh a ps P l a t t n er h a s

enough information for a second volum e of short bio- to reformulat e these theoriesif necessaryin order toreach a better fit w ith th e dat a (p. 11).graphical sketches?

While H i g h A r t D o w n H o m e is a n et h n o g ra p h y w i t h Th e m a t e ria ls p re se n t ed a n d d is c u ss ed a r e o rg a n izedin easy-to-read research-report styl e. P art 1 (pp. 1122)a focus on economic behavior, readers also learn about

s o cia l r e la t ion s be t w e en a r t -w o rld m e m be rs a n d h e a r o r ie n t s r ea d er s t o t h e o bje ct iv e s, m e t h o d s , a n d d a t au s e d in t h e e m p ir ic a l a n a ly s is . P a r t 2 (pp. 2331) re -their different view s on the social va lue of art . As Plat-

tner show s, no market comm odity in America has such view s prevalent explanations of t he occurrence of po-lygyny and offers a general m odel of the predicted rela-elusive or contradictory value as a painting, and trans-

act ions in art involve social a s w ell as economic risk. t ionship betw een polygyny and its causes. This model,using a w orldw ide sample of 18 6 societ ies, is stat ist i-Fine art is especially elusive and transitory, i ts mean-

in gs in t e n t ion a l ly m y s t ifie d by p a rt ic ipa n t s . P la t t n e r c a l ly a n a ly ze d in p a rt 3 (pp. 50109). Finally, in part 4(pp. 11085), th e findin gs are present ed.has, h ow ever, demy stified the processes of valua tion by

s h o w in g h o w t a s t e , in s ig h t , co n n o iss eu r sh ip, bea u t y , A n t h ro po log ica l t h in k in g o n p oly g y n o us p ra c t ic eshas taken various forms. For analyt ical purposes theseprestige, past social relationships, hierarchy, hegemony,

and symbolic and monetary capital are all part of valua- are categorised here under tw o broad explanatory cate-gories, viz., economic and intra- and intergroup conflictt ions m oving in principled if shift ing pat terns. Even m y

studio art students should recognize that a rt exists in (w arfare). M ajor proponents of econom ic explanat ionso f m a r r ia g e f o r m s a r e E . B o s e r u p , D . R . W h it e , M . L .local markets and that its value, simultaneously social,

economic, and psychological, is m ult ifaceted, changing, Burton and K. Reitz, M . M . D ow , J . G oody, G . R. Lee,and John W. M. Whitin g. These researchers, am ong oth -contested, and ult im ately paradoxical after reading this

singular book. I am sure they w ill agree w ith Plat t ner ers, have considered how direct ly and/or indirect ly dif-ferent modes of subsistence, sexual division of labour,that art is a strange commodity (p. 4) w ith a fascinat-

in g socioecon om ic socia l life. clim a te a nd crop t ype, pa ym en t of bridew ea lt h, m ode ofproperty transmission (i.e., diverging devolution), post-partum sex taboos, etc. , contribute to polygynous prac-t ices. Among the theorists w ho link the occurrence ofp oly g y n y w i t h t h e e x is t e n ce a n d in t e n si t y o f w a r fa r ea n d r e la t e d f a c t o r s a r e M . E m be r , D . W h it e a n d C. R .E m ber , M . L . B u rt o n , K . F. O t t e r be in , a n d K . E . P a ig eand J . M. Paige.

On the ba sis of th e above findings Bretschneider iden-


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tifies a series of v ariables (potentia l predictors) of po- causes (predictors) associat ed w ith certain theories ofpolygyny do not match the data derived from 18 6 soci-ly g y n y a n d f o rm u la t e s s ev e ra l h y p o t h es es in v o lv in g

those variables. Besides including all the variables re- et ies does not m ean that those theories are w rong. I t isp os s ible t h a t o n e o r m o r e v a r ia bles c a u s in g p oly g y n yferred to by earlier researchers he suggests addit ional

o n es , a m o n g t h e m jo in t d e pe n de n ce o n h u n t in g a n d h a v e be en o v er loo k ed o r ig n or ed in t h is st u d y . Th e a u-thor should have discussed this in nonstat ist ical terms.gathering and joint dependence on hunting-gathering

a n d fish in g. Secon dly , t h ere seem s t o be a discrepa n cy w it h rega rd

to t he findin gs on food st ress. This va riabl e is empiri-The empirical data used in t his study are derived di-rectly from the Standard C ross C ultural Sam ple (SCC S), cally found irrelevant (pp. 69, 81), but accepted as one

of th e w eak correlates of polygyny (p. 183). Finally, t hisw hich consists of 18 6 societies representing six w orldr eg ion s . To f a c i l it a t e t h e s t a t is t ic a l a n a ly s is o f da t a a t s t u d y a l lo w s u s t o e v a lu a t e t h e e t ic a s pe ct s o f t h e

m ult idimensional character of polygyny rather than t hethe regional level, Bretschneider groups them into threeregions, each containing about 60 cases: African /C ir- emic ones (p. 14). Since enormous differences in mar-

riage pract ices are found at the regional level, emic in-cum-Mediterranean, Eastern Eurasia/Insular Pacific,a n d No r t h /So ut h A m e ric a . A ft e r e xa m in in g a bo u t t e rp re t a t io n o f d a t a c o u ld h a v e be en v e ry h elpf u l.

Overall , Bretschneiders study provides a replicable1,200 a v a i la ble c o d e d d a t a f o r t h e SCCS s o c ie t ie s , h eiden t ifies 86 indicators (predict ive variables )of polyg- meth odology for the design of comparat ive st udies on

many topics of social-cultural anthropology. It might beynous ma rriages and correlates them w ith recognizedforms (ty pes) of polygyn y w orldw ide. He also exam ines suggested readin g for a senior-level course on research

methodology. Uppsala University has taken a bold stepthe overall (general) and internal relat ionship amongt h e pr ed ic t iv e va r ia bles . O bvio u sly , a l l t h e s e e xe rc ise s in q u ic k ly r elea s in g B re t s ch n e ide rs d o c t or a l t h e s is

(1995) i n b o o k f o r m , a p r a c t i c e u n c o m m o n a t m a n yrequire appropriate sta t ist ical tests at various stages ofanalysis (pp. 1619). M u lt iv a r ia t e t e c h n iq u e s, f o r e xa m - E ur o -A m e ric a n u n iv er si t ies . Th e e di t o ria l s t a f f h a s

done an excellent job; I found just on e typographical er-ple, are used to determine the effects of variables simul-taneously and to determ ine their relat ive importance ror (perspective is spelled as perpective). In the ab-

sence of a subject-aut hor index readers ma y fa ce diffi-for the occurrence of polygyny for the sample and sub-sample. Autocorrelat ion analysis is employed to detect cult ies in locat ing specific entries. Minor points aside,

how ever, Bretschn eider efficiently han dles som e crucialdiffusional effects.Bretschneider is w ell aw are of the crit icisms of cross- aspects of polygyny not considered earlier.

cultural research and frequently points out how prob-lems at various stages em erged and w ere subsequentlyresolved. The results are discussed in both descriptiveand stat ist ical terms, using tables and illustrat ions gen-erated by a so-called recursive model. He has developed Books Receiveda un ique framew ork for m easuring the direct a nd indi-

rect effects of sociocultural, subsistence, w arfare, de- a b r a m , s i m o n e , j a c q u e l i n e w a l d r e n , a n d d o n a l dv . l . m a c l e o d . Editors. 1997. Tourists and tour ism: Ident i - m o g ra ph y , a n d e nv i ro n m e nt a l a n d c u lt u ra l c on t a c t /fyin g people and places. Oxford: Berg. 224 pp. $45.00 cloth,change variables on polygynous pract ices.$19.50 paper

On the ba sis of empirical findings, he rejects th e theo-a n a g n o s t , a n n . 1997. N ational past- t im es: N arrat ive, repre- ries of polygyny based on intrasocietal factors influenc-

sentat i on, and power in m odern Ch ina. D u r h a m : D u k e U n iv e r-i n g a s o c i e t a l s e x r a t i o ( M . E m b e r , D . R . W h i t e a n dsity Press. 239 pp. $49.95 cloth, $16.95 paper

M. L. Burton), high female reproductive capacity (G . R.a s c h o f f , j u r g e n c . , a n d i n a r o s i n g . Editors. 1997. T i -L ee ), a n d t h e l en gt h o f t h e po st p ar t um s ex t a b oo

betan m edicine: East m eets W est West m eets East (Pro-(J . W. M. Whiting). Explanations based on patterns in

ceedings of t he Int ernat ional Sym posium , U niversi ty of U lm / the sexual division of labour an d specific m ode of sub- Germany, 1 9 / 2 0th July 1996). Ulm: Fabri Verlag. 130 pp.s ist e n c e, a s s u gg es t e d by B o se ru p a n d L ee , a r e a ls o

a xe l r o d , r o be r t . 1997. The complexi ty of cooperat ion: found t o be w eak. The findings do to som e extent sup-

Agent-based m odels of com pet i t ion and col laborat i on.port the im pact on polygyny of specific condit ions such Princeton: Princeton University Press. 232 pp. $49.50/35.00

cloth, $18.95/14.95 paperas diverging devolution (J. G oody) and pathogen stress

(B. S. Low ). Bretschn eider supports White a nd Burtons a z o u l a y , k a t y a g i b e l . 1 99 7. Black, Jewish, and interra-view that polygyny is determined by a variety of factors cial : I t s not the color of your sk in, but the race of your k in,

a n d o t h er m y t h s o f i d en t i t y . D u r h a m : D u k e U n iv e rs i t y P r es s.governing access to and control of resources and condi-231 pp. $45.95 cloth, $15.95 papert io n s f a c il i t a t in g t h e t r a n s fe r o f w o m e n a c r os s g ro u p

boundaries (pp. 18384). In t he light of t hese findings b a d e , k l a u s j . , a n d m y r o n w e i n e r . Editors. 1997. Migra- t ion past, m igrat i on futu re: Germany and t he U ni t ed States.he ascribes his view s to the mult idimensional cha rac-Providence: Berghahn. 176 pp. $29.95ter of polygyny.

In this important cross-cultural study Bretschneider b e i l h a r z , p e t e r . 1 9 97 . Im aginin g the ant i podes: Cul ture, theory, and the v isual in the work of Bernard Smith. New York:h a s p ro v ide d t h e c o m p a ra t iv is t s w i t h m u c h f o od f o rCambridge University Press. 53 2 pp. $49.95thought . C ertain issues that arise from this study m ight

usefully be pursued in future research. First , that the b o w i e , k a t h e r i n e a . 1 99 7. Ri t u a l s o f n a t i o n al l o y a l t y : A n


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a n t h r op ol o gy o f t h e st a t e a n d t h e V i l l a ge Sc ou t m o v e m en t i n p ol i t i c s o f et h n i c co n sc i ou sn ess. New York: St . Mart ins Press.389 pp. $79.95T h a i l a n d . New York: Columbia University Press. 413 pp.

$49.50 cloth, $18.50 paperg r a y, a n d r ew . 1997. Indi genous r ights and development:

Sel f -determinat ion in an Amazonian community. Providence:c a r l s e n , r o b e r t s . 1 99 7. The war for t he heart and soul of a h i g hl a n d M a y a t own . Austin: U niversity of Texas P ress. 224 Berghahn. 37 6 pp. $59.95pp. $35.00 cloth, $14.95 paper

h a l p e r n , k a t h e r i n e s p e n c e r , a n d s u s a n b r o w n m cg r e e v y . Editors. 1997. Washington M atthews: Studi es of N av- c a r r i e r , j a m e s g . Editor. 1997. Meanings of the market: The

f ree mark et in Western cul t ure.Oxford: Berg. 256 pp. $46.50

ajo cul tu re,18801894. Albuquerque: University of New Mex-

ico. 304 pp. $70cloth, $19.50 paper

c h a t t y , d a w n , a n d a n n i k a r a b o . Editors. 1997. Organiz- h a m m a r , t o m a s , g r e t e b r o c h m a n n , k r i s t o f t a -m a s , a n d t h o m a s f a i s t . Editors. 1997. I n t e r n at i o n a l m i - ing women: Formal and informal womens groups in the Mid-

dle East. Oxford: Berg. 224 pp. $45.00 cloth, $19.50 paper grat ion, immobi l i ty , and development: Mult id isc ip l inary per- spectives. Oxford: Berg. 320 pp. $55.00 cloth, $19.50 paper

c o m a r o f f , j o h n l . , a n d j e a n c o m a r o f f . 1 99 7. O f reve- lat ion and revolut ion. Vol. 2. The dia lect ics of moderni ty on a h a r d i n , c . l . , a n d l u i s a m a f f i . Editors. 1997. Color cate-

gories in thought and language. New York: Cambridge Univer-South Afr ican f ront ier . Chicago: University of Chicago Press.560 pp. $70.00/55.95 cloth, $24.95/19.95 paper sit y P ress. 414 pp. $74.95 cloth, $27.95 paper

h e r d t , g i l b e r t . Editor. 1997. Sexual cul tures and m igrat ionc o a k l e y , s a r a h . Editor. 1997. Reli gion and the body. N ewYork: Cam bridge U niversity Press. 329 pp. $69.95 in the era of AIDS: Anthropological and demographic perspec-

t ives. Oxford: Clarendon. 256 pp. $65c o n k e y , m a r g a r e t w . , o l g a s o f f e r , d e b o r a h

s t r a t m a n n , a n d n i n a g . j a b l o n s k i . Editors. 1997. Be- h u t c h i n s o n , j a n i s f a y e . Editor. 1997. Cultural portrayals of Afr ican A m ericans: Creat ing an ethni c/ racia l ident i ty . West-yond art : Pleistocene im age and sym bol. Berkeley: University

of C alifornia Press. 378 pp. $55 cloth, $35 paper port : Bergin a n d G arv ey . 168 pp. $55

i n g o l d , t i m . Editor. 1997 (1994). Com panion encyclopedia of c o n y e r s , l a w r e n c e b . , a n d d e a n g o o d m a n . 1 99 7.Ground-penetrat ing radar: An introduct i on for archaeologists. anthropology: H um anity, cul ture, and social l i fe. New York:

Routledge. 1,161 pp. $49.95Walnut Creek, Calif : AltaMira . 240 pp. $54.00 cloth, $26.95paper

i s a a c , g l y n n l l . , a n d b a r b a r a i s a a c . Editors. 1997.Koobi Fora research project. Vol. 5. Plio-Pleistocene archaeol-c o r o n il , f er n a n d o . 1997. The m agical state: Nat ure,

money, and moderni ty in Venezuela. Chicago: University of ogy. Oxford: Oxford Un iversity Press. 628 pp. $26 5C hicago Press. 463 pp. $50.00 cloth, $19.95 paper

j a c o b s , s u e - e l l e n , w e s l e y t h o m a s , a n d s a b i n el a n g . Editors. 1997. Tw o-spir i t people: N at ive A m erican gen- c r eh a n , ka t e . 1997. The fractured comm unit y: Landscapes

of power and gender in rural Zambia. Berkeley: Un iversity of der ident i ty , sexual i ty , and spir i tual i ty . Urbana: University ofIllinois Press. 360 pp. $44.95 cloth, $19.95 paperC alifornia Press. 258 pp. $50.00/40.00 cloth, $19.95/15.95

paperj o h n s o n , m a r k . 19 97. Beauty and power: Transgendering

and cul tu ral t ransformat ion i n t he southern Phi l ippines. O x-d a n c e y , w i l l i a m s . , a n d p a u l j . p a c h e c o . Editors.1997. O h i o H o pewe l l c om m u n i t y o r ga n i za t i o n . Ken t: Ken t ford: Berg. 256 pp. $46.50 cloth, $19.50 paperState U niversity Press. 450 pp. $45

j o h n s t o n , b a r b a r a r o s e . Editor. 1997. Life and death mat-

ters: Human r ights and the environment at the end of the mi l - d a v i s , s u s a n g . 1 9 9 7. Spectacular nature: Corporate cultureand the Sea World experience. Berkeley: U niversity of C alifor- l e n n i u m . Walnut Creek, Calif . : AltaMira . 35 0 pp. $23.95nia Press. 336 pp. $50.00 cloth, $18.95 paper

k o h n , r i t a , a n d w . l y n w o o d m o n t e l l . Editors. 1997.A lw ays a people: Oral h i stor ies of contemporary Woodland I n- e a r l e , t i m o t h y . 1 99 7. H ow chi efs come to power: The pol i t i -

cal economy in prehistory. Stanford: Stanford Un iversity Press. dians. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 320 pp. $3526 5 pp. $45.00 cloth, $17.95 paper

kr a me r , c a r o l . 1997. Pottery in Rajasthan: Ethnoarchaeol-ogy in two Indian c i t ies. Washington, D.C. : Smithsonian Inst i-e d e l m a n , b i r g i t t a . 1 9 97 . Shunters at w ork: Creat ing a

wo r l d i n a r a i l wa y y a r d . S to ck ho lm : A lm q v is t a n d Wi ks el l. t u ti on P res s. 282 pp. $49.9533 6 pp.

l i e n , m a r i a n n e e l i s a b e t h . 1 99 7. Market ing and moder- n i t y : A n ethnography of m arket ing pract i ce. Oxford: Berg. 256e w i n g , k a t h e r i n e p r a t t . 1 9 97 . Arguing sainthood: M oder-

n i t y , psychoanalysis, and Is lam. D u rh am : D u ke U n iv ersi ty pp. $46.50 cloth, $19.50 paperPress. 32 6 pp. $54.95 cloth, $17.95 paper

l o c k , a n d r e w , a n d c h a r l e s r . p e t e r s . Editors. 1996.Handbook of human symbol ic evolut ion. Oxford: Oxford Uni-f l o r e s , w i l l i a m v . , a n d r i n a b e n m a y o r . Editors. 1997.

Lat ino cul tural c i t izenship: Claiming ident i ty , space, and versity Press. 936 pp. $225

rights. Boston: Beacon Press. 336 pp. $27.50 m a l o t k i , e k k e h a r t . Editor. 1997. The Bedbugs NightDance and other Hopi tales of sexual encounter. Lincoln: Uni-f r e i d e n b e r g , j u d i t h . Editor. 1995. The anthropology of

low er-in come urban enclaves: The case of East H arlem . N e w v er si t y o f N e br as ka P res s. 41 3 pp.

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