Pastoral Transhumance in the Southern Balkans as a Social Ideology: Ethnoarcheological Research in Northern Greece

Research Report

Pastoral Transhumance in the Southern Balkans as a Social Ideology: Ethnoarcheological Research in Northern Greece

CLAUDIA CHANG Department of Anthropolagj and Sociology Sweet Briar College

Transhumance is a common form of pastoral economic and social organization in which flocks or herds move long distances twice yearly between upland summer pastures and lowland winter pastures. In Mediterranean Europe, pastoral transhumance has been identified historically and ethnographically; it ranged from the 13th- to lgthcenturystate-spon- sored Mesta, an organization that pro- duced merino wool for national and international markets in Castilian Spain (Braudel 1949), to ethnic enclaves like the contemporary Koutsovlach' (Arou- mani-speaking) pastoralists of the Bal- kans, who engage in activities such as sheepherding, muleteering, and trading (Nandris 1990). In the Balkans, pastoral transhumance practiced by the Kout- sovlach, Sarakatsani, and other ethnic groups has captured the interest of anthropologists and folklorists throughout the 20th century (Campbell 1964; Schein 1974; Wace and Thompson 1914). In this report I examine the economic basis, material culture, and cultural ideology of pastoral transhumance in the Grevena Region of Northern Greece, an area well known for Koutsovlach transhumance and pastoral brigandage. Specifically I suggest that pastoral transhumance, an economically inspired strategy, is also embodied in the cultural ideology of Koutsovlach ethnic and social identity. In other regions of the world, notably s u b

Saharan Africa and the Near East, anthropologists have written about the e c e nomic and ecological nature of long-distance transhumant pastoralism (Ingold 1987). Here I wish to examine the ways in which the economic forces of pastoral mobility are inseparable from social and ideological forces. While this is hardly a revolutionary insight, when applied to the analysis of discussions or prehistoric pastoralism, it does modify many of the incomplete and speculative models presented by prehistoric archeologists on the evolution of pastoral systems.

My specific aim, however, is to address more general theoretical issues pertain- ing to Grevena pastoral transhumance and agropastoralism that may be used to formulate useful analogies between historical and prehistoric pastoral production systems. I argue that if pastoral transhumance can now be understood as much more than an ecological or economic strategy for historic and contemporary Koutsovlach upland settlement, Mediterranean archeologists must in turn evaluate the evolutionary and ecological models they have used for explaining the origins and development of specialized pastoral systems from N e e lithic through Bronze Age Periods.

When the ethnoarcheological survey of modern pastoral sites in the mountain- ous Pindos region of Northern Greece was first initiated in 1988, my main objective was to outline the economic and ecological limits of two strategies of pastoral production-sedentary village herding and seasonal long-distance transhumance (Chang 1992). My assumption was simple; if I could demonstrate the ecological and economic limitations of these two systems of pastoral production in the modern material record, then

A e a n Anlhmpologisl95(3):687-703. Copyright 0 1993, American Anthropological Association.

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these data could be used for developing research methods for the archeological survey of pastoralism (cf. Nandris 1985).

During the first two field seasons of ethnoarcheological research in the East- e m Pindos Mountains at elevations of 900 to 1500 meters, it became increas- ingly apparent that funds and develop ment assistance from the European Economic Community (EEC) had drasti- cally altered the pastoral landscape of Northern Greece. Shepherds and goatherds were able to afford small pickup trucks for daily transportation to their mountain stanes (corrals and encamp ments). The development of infrastruc- ture in upland areas of Grevena such as paved roads, concrete loading platforms for truck transport of livestock seasonally to the high mountain pastures, concrete watering troughs, and concrete animal shelters had changed traditional herding practices and pastoral material culture.

The famous Koutsovlach and Kupat- shari herders of the High Pindos of the Grevena Prefecture of Northern Greece, as documented by Wace and Thompson (1914) and Sivignon (1968) before Greece’s 1982 entry into the EEC, no longer represented a “pristine,” precapi- talist pastoral production system. In what ways had the modern Greek nationstate and the agricultural policies of the EEC affected pastoral mobility in the uplands of Northern Greece? Along a similar tra- jectory, was specialized pastoralism in prehistoric and historic periods often encouraged and supported by state policy?

In attempting to bridge the gap between the modern context of EEGspon- sored pastoralism among the Koutso- vlach and their neighbors and prehistoric pastoral production systems, I be- gan to explore ethnographic accounts, oral histories, and other historical mate- rials of Koutsovlach pastoralism in this region during the 18th and 19th centuries. Historically, the Koutsovlach or Aroumani-speaking herders of the High Pindos Mountains were an ethnic group incorporated in the Ottoman Empire so as to fulfill occupational roles of muleteers, traders, woodcutters, and herders. As an ethnic group within the Ottoman

m i h t system, they lay at the geographical fringes and peripheries of urban centers, often in the inaccessible mountain regions (Schein 1974:93). Their identity as transhumant pastoralists appeared to be tied to the perpetuation of their ethnicity. Social and political practices, often recorded in the form of folkloric accounts of Koutsovlach life, served to reinforce regional and national perceptions that the Koutsovlach or Aroumani were distinct from other Greek populations and held a special place in modem Greek history (Nandris 1985, 1990; Schein 1974). After the demise of Ottoman rule in the beginning of the 20th century, the Koutsovlach continued to perpetuate a separate ethnic identity within the context of the modern Greek nation-state.

Transhumant pastoralism, or the long- distance movement between two fixed residences-the high mountains in the summer and the lowland plains in the winter-was an outward expression of the continuation of Koutsovlach identity despite the period of destruction and depopulation of mountain villages during World War I1 and the subsequent Greek Civil War of 1948-49. The historical and ethnographic background of the Koutsovlach of Northern Greece coupled with an evaluation of their contemporary situation vis-&is the practice of long-distance, seasonal transhumance became the context for the ethnoarcheological research on which this report is based.

In the context of Koutsovlach pastoralism, I argue that the ideology of pastoralism as well as its actual practice is essential to the maintenance of Kout- sovlach ethnicity. Ethnoarcheological research on modern pastoml sites from the Grevena Region indicates that Kout- sovlach transhumant pastoralists have been reinforced in their economic strategies by the EEC and the modern Greek nationstate. There are significant numbers of shepherds and goatherds and some cowherds who move their flocks seasonally to effectively utilize different ecological conditions and land use sys- terns2 Their dual memberships in winter and summer villages defines important

RESEARCH REPORT 689

ethnic and sociopolitical universes through the mechanisms of livestock husbandry. Supporting this hypothesis is the EEC’s practice of providing credit and subsidies to these transhumant pastoralists. Through such payments the perpetuation of pastoral transhumance in Grevena has been encouraged, revital- izing a “traditional” form of pastoral production.

From an archeological standpoint, this is an exciting idea because pastoral transhumance appears to be more than a Yresource getting strategy;” it is also de- fined by the social and cultural relations that shape both a community’s internal organization and its view of the outside world. The origins of pastoral transhumance are most often discussed in light of key environmental and ecological conditions necessary for the maintenance of a pastoral regime divorced from cultivation. Yet Khazanov (1984) and Lees and Bates (1974) have suggested that all pastoral specializations develop in complex societies in response to political and social as well as economic factors. The historical continuity of pastoral transhumance in the Pindos Mountains of Greece illustrates in a modern context how classic mobility strategies are realized through a set of structural relationships existing between local communities and larger regional and national contexts. Ethnoarcheological insights on the social and ethnic identity of pastoralists in the Near East have also been used to explain the decline of ur- banization in the Early Bronze Age and the rebirth of towns in the Middle Bronze Age in the Levant (Kamp and Yoffee 1980). The ethnoarcheological a p proach to problems of ethnicity, cultural identity, and collective representations of pastoralism allows archeologists to draw some broad parallels between present- day contexts and the prehistoric past. The dynamic nature in which pastoral specializations emerged during the rise and collapse of complex societies is p rob ably best investigated in the recent past where there is a rich ethnographic and historical record available to scholars (Cribb 1990).

Perhaps specialized pastoralism in prehistory was also more than an occupational specialization. It could have involved entire communities that trav- eled between upland and lowland regions establishing multiplex social, political, and economic networks. Along these same lines of speculation, it might also have been possible that social transhumance persisted long after the demise of pastoral specialization. The support of social transhumance would have come most likely from regional or national state-level organizations. In fact, many of the discussions of enclosed nomadism of western Asia (Rowton 1973, 1974) draw parallels between the recent historical past and the period of the Man state as derived from Babylonian texts in which autonomous pastoral chiefdoms were fused to sovereign states. The political, social, and economic structures by which nomads or transhumants were linked to the state in the Near East suggests that the origins and development of specialized pastoralism could also have been tied to the rise of complex societies in European prehistory (Halstead 1987).

In the Near East,Adams(1981:135-36) suggests that the semisettled nomads in “edge zones” away from the Mesope tamian alluvium were part of an ethnic continuum of rural producers whose mobility provided channels of communication and integration between urban centers and rural hinterlands during early state development. Zagarell (1989) also rules out the possibility of periodic nomadic incursions in Mesopotamia as the cause for state formation. Drawing on settlement data collected from archee logical surveys in the Bakhtiari region of the Zagros Mountains, Zagarell presents an alternative scenario for the evolution of pastoral specialization in Mesopota- mia: during the Neolithic period, there was the development of a mixed herding and farming economy in the uplands, and then in the late Chalcolithic period, larger agricultural settlements were interspersed with small, perhaps mobile pastoral campsites. This archeological evidence indicates an actual separation between highland and lowland econo-


mies. Zagarell(1989:300) concludes that later processes of state formation in the alluvial valleys were not caused by pastoral incursions from the highlands; rather, the highland settlements were transformed by their relations with cen- tralized, hierarchically organized lowland states.

Furthermore, the relationship between ethnicity and pastoral production in the modern nation-state has implications for how anthropologists view pastoral production in developing nations. The ethnic identity of the Koutsovlach within the Greek nation-state and the EEC can be compared to the process by which other pastoral groups have been incorporated into modern nation-states. Hjort (1990) discusses Sweden’s national policy concerning the future economic development of Saami reindeer herders. The Swedish government is attempting to grant Saami their own ethnic autonomy within the context of a rationalized pastoral economy, but once they drop out of herding and thus are unable to be maintained within a nomadic pastoral community, the nonherding Saami lose their ethnic, cultural, and minority rights (Hjort 199028). On the other hand, the works of Campbell (1964) and Schein (1974), on which I will build here, present cases of ethnic groups of transhumant pastoralists in Greece who rnain- tain ethnic identity, and who-specifically, in the case of the Koutsovlach-are able to manipulate their position within the nation-state so as to enhance their ethnic autonomy. These European cases also have implications for African pastoralism as rationalized within modern nation-states (Hjort 1990).

Ethnographic Background

The awareness of Koutsovlach ethnicity emerged out of the Greek nationalist movement in the 18th through 20th centuries. Today, the study of ethnicity as it pertains to Koutsovlach and other recog- nized ethnic minorities is complicated by, on the one hand, ethnographic and folkloric studies that are meant to j u s q the ancient Hellenic roots of Greek cul-

ture, and, on the other hand, the social and cultural ideologies of local communities and ethnic groups, which often aggressively oppose the dominant Hel- lenic traditions (Herzfeld 1985, 1986). The local community or ethnic group often stands in direct opposition to the nationalist ideology, a common dynamic opposition found in rural Mediterra- nean society (Campbell 1964; Pitt-Rivers 1954) and elsewhere. In the case of the Koutsovlach communities of Grevena, ethnic autonomy and community solidarity can be maintained successfully by local manipulation through patroncli- ent relations linking local communities to the state. Even in the cases when the nation-state imposes its control from above and cannot be successfully ma- nipulated through local patronage, local ideology becomes an outlet for defend- ing local values against those of the nation-state. The folkloric image and stereotype of the Koutsovlach pastoralist, in this sense, metaphorically sets up the boundary of local ethnicity, social mar- ginality, and opposition to the state.

Schein (1974) contrasts the difference between Sarakatsani and Koutsovlach (Arournani) ethnicity in the neighboring province of Epirus. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the Koutsovlach maintained their ethnicity through language and their specialized economic role as traders in the Ottoman millet system. In the 20th century, this autonomy is carried over through a number of diverse strategies arising from this set of historical circumstances. Schein states:

Aroumanian ethnic identity condenses multiple experiences and,meanings-non- Greekness, ecological and economic mar- ginality, unique control of muleteering, and dominance of the cheese trade-and thus has great but non-specific potential uses. It not only unites Aroumani in diverse contexts, but also connects upper and lower classes. Ties of kinship between emi- grants and sedentary villagers have always formed routes along which passed money and patronage connections that could be used for mobility. Such lines have also crossed class division because, either through the few inter-class marriages which occurred or through fictive kin ties,

RESEARCH REPORT 691

the lower class could make small but successful economic and political claims on their ethnic kin. In return the upper class have been assured supplies of milk and livestock, clients, and potential political support." [Schein 1974931 The stereotypic images of khfks

(thieves), herders, and muleteers in local folklore and everyday conversation fuse the Koutsovlach and Kupatshari (Hel- lenized Koutsovlach) cultural identities with that of nomadic existence. Perform- ances of ethnicity and pastoml origins are readily identified within the community arena of summer p u n i y i (religious feast days) and aggressive displays of male solidarity through meat-eating and daily conversational banter at local cof- fee shops (cf. Herzfeld 1985). In the Ku- patshari village of Polyneri today, conversational gold among men in their six- ties and older are stories of thievery and banditry; muleteeringjourneys to the distant cities of Iannina, Thessaloniki, and Filiates; and herding. The ethnic difference between the Koutsovlach and Ku- patshari villages are expressed in linguistic terms. Vlachohoria, or the four famous Koutsovlach villages of Gre- vena-Samarina, Perivoli, Avdella, and Smixi-are described as the summer villages of the Koutsovlach, where Arou- mani is spoken. The Kupatshari villages, occupying elevations of 1,100 meters and lower, are year-round villages where less than a quarter of the total population engages in transhumant pastoralism. The Kupatshari, while recognizing themselves as Greek-speakers and therefore Hellenized, also acknowledge their Kout- sovlach origins.

This kind of social transhumance, like classic pastoral transhumance, relies on fixed settlement in two or more localities.5 Indeed, both the urban and rural Koutsovlach, who do not engage in pastoral activities today, migrate seasonally to an upland village as a means of maintaining community and ethnic solidarity. Other pastoral groups, especially those recently sedentarized, often practice a pattern of return to the village or settlement of origin as a means of reaffirming their ethnicity and identity as pastoralists

(Salzman 1980). In discussing labor migration of the Sinai Bedouin, Marx (197740) discusses how lineage solidarity and tribal cohesion among the Bed- ouin are maintained ritually and socially, after men leave the tribal territory in charge of the female household members, who tend small flocks and gardens. A concept of "homeland," when fixed ideologically but realized only peri- odically in a behavioral sense, poses structural problems (Salzman 1980:8). The urban Koutsovlach in his village of origin faces a similar structural problem; he identifies with an "ideological" homeland in the mountains but dwells for the most part in the lowlands. Forshepherds, the ideology of transhumance fits the behavioral reality of actual dual residency.

A Koutsovlach shepherd, when asked why he preferred his summer residency in the mountains to his winter lowland residence, explained his sentiments in these terms: as much as he preferred the mountains, the sheep prospered even more than humans once at their mountain pastures. I took this to mean that not only do humans prefer the sociability and conviviality of their mountain communities, but in a productive and generative sense, sheep "grow" better in the mountains. Yet a shepherd's productive activities depend on both arenas; the mountains and the plains offer different kinds of social relations, productive resources, and possibilities for individual and group identities. This ideological view may be similar to the Sinai Bed- ouin's notion of a shared homeland, kept physically active through women who tend gardens and keep flocks, and idee logically and socially viable by missing men who must find ritual opportunities to return and assert the moral and social responsibilities of the bonds of lineage and tribal solidarity (Marx 197740). In the case of Koutsovlach identity, effective kinship relations, social networks, pa- tronclient relations, and pastoral p r e duction continue to be reasserted and reaffirmed within the context of the summer migration to the village of origin.

692 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [ 95,19931

This pattern of urban return to the rural village of origin is typical throughout Greece; in the Koutsovlach and Ku- patshari (Hellenized Koutsovlach) villages of the Pindos, an overarching em- phasis is placed on the discursive and dramatic performances of individuals, notably men, verbally expressing their kleftic and pastoral identity. This cultural ideology is often expressed in terms of explicit pastoral behavior. The dominant ideology may serve to emphasize “shared identity,” thus masking the class tensions that exist between the urban elite who return for summer holidays and the shepherds who still practice transhumance. The ritual cycle of religious feasts and even mourning ceremonies is sched- uled to coincide as much as possible with the period of summer transhumance and return. Even village women explaining the ritual meaning of Klidonas? a divina- tion ritual carried out during St. John’s Day, place the importance of this event in terms of the transhumant schedule by noting its occurrence at the time when all the shepherds have returned to the mountains from their winter pastures.

The Ethnoarcheological Case

The ethnoarcheological and the modern material studies of pastoralists in the Near East have provided a very rich con- textual background for reconstructing prehistoric pastoralism (Hole 1978, 1979; Digard 1981). I shall briefly outline the results of an ethnoarcheological research project conducted from 1988 to 1992 (Chang 1992; Chang and Tourtel- lotte 1993). Since the more detailed analysis of these data has been published elsewhere, this material is summarized with particular reference to those points that further elucidate arguments about the ecological, economic, and social nature of transhumance.

The pastoral site (corral, enclosure, fold, or encampment) is an economic necessity for carrying out herding activities and a symbolic representation of a herder’s commitment to the pastoral way of life. Thus, there is a direct connection between the “artifact” of pastoral activi-

ties and how pastoralists conceptualize their use of space logistically in terms of competition over key resources and vis2i- vis other production systems. The actual cultural material pattern does not deline- ate ethnicity, nor even a cultural ideology as such. The material data only indicate the presence of different production zones.

In the eastern Pindos Mountains, the economic and ecological conditions are such that pastoral production in the three upland environmental zones ranges from summer transhumant pastoralism to year- round village agropastodism (Koster 1987). Figure 1 illustrates the spatial pat- terning of pastoral sites and land use in the first three zones. The upper elevations of the eastern flanks of the Pindos Mountains from 1,300 to 1,500 meters (Zone 1) are the topographic zone for Koutsovlach summer transhumance and summer settlement. The summer transhumants from Vlachohorio (the High Pindos) travel to lowland pastures from 50 meters to 150 kilometers in the plains of Thessaly, Kozani, and Elassona. In the Lower Pin- dos Mountains, from 1,000 to 1,300 meters (Zone 2), a group of Kupatshari (Hellenized Koutsovlachs) engages in both long-distance transhumance and settled year-round agropastoralism (wheat, barley, viticulture, orchards, and small flocks of sheep and goats). Below 1,000 meters (Zone 3), in the foothills of the Pindos, year-round agropastoralism occurs among Kupatshari and some Turkish groups. The agricultural basin of Grevena at about 500 meters (Zone 4), is primarily a wheat, barley, and fodder area, interspersed with oak woods. Less pastoral production occurs in this agricultural plain than in the upper three zones.

Table 1 illustrates 1986 agricultural census data for each of these six villages on total land area, land area in pasture, total number of sheep and goats, and average number of animals per herder. The last two columns also report the rela- tive density of animals per total pasture and per total area. The two Koutsovlach villages (Avdella and Perivoli) from Zone 1 (the High Pindos) have larger average

RESEARCH REPORT 693

ZONE 1

*HIGH PINDOS *UPLAND SUMMER 6% - *NO AGRICULTURE *AVERAGE FLOCK SIZE

*HERDERS STAY AT STAN1

TRANSHUMANCE Sg:

IS 150-1 60

DURING NIGHT OR TRAVEL TO VILLAGE EACH EVENING

*LOWER PINDOS f *UPLAND SUMMER

TRANSHUMANCE

*VILLAGE

*MOST HERDERS STAY IN VILLAGE AT NIGHT

ZONE3 - El

*PINDOS FOOTHILLS k@ -A *VILLAGE

AGRO-PASTORALISM

TRANSHUMANCE *SUMMER :I*- '.'E

:.:-y& *MOSAIC , PATCHINESS OF .:' , . CULTIVATION , HERDING AND OAK FOREST

. ..

*AVERAGE FLOCK SIZE IS 60 *SPATIAL PACKING IS TIGHTLY RESTRICTED *SOME HERDERS STAY WITH FLOCKS AT SUMMER

STRUNGAS OR DISTANT WINTER FOLDS AT NIGHT

KEY

WATER TROUGH

63)

SUMMER

WINTER

d!FG IN FALLOW

AGRICULTURAL FIELDS

SUMMER

Q STRUNGA

3

@ SUMMER TRANSHUMANT

SITE

STAN1

@ BARNS & FOLDS

WHEATBARLEY /FODDER FIELDS

INTERSPERSED AG RlCU LTU RAL

& + J J . q+

0% C. FIELDS &': Ot

NO SUMMER STRUNG AS

RETURNS TO VILLAGE # AT NIGHT

Figure 1 A schematic drawing showing pastoral land use m three zones of Grevena, Greece.


Table 1 Grevena data (1986) from six villages

Total Village

Average Pasture Area Total Number of Pature Number of Area (ha)

per Areain Sheepand Areain Animals (ha) per VillaEe Hectares Goats Hectares perflock Animal Animal

Avdella 43,200 8,425 17,300 191 2.05 5.13 Perivoli 137,200 17,465 32,700 162 1.87 7.86 Lavdas 10,700 1,665 8,100 111 4.86 6.43 Panorama 7,000 1,935 600 129 .36 3.62 Polyneri 10,300 4,422 6,500 159 1.47 2.33 Megaro 24,800 5,578 13,700 59 2.45 4.45

flock numbers than the other villages. In Zone 2, the villages of Lavdas, Panorama, and Polineri show slightly lower average flock numbers than in Zone 1, but in Panorama and Polineri there is consider- ably less pasture area per animal. These data indicate a high density and over- packing of grazing animals per unit area. In both villages we have observed the effects of overgrazing on pastures. Usu- ally the natural grasslands appear to be in poorer condition and show greater incidence of soil erosion. In Zone 3, the village of Megaro has a moderate number of animals per grazing area but a much lower average flock size. Megaro is an agropastoral village where sheep and goat husbandry are combined with cereal cultivation.

The Decision-Making Process Used for Scheduling Seasonal Mobility

The transhumant herders described their decisions regarding summer and winter mobility and the scheduling of their moves in terms of the following strategies: (1) if winter pasture in the plains is difficult to obtain, they will at- tempt to leave for summer pastures; (2) if summer pasture becomes overgrazed, they will move to the lowland areas. Trans humant herdels must establish extensive social networks for obtaining access to low-

land pasture through use-rights, rent, or labor exchange. Herders rent fallow or stubble fields for grazing, and also to obtain fodder in the form of hay and clover. If a herder owns land in the lowlands, as do some of the more successful Koutsovlach herders, he will be less de- pendent on developing an extensive network. A transhumant herder, by traveling to the uplands during the summer months, also extends the overall lacta- tion period of his milking animals by a month or more. Other important consid- erations regarding scheduling and long- distance movement include when the herder should breed his animals so as to get maximum off-take at peak market periods (Christmas and Easter) and whether the herder will travel by truck or by foot Those who elect to walk from upland to lowland pastures spend about two weeks in transit, making daily decisions about where their flocks can graze.

In Zone 2, where historically there has been a combination of both year-round village pastoralism and seasonal summer transhumance, those who choose to be transhumants must have access to winter pasture lands in lowland communities. Usually these lands are obtained through contractual agreements. Transhumant flocks are larger (over 100) and village flocks are smaller (under 50). Some herders choose a sedentary year-round

RESFARCH REPORT 695

life for several reasons: their inability to obtain lowland pastures, the cost/benefit ratios of capital as realized from both farming and herding, and a social orientation toward maintaining a single residence. On the other hand, pastoral transhumants invest in large flocks, maintain dual residences, and obtain pasture in the lowlands through endur- ing social networks. For transhumant herders, the entrepreneurial aspects of a transhumant lifestyle reinforce the bonds of patronage and brokerage necessary for integration between lowland and upland communities (Campbell 1964).

Village herders describe their decision- making processes in terms of the year- round condition of grazing lands and fodder storage. Herders who live at 800 meters or above have to provide animals with fodder during the winter, especially if there is snow cover. In some years, when snow cover has been relatively light (under a meter, and not lasting for more than a week), sheep and goats have been grazed continuously. Fodder demands are relatively great, depending on how many animals one owns and for what period of time they must be housed in- side the fold. Each adult female sheep requires one kilo of grain and one kilo of fodder (hay, clover, or leafy branches) per day. Often agropastoralists in Zone 3 and below house their flocks for about 50 days per year, depending on snow cover and rainy weather. Herders who must provide year-round fodder tend to keep smaller flocks of sheep and goats (under 100, and on the average, about 50).

This range of livestock husbandry systems has been vastly affected by agricultural policies implemented by the Greek government as a result of its 1982 entry into the EEC. The perpetuation of u p land communities in Zones 1, 2, and 3 since the depopulation and diaspora after the Greek Civil War (1949) has been in part due to the economic incentives provided by EEC subsidies, credit, and market support. This is particularly rele- vant for pastoral transhumance in Zone 2. The oral history of pre-1940s agricultural and animal husbandry practices in

villages like Polyneri suggest that agropastoralism was more prevalent in the pre-1940s period. The demise of upland cereal cultivation over the last 50 years is now coupled with a rapid rise in pastoral transhumant flocks occupying the areas of unused agricultural lands. Concrete animal folds, an extensive system of watering troughs and springs, and sorting and loading platforms for transporting stock by truck between lowland and u p land pastures have all been funded directly or subsidized by the EEC. Thus, the material culture of pastoralism today re- flects the effects of national and international agricultural policies.

Transhumance as a Social Ideology

How then can the argument be ad- vanced that pastoral mobility entails a cultural and social ideology as well as an economic basis? First, I argue that the maintenance of ethnic boundaries ob servable in current land use practices has important social and ideological dimen- sions. A Kupatshari herder who has no kinship, godparenthood, or social ties to lowland pasture cannot consider adopt- ing trdnshumance as a pastoral strategy. The dual membership into summer and winter residences, seemingly dictated by ecological and economic necessity, in- volves a necessarily cohesive structure- one that is best expressed and sustained through social ties and cultural ideology. In simple terms, transhumance is embed- ded in a worldview and in an individual’s social persona.

In Herzfeld’s (1985) exegesis of the cultural performances of Cretan manhood among the Glendiot shepherds, he often refers to the local village ideology in which the shepherds see themselves as hero-kleftes pitted against the larger, more remote national ideology. Among the Koutsovlach and Kupatshari men, whether urban or local, their main source of local identity comes from the upland villages of Grevena. The best in life comes from the mountains-women, livestock, and conviviality. A shepherd wanted to know why Americans in my region of the United States (a mountain-

696 AMEN CAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [ 95,19933

ous area) did not practice transhumance between the high mountains and the low plains. He used the analogy of the cuckoo bird, who migrates in early April from Africa to the High Pindos of North- ern Greece. He then claimed that human transhumance between upland and lowland communities was a natural state like that of bird migration. This dominant ideology in which a mobility strategy is viewed by the herders themselves as gov- erned by climate and natural tempera- ment illustrates how the plactice of transhumance is “naturalized.”

Why do transhumant herders and other community members believe that social transhumance is a natural state? We can consider transhumance as a set of observable social behaviors tied to the pastoral worldview. Among the Sarakat- sani, patronage, lopsided friendship, and clientage are used by shepherds to gain access to grazing lands in the summer village, curry political favor, and maintain protection against official, bureau- cratic policies (Campbell 1964). Like the Koutsovlach, the Sarakatsani identify with their summer village.

In the Kupatshari villages where both transhumance and year-round residency occurs, there is a variation of this pattern of renewing social ties and networks in the summer village. The transhumants, who tend to remain in their own residential neighborhoods, stand outside the central social arenas of year-round residents; they describe themselves as “out- siders” or newcomers to their village of origin, since they cannot claim full-time residency. It is here, however, that they must also establish essential social ties to other herders, villagers, cheese merchants, butchers, and patrons. The social milieu of transhumant herders is quite different from that of year-round village residents. The transhumant herder must operate in two distinct social settings- the closed world of an upland village and the larger world of sprawling agricultural villages and towns of the Thessaly plains. In social terms, while the Kupatshari transhumant herder has two distinct s e cia1 arenas, neither social community considers that he is completely an in-

sider. While transhumant mobility in this sense may appear to have obvious social disadvantages, the Kupatshari herders are in the enviable position of occupying the interstices existing between the Kout- sovlach and Kupatshari. The Kupatshari transhumants are part of an informal network of shepherds, many ofwhom are transhumant Koutsovlach. Often the Ku- patshari and Koutsovlach transhumants share common winter villages. The Ku- patshari transhumants are thus able to have direct access and ties to the Kout- sovlach herders in Zone 1 by virtue of their occupational specialization and shared winter residence. In the past, these ties became part of larger networks that the Kupatshari had to Koutsovlach cheese merchants and entrepreneurs. Such patronage was by no means one- sided, especially in the first half of the 20th century when the Koutsovlach, who spent only the summer months in the Pindos, depended on the Kupatshari villages for agricultural products, supplies, and services. One may speculate that historically, the ideology of a shared ethnic origin of Koutsovlach and Kupatshari was emphasized to promote the patroncli- ent relations between the two ethnic groups.

In the two Koutsovlach villages in- cluded in our ethnoarcheological survey, Avdella and Perivoli, there is evidence that the majority of community members adhere to the outward expression of a “herding past,” although only a small percentage of summer residents actually engage in animal husbandry. Men gather nightly in the village squares with their shepherd’s staffs and partake in eating roasted kid or lamb.” The Koutsovlach traditions recalling a kleftin past are re- newed through story-telling among for- mer herders and urban Koutsovlach. Many urban Koutsovlach continue to al- ternate their residence between an u p land summer village and lowland urban communities. The ethnic identity of the upperclass Koutsovlachs, now the urban- ized Koutsovlachs, had its historical ante- cedents in the profit-making activities of long-distance muleteering and trading with Koutsovlach merchants in Yugosla-

RESEARCH REPORT 697

via, Bulgaria, and Albania (Schein 197492). Pastoral transhumance and subsidiary professions such as cheese- making, woodcutting, and butchering are perhaps the only concrete evidence of a transhumant economy. The summer residence in the Koutsovlach and Kupat- shari villages (Zones 1 and 2) lasts from May to September and October. The peak months of occupation are July and August. By November the Koutsovlach villages are virtually abandoned, whereas many of the Kupatshari villages in Zone 2 may have from 10 to 40 households in residence during the winter. For the Koutsovlach and Kupatshari communities where summer residence is high, transhumance is a "a shared cultural ide-

Moreover, there is a nationally recog- nized political aspect to summer residence in the upland Koutsovlach villages of Grevena. The Koutsovlach summer communities, unlike the rest of Greece, hold their local elections in the summer rather than in the fall. Many Koutsovlach claim their primary residence in the summer village, thus maintaining voting rights in the Koutsovlach upland villages. In this sense, Koutsovlach identity is tol- erated and even encouraged by the Greek nation-state. Thus for many Kout- sovlach, seasonal transhumance embodies access to political rights as an ethnic enclave and the community values, orientation, and ideology symbolic of a for- mer pastoral or mobile existence. The fact that the nation-state supports ethnic autonomy by granting the Koutsovlach their own summer elections within the national electorate system is indeed an indication of the degree of political clout held by this ethnic group.

How and why does pastoral transhumance, perhaps arising out of the specialized needs of a pastoral population, become a pervasive way of life historically for certain ethnic groups? Clearly in the case of Grevena, there are sociopolitical reasons for why some Koutsovlachs who live in urban areas and follow a number of urban professions far removed from pastoralism might wish to maintain their ethnicity and political identity through

ology."

continued social transhumance. In the same way that pastoralists are predis- posed to certain career trajectories in- volving banditry and brokerage (trading, raiding, and smuggling), they also s u b scribe to mobility strategies that can shape an entire community's orientation. The social flexibility required of social transhumance relies also on network ties and brokerage between upland and lowland communities. If transhumant pastoralism is indeed a "moveable feast," then transhumant mobility defines for its participants different sets of social and political arenas. Social transhumance thus becomes a means of or- ganizing entire communities and ethnic groups.

Pastoral Transhumance as an Archeological Problem

Pastoral transhumance as an archeological problem has tantalized prehisto- rians working in the Northern Med- iterranean. In fact, there has been considerable discussion about when the origins of specialized pastoral transhumance occurred and whether this is linked to the development of complex societies during the Late Neolithic through Iron Age (Greenfield 1988; Hal- stead 1981, 1987; Jacobsen 1978, 1981, 1984; Lewthwaite 1981, 1984; Sterud 1978). Pastoral transhumance is often viewed as the best example of specialized pastoralism in the European Mediterra- nean by those archeologists working in regions where such practices are recog- nized historically and ethnographically.

The development of pastoral transhumance is often tied to the "secondary products revolution" (Sherratt 1981, 1983), a hypothesis that meat-based pastoralism was replaced by dairying, wool production, and animal traction during the late Neolithic when large tracts of European woodlands were deforested. The argument for linking pastoral transhumance to the secondary products revolution is that pastoral specialization must have depended on broad exchange networks and/or markets. Such exchange networks relied on trading the

698 AMERICAN AKTHROPOI,OC;IST [95,1993]

surplus products such as dairy items and fibers. Mixed farming and herding systems often are characterized as Neolithic adaptations based on a "subsistence" rather than market orientation (Hal- stead 1987). Thus many archeologists view pastoral transhumance as a possible mechanism for explaining highland/lowland interactions during the Late Neolithic through Bronze Age periods, periods of increasing social complexity and political centralization.6

Research documenting prehistoric pastoral transhumance has yet to be conducted through the traditional means of survey or excavation projects. Archeolo- gists like Halstead (1987), working in Northern Greece, andLewthwaite (1981, 1984) working in Corsica and Sardinia, have repeatedly cautioned archeologists about the speculative and inconclusive nature in which archeologists have used historical and ethnographic examples of Mediterranean transhumance as analogies for describing the origins of specialized pastoralism.

Ethnoarcheological research on contemporary pastoral transhumance in the Northern Mediterranean may contribute to these discussions both methodologi- cally and theoretically. From a theoretical perspective, it is essential to draw on the considerable progress made by sociocultural anthropologists studying pastoral nomads over the last two decades. How do pastoralists survive in pluralistic sociopolitical arenas and in relation to the nation-state and larger, regional structures? For archeologists to tackle such a complicated problem as the origins of specialized pastoralism or pastoral transhumance, there is also a necessity to understand the sociocultural context of historical and ethnographic cases of pastoral transhumance. Without attention to such linkages between pastoral production and larger economic and sociopolitical structures, the premise that pastoralism existed as a specialized form is only informed by speculation.

Pastoral transhumance could have originated at several different points in time. This is often unrecognized by prehistori- ans, who tend to view the origins of special-

ized pastoralism as a natural progression in the evolution of animal husbandry systems. The question of the origins of pastoral transhumance in the prehistoric record are most often discussed in light of the key environmental and ecological conditions necessary for the maintenance of a pastoral regime divorced from cultiwtion. Yet in Grevena, pastoral transhumance is also realized through a set of structud relationships between local communities and larger regional and national contexts.

Pastoral Transhumance and the State

Does the economic impact of the EEC render Grevena pastoral transhumance an inappropriate case for developing models with which to examine prehistoric pastoral transhumance in the Medi- terranean? While it is absolutely clear that this form of modernization is far removed from a "pristine" situation of Mediterranean pastoral transhumance, an even more fundamental question must be addressed. Did Mediterranean pastoral transhumance arise out of regional and national policies in recent history? If so, pastoral transhumance in the prehistoric record may also have been attached to the evolving complexity of an emerging state-level organization.

In the late 19th century, pastoral transhumance in the Koutsovlach villages dwindled when Ottoman chiflliks' in Thessaly came under local Greek control (Wace and Thompson 1914:160-168). Pastoral transhumants found it increas- ingly difficult to gain access to large tracts of winter pasture and thus turned to other occupations. Wars, uprisings, and brigandage in the second half of the 19th century, all directly a cause of the incorporation of the Koutsovlach by the O t t e man Empire and later by the Greek nation-state, led to an unstable political climate for pastoral transhumants.

Pastoral transhumance as a conceptual problem cannot be viewed in isolation. All pastoral systems have connections with the outside world and are never divorced from agriculture (Khazanov 1984). Pastoral transhumance is not even

RESEARCH REPORT 699

really a “type” of pastoral production; it is only a “mobility” strategy. What makes European pastoral transhumance so in- teresting is the variety of organizational structures in which this strategy has existed in historic and modern times. In Greece, pastoral transhumance is a m o bility strategy organized by entire communities of pastordists who define themselves ethnically or by individual pastoral households living in agropastoral villages. In the case of the Kout- sovlach transhumants, this relationship to the “outside world” can best be traced through recent historical processes of state formation. Throughout the second half of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th century, Koutsovlach pastoral transhumance operated on the fringes of an emergent nation-state. This history now serves as the background for Kout- sovlach identity within the modern nation-state. This ethnic group continues to assert its identity by reinforcing the social transhumance between the upland Kout- sovlach communities and pluralistic lowland communities.

Each mobility pattern is itself con- strained by the other components in the regional pastoral system and by larger structural entities. A compelling example is the manner by which empires and states imposed political control over the ethnic Koutsovlach, thus constraining mechanisms of integration between u p land and lowland communities from the mid-19th- to early 20thcentury period. The Koutsovlach, who occupied a territe rial niche between the disintegrating Ot- toman Empire and the emergent independent Greek nation-state, shifted in and out of pastoral transhumance depending on the political conditions. While it might be effectively argued that the Koutsovlach were particularly vulner- able in this historical period of political instability, such vulnerability can be seen as advantageous to the perpetuation of their ethnic and political autonomy. The Koutsovlach could operate in such a way as to hedge their bets so that both lowland and upland communities could serve as refuges. Herders who dropped out of pastoral transhumance were able

to resume this activity at a later time or to enter into subsidiary occupations like u p land brigandage and banditry. While such activities probably maintained the “stateless, backward” nature of Grevena throughout the 20th century, it was in fact an effective strategy open to the Koutsovlach and other transhumant populations. Today, pastoral transhumance continues to operate on the mar- gins and periphery, serving as a vital channel of communication, trade, and brokerage between local ethnic groups and the nation-state. At the same time favorable economic incentives brought by Greece’s entry into the EEC once again opened up a viable niche for pastoral transhumants and allowed urban Koutsovlach to maintain social transhumance in the upland communities.

These examples drawn from the contemporary and historic socioeconomic context of Grevena pastoral systems serve as very useful comparisons for archeolo gists seeking a theoretical framework for explaining the development of pastoral transhumance in Mediterranean Europe and elsewhere. Pastoral transhumance as a flexible, open-ended strategy integrat- ing upland/lowland communities must be seen within a broader regional context. While it may not be possible to draw analogies between contemporary pastoral transhumance and what happened in prehistory, one may legitimately posit a model of pastoral tmnshumance in terms of an organizational strategy that was used by herders. Pastoralists who had to organize and schedule movement between two different environmental zones probably also had to make complex arrangements for gaining access to pasture- lands. Just as the Koutsovlach have been able to “mix and match” settlement and mobility strategies under various forms of state-level control, prehistoric pastoral transhumance would also have afforded herders a chance to shift in and out of various sociopolitical arenas. Moreover, even when pastoral transhumance was favored, there was always the possibility that herders could shift into closely re- lated careers like smuggling, raiding, and trading. Once again, with these ideas in


mind, it may be more useful for archeole gists to see any development of pastoral transhumance as not necessarily attached to a certain evolutionary stage in prehistory, nor as strategy that originated only at one point in time, but as a series of structural arrangements between pastoralists and the state.

Conclusions

The ethnoarcheological research on which this report is based has furthered an understanding of pastoral transhumance in southern Europe by: (1) a systematic data collection of contemporary pastoral land use strategies over three major upland environmental zones; and (2) providing the ethnographic background to describe how and why ethnicity as associated with pastoral transhumance can be sustained in a modern nation-state. The observation that the pastoral sites of summer transhumants and year-round herders across three u p land environmental zones leads to the more theoretical inquiry of how and why herders adopted long-distance transhumance as an ecological and economic adaptation. The specific issues of ethnicity and transhumance as a cultural ideology begin to emerge only as the social and cultural context of local communities vis-24s the modern nation-state becomes apparent. The role that the EEC funds play in the individual decision- making processes of transhumant herders and village herders is essential for understanding the links between local upland communities and lowland urban centers. In these regional and national contexts, transhumance as a mobility strategy also embodies a cultural ideology of Koutsovlach identity. Data and analysis support the hypothesis that pastoral transhumance is realized through a set of structural relationships between local communities and regional and national contexts. As a consequence, the process by which the modem Greek nation-state incorporates the Koutsovlachs through economic and political policies can be contrasted to the processes of incorporation implemented in Sweden

and other regions where transhumance or nomadism is associated with a specific ethnic group. Nevertheless, the objective of this research project is first and fore- most to provide the prehistorian with useful analogies and parallels from modern historic and ethnographic contexts that can then be applied to archeological interpretations on the origins of specialized pastoralism.

Notes

Acknowledgments: This research was funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation during 1988-89, and subsequent summer grants from Sweet Briar College from 1990 to 1992. The ethnoarcheological data were collected under the auspices of the Grevena ArchecF logical Project directed by Nancy C. Wilkie. I wish to thank Harold A. Koster for our many fruitful discussions about Greek pastoralism over the years. The three anonymous review- ers and Norman Yoffee, Fotini Tsibiridou, and Emanuel Marx provided inmluable sug- gestions on earlier drafts. Also, I wish to thank Karla Faulconer for drafting Figure 1, and Perry A. Tourtellotte for sharing the fieldwork and compiling the data for Table 1.

1. I use the term Koutsovlach to identify this ethnic group of Aroumani-speaking Greeks. Schein (1974) refers to this same ethnic group as Aroumani. Campbell (1964) and Wace and Thompson (1914) refer to them as the Koutsovlach. Nandris (1990) identifies the Aroumani as Vlahs, but prefers to use the nonpejorative term of Aromani. Contempo- rary Greek folklorists and ethnographers refer to this ethnic group as Koutsovlach (Fotini Tsibiridou, personal communication, 1991). So as to minimize confusion between Greek and Western anthropologists, I have decided to use the term Koutsovlach.

2. Sheep, goats, and beef cattle are herded separately. When sheep and goats are herded together, usually a small number of goats (15 head) are lead animals for sheep flocks. A herder may own both cattle and sheep, but each species is herded separately.

3. The definition of pastoral transhumance in anthropology and historical litera- ture on animal husbandry has led to considerable confusion. The single most problematic point is that of categorizing pastoral transhumance, a mobility strategy based on two or more seasonal localities and fured residences as pastoral nomadism (6. Ingold 1987). According to Ingold (1987), pastoral

RESEARCH REPORT 701

transhumance is different from nomadism because transhumance occurs between fured summer and winter residences, whereas nomadic mobility exhibits residential flexibility and a high degree of territorial mobility over space and through time. In this regard, I follow Ingold’s (1987) distinction between pastoral transhumance and nomadism.

4. Klidonas is a term derived from ancient Greek used to describe St. John the Diviner (Megas 1963131). This women’s ritual is used to divine whether a girl will become engaged.

5. This ritual of eating meat as a form of male solidarity has been discussed in great detail for Cretan shepherds by Henfeld (1985:141). In eastern Crete, shepherds who steal sheep often like to publicly consume the stolen goods.

6. A discussion of the secondary products revolution during the Eneolithic and early Bronze Age periods from the central Balkans is presented in Greenfield’s (1988) article. Chapman (1982) evaluates many of the as sumptions of the secondary products hypothesis for Central Europe.

7. Chiftlik land was redistributed among Greeks so that parcels of winter pasture were often reduced in size and probably were more difficult to obtain for the individual herder. When Thessaly came under independent Greek control in 1881, Samarina shepherds often found it difficult to obtain winter grazing. During this period some Vlach pastoralists abandoned their profession and summer residences in the Pindos (Wace and Thompson 1914 167-168).

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Pastoral Transhumance in the Southern Balkans as a Social Ideology: Ethnoarcheological Research in Northern Greece