PAKIRI

THE PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND THE CHALLENGES OF NIGERI

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THE PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND THE CHALLENGES OF NIGERI

SOCIAL SCIENCES

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THE PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND THE CHALLENGES OF NIGERIAN STATE

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THE PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND THE CHALLENGES OF NIGERIAN STATE

BY

PAKIRI, OYANEMUGHAN PG/M.Sc./12/61917

A PROJECT REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, IN THE PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

(POLITICAL THEORY)

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR JONAH ONUOHA

OCTOBER, 2013

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TITLE PAGE

THE PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND THE CHALLENGES OF NIGERIAN STATE

BY

PAKIRI, OYANEMUGHAN PG/M.Sc./12/61917

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APPROVAL PAGE

This project report has been examined and approved by the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, Nsukka for the award of Master of Science (M.Sc) in Political Science (Political Theory)

PROFESSOR JONAH ONUOHA PROFESSOR JONAH ONUOHA

SUPERVISOR HEAD OF DEPARTMENT

EXTERNAL EXAMINER PROFESSOR C.O.T UGWU

DEAN OF FACULTY

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DEDICATION

To the Almighty God

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There would have not been a work like this in the absence of the God Almighty. The

completion of this work was indeed made possible by many people. The profound appreciation

goes to my supervisor, Professor Jonah Onuoha. Wait, for painstakingly guiding me through the

process of the research, and without whose contributions it would have been difficult to find my

way through the complex ideas. I quite appreciate the time and effort, upon your tight schedule,

this work was also paid attention to. I also acknowledge the sincere appreciation of Professor

A.M.N Okolie for his immeasurable contribution towards the completion of my studies in the

University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I am very much indebted to all the members of the staff of the

Department of Political Science at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka; who have impacted on my

priceless gift of knowledge throughout my stay in the Political Science Department; Prof. Obasi

Igwe, Prof. E.O. Ezeani, Prof. Ken Ifesinachi, Dr. P.C Chukwu, Dr. S.N Asogwa,Dr. Chris

Ezeibe etc. I also remember the indelible loss of our mother in the Department, late Prof. (Mrs.)

Miriam O. Ikejiani-Clark, may your soul find a resting place in God’s bosom, Amen. My thanks

also goes to the authors from whose work I made references.

I wish to express my gratitude to Hon. Dr. Pastor Peter Pereotubo Akpe, Mr. Robinson Etolor

and Peremobowei Ebebi for their brotherly and professional support towards the success of this

thesis and my stay in University of Nigeria, Nsukka. I wish to acknowledge the support of the

Bayelsa State Government Scholarship Board, for its financial contribution to the success of my

Masters studies. My profound appreciation goes to Pakiri Zenetimipade my wife and children

respectively, for their care and understanding during my course of study. I which to acknowledge

the support and prayers of my brothers, sisters, cousins, nephews, nieces, aunts and in-laws,

especially during my studies away from home.

I wish to express a solemn appreciation for the contributions of my friends and colleagues,

Mbaegbu Casmir, Lawyerkeme Romeo Koffi , Ugwu Ebere Vivian, Chigozie Okonkwo,

Williams Ujugwu, Emmanuel, Obiageli,etc., The words and moments we share together cannot

be forgotten even in a hurry. I will never forget the generous intervention of a God-sent

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friend;Chime Darlington, without whom I have lost contact, but to whom I am grateful. I learnt

so much from you during the course of the study. Efforts of guys in Acid lodge cannot be

undermined, Sis Ife, Chineye, Tochi and Amaka. Bros Gabriel Abule, Ugwueze Michael,

Garenkeme, Paul, Ogbu, Konboye, including all that knows the worth and value for

neighbourhood.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- i

Approval page-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ii

Dedication ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- iii

Acknowledgement -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- iv

Table of Contents -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v

Abstract-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii

List of Figures------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ viii

Chapter One

1.1 Introduction------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem ------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4

1.3 Objectives of the Study ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5

1.4 Significance of the Study -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6

1.5 Literature Review ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 8

1.6 Theoretical Framework ----------------------------------------------------------------------------40

1.7 Hypotheses ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------42

1.8 Method of Data Collection ------------------------------------------------------------------------42

1.9 Method of Data Analysis-------------------------------------------------------------------------43

Chapter Two

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NIGERIAN STATE PLATONIC REPUBLIC

2.1 Politics of Nigerian State : Reflection on Plato’s Republic --------------------------------- 44

2.2 Structure and Governance of the Nigeria State: Emphasis on the Negation of Plato’s

Ideas----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 50

Chapter Three

IMPLEMENTATION OF PLATO’S PHILOSOPHY IN THE REPUBLIC AND

POLITICAL CHANGE IN NIGERIAN STATE

3.1 Historical background to Plato’s Republic-----------------------------------------------------64

3.2 Interplay between the Implementation of Plato’s Philosophy and political change in Nigerian

State----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 70

Chapter Four

ACCUMULATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY UNDERMINE THE REALIZATION OF

PLATONIC STATE IN NIGERIAN STATE

4.1 Corruption Surgery in the Political Leadership in Nigeria Since 1960----------------- 75

4.2 Challenges of Constitutional Democracy in Nigerian State-------------------------------- 99

Chapter Five

Summary and Conclusion -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 123

Recommendations----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 128

Bibliography------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 130

Appendix --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 139

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ABSTRACT

This study examines the Platonic Republic and the Challenges of the Nigerian State. There exist plethora of scholarly submissions on the aforementioned topic; most of the scholars that have explored the issue under discussion centered their argument on Platonic State and Democracy in Africa, structure of leadership and Plato’s ideas, Plato’s Republic and leadership question in Africa. This study takes another dimension to looking into Plato’s Republic and the Challenges of the Nigerian State with emphases on Plato’s philosophy in the Republic and political charge in Nigerian State as well as accumulation of private property and the realization of a Platonian State in Nigeria. The hypotheses were validated and accepted; secondary source of data were employed in data collection while the social contract served as the lens through which the study was treated. Useful recommendations were made through the articulated conclusion

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LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Figure 1 on the Structure of Nigeria State ---------------------------------------------------- 139

Figure 2 on the Three classes of individuals in the State ------------------------------------ 140

Figure 3 on the Three parts of the soul in the individual ------------------------------------ 140

Figure 4 on the Corruption Perception Index 2004 and 2012 ------------------------------ 141

Table 5 on Okigbo Panel Report of 1994 ----------------------------------------------------- 88

Table 6 on Corruption Surgery in the National Assembly ---------------------------------- 112

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

The most comprehensive collection of Plato’s philosophical idea appears in the

fundamental principles for the conduct of human life. The societies are formed for a particular

purpose. Individual human beings are not self-sufficient; no one working alone can acquire all of

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the necessities of life. In order to resolve this difficulty, we gather together into communities for

mutual achievement of our common goals. This succeeds because we can work more efficient if

each of us specializes in the practice of a specific craft or job. Thus, Plato held that separation of

functions and specialization of labour are keys to the establishment of a worthwhile society

(Morrow,1988). The society composed of many individuals, organized into distinct class

according to the value of their role in providing some component part of the common good will

lead to ideal society. But the smooth operation of the whole society will require some additional

services that will guide the disputes among members of their interactions and the defense of the

state against external attacks. Therefore, carrying the principle of specialization further, Plato

proposed the establishment of class of citizens; the philosophers or guardians, the auxiliaries or

soldiers and the producers or workers (Mbah, 2006). The pyramid of the state is therefore made

up of three layers: philosophers or guardians on top, auxiliaries or soldiers in the middle and the

producers or workers to serve the numerically largest group of producers at the base. Plato insists

that there should always be a clear distinction between these groups (Nwoko, 2006).

Perhaps and more importantly, Plato was convinced that the philosophers had the

knowledge, intellect and training to govern. A philosopher by his grasp of the Ideal of Good is

best qualified to rule. The philosopher would be able to administer Justice and act for the good of

the community. The philosopher has the qualities of a ruler, namely Truthfulness, Discipline and

Courage. Plato pointed out that an ideal state ruled by the philosopher ruler is a divine institution

perfectly worthy of emulation and imitation (See Subrata & Sushila, 2007). Accordingly, Wolin

(1960) noted that existing states were imperfect because philosophers were not rulers. The Ideal

State is the Good Society. And the Good Society possesses the following qualities viz; Wisdom,

Courage, Discipline and Justice (Wolin, 1960).

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Having developed a general description of the Good Society, Plato maintained that the

proper functions performed by its disparate classes, working together for the common good will

provide the Good society, because they develop significant social qualities.The Ideal State is the

Just State. And the Concept of Justice is a permanent quality and attribute of the human soul.

Therefore, the ideal state based on Justice is the earthly manifestation of the human soul

(Nwoko, 2006). Plato held that every human being include three souls that correspond to the

three classes of citizen in the state, each of them contributing in its own to the successful

operation of the whole person.

• The rational soul (mind or intellect) is the thinking portion within each of us, which

discerns what is real and not real.

• The spirited soul (will or volition) is the active portion, its function just to carry out the

dictates of reason in practical life. Courageously doing whatever the intellect has

determined to be best.

• The appetitive soul (emotion or desire) is the portion of each of us that want and feels

many things (Morrow, 1988).

On Plato’s views then, any human being is properly said to be just when the three souls

perform their functions in harmony with each other, working in consonance for the good of the

person as a whole.As a well-organized state the justice of an individual human being emerge

only from the interrelationship among its separate components. Plato’s account of a tripartite

division within the self has exerted an enormous influence on the philosophy of human nature.

However any adequate view of human life requires some explanation or account of how we

incorporate intellect, volition and desire in the whole of our existence. Therefore, true justices

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are a kind of good health attainable only through the harmonious corporative effort of the three

souls (Morrow, 1988).

Britain is in many ways a meritocracy after Plato's heart. Although there is a dignified

part of the constitution in which Parliament plays a key role, and democratic elections take place

at intervals, power has been steadily leaking away from Westminster to Whitehall. The Dements

of State pay nominal obeisance to their Ministers, and when there is an inter-departmental

dispute the Cabinet can exercise real power; but for the most part the Minister has neither the

time nor the knowledge to make his Department do what it does not want to do. In that sense the

real power in twentieth century Britain is substantially exercised by civil servants, themselves

selected by examination after a rigorous academic course, often in philosophy. Civil servants,

though sometimes said by MPs to be political eunuchs, are not real eunuchs, and have wives and

families to prove it. But their wives and families play no part in their public lives and have no

political power. Although the wife of a senior civil servant is addressed as "Lady", she has much

less pull than the Ladies, or even the mistresses, of previous ages. She is kept in purdah in the

suburbs, well away from the corridors of power. Nor is it any advantage to be the child of a civil

servant. Britain is an enthusiastic meritocracy, and parental pull is rigidly excluded from all

selection processes. We deal with the problem of sex by legitimating it but separating it from

everything of public importance. A rigid separation between public and private life ensures that

amorous ambitions and family loyalties have no influence on the course of events

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The thrust of this study is to examine or discuss the Platonic Republic and the challenges

of Nigerian State. It is baffling that the role of leadership corruption in the Nigerian state is a

challenge and had exponentially deepened that the nation Nigeria has not been able to think out a

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proper framework for engagement on this rapid growth of leadership failure since it gained its

Independence in 1960. This was observed when the country returned to civil rule since 1999,

there is no doubt that leadership failure has been the bane of democratic stability and survival.

Therefore, news about bad leadership that effect corruption is no longer stunning (Ogundiya,

2009).

Regrettably, since independence a notable surviving legacy of the successive political

leadership both Civilian and Military that have managed the affairs of the country at different

times has been Institutionalized corruption in all agencies of public service, which like a deadly

virus has subsequently spread to the private sector of the country (Ogbeidi, 2012). Leadership

fraud has been a euphemism for explaining political leadership in Nigeria in relation to the

management of National Wealth. This vindicates consistent rating of Nigeria by Transparency

International (TI), the global watchdog on corruption as one of the most corrupt nations in the

world. All Anti-Corruption strategies by the various successive governments have had trifling

impacts.

Overtime, researchers have contributed on the aforementioned topic with fundamental

interest in curbing leadership corruption in the state. Most of them anchored their explanation of

the challenges of the Nigerian State which evidently caused by bad leadership on Prebendalism

and Clientalism theory of Joseph,(1987) where he observed that the politics of competition over

allocation of resources or what in Nigeria is called ‘the National Cake’, has its most dire

consequences, the transformation of the offices of the State into Prebends. According to the

theory of Prebendalism, state offices are regarded as prebends that can be appropriated by office

holders who use them to generate material benefits for themselves and their constituents and kin

groups. In the light of these failings, it becomes instructive to determine the ideas of Plato’s

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Philosopher King as reflected in the Republic on democratic governance in Nigeria State. On this

regard, the study seeks to provide answers to the following questions:

• To what extent can the implementation of Plato’s Philosophy in the Republic

influence political change in Nigerian State?

• Does the Accumulation of Private Property undermine the realization of a Platonian

State in Nigeria?

1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

Opinions are diverse on reasons for the inability of Nigeria to make progress in her

developmental quest in her ongoing democratic governance. Again, failure of various anti-

corruption measures adopted by different governments has attracted intellectual discourse

amongst political and economic scholars. While some blame it on leadership, others hinge it on

ethnicity.

However, the study has both broad and specific objectives. The broad objective of the study

is to examine Plato’s Republic and challenges of democracy in Nigeria State.

The specificobjective of the study seeks to achieve are:

• To examine Plato’s ideas reflected in the Republic, in relation todemocratic leadership in

Nigeria.

• To determine if the accumulation of wealth by the political leadership in Nigeria

undermine the realization of Plato’s ideas on democratic governance in Nigeria.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

This study has both academic and practical significance. Academically, the study shall

promote the concept of Plato’s Republic. This study explored the efforts of Plato’s Ideal State

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and the problems that are associated with the conduct of democratic governance in Nigeria State.

It will evaluate the nature and character of Plato’s Ideal State and the Nigerian State in line with

the ruling class, vis-à-vis the perpetration of leadership corruption in Nigerian State as well as

the relevant sections of our legal and constitutional frameworks that assisted in the perpetration

of bad governance by the leadership class in Nigeria State. The study will not only synchronize

with existing enquiries to form a dependable pool of literature in this area, but will serve as a

convenient starting point for further studies in the analysis of the interface between Plato’s Ideal

State and consolidation of democracy in Nigeria State.

Practically, Plato’s Ideal State tends to guarantee Justice and Security to life when practiced

than the Nigerian perspective of Niccolo Machiavelli’s ideology and to that extend adjudged a

better form of government than the Machiavellian principles. This explains why virtually every

nation consciously attempt to introduce and institutionalize good governance to effectuate good

society. Thus, since Nigeria’s political independence, efforts have been variously made to

establish good governance. These efforts, however, have more or less ended in alternation of

Institutionalized corruption, weak democratic institution, electoral malpractices, insecurity and

others because of fusion of the Executive and legislative. This has resulted in monumental abuse

of fundamental human rights and widespread incidence of misrule. The study will be of

paramount importance to the National Assembly and the Judiciary, the Federal, State, and the

Local governments as well as the general public for the following reasons.

• This study will help Nigerians see the politics of their country from a new

perspective. Plato’s ideas when effectuated will arouse political consciousness and

awareness about events in the society. Transfer of powers, periodic elections, national

plans, provision of infrastructures, sharing of the national wealth, and annual budget.

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Invariably these had not been successfully done, due to lack of consensus among

politicians and stakeholders.

• The significance of this study lies in the fact that we will select those aspects of

his thought that are still suitable to our local conditions.

• At the end this study we shall increase the repository of knowledge in respect of

the subject area.

• We will lay the foundation for a new Nigeria of our dream where no man will be

oppressed.

• The essence of this study is to expatiate on Plato’s political theories and expunge

from his political philosophy some of his bizarre ideas, as evidence that philosophy is

of age.

• If this research succeeds, it will help in closing existing gap in knowledge of the

habit of corruption. Nigerian society is replete with corrupts incompetent and inept

leadership.

Finally, the research shall be useful to individuals, groups and communitiesin learning from the

Ideas of the past. This will in turn help individuals and groups develop their potentials for good

leadership. It will offer the beneficiaries training on political education and good citizenship

needed for the realization of State objectives.

1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW

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There exist plethora of scholars in the issue under discuss; for us , we shall adopt a thematic

review of what other scholars have and highlight their pitfalls so as to enable us establish the gap

that will rise to this study. This review shall take the bellow headings.

(a) The Implementation of Platonic Republic and political change in Nigerian State.

(b) Accumulation of Private Property undermines the realization of Platonic State in

Nigeria.

(a) THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PLATONIC REPUBLIC AND POLITICAL

CHANGE IN NIGERIAN STATE

In reviewing the above issue, it will be pertinent to take the following into consideration for

examination as to which will give guide in this section of review; these concepts are:

• Qualities of leadership in Plato’s Republic

• Classes of Plato in the Republic

• The Ideal State in Plato’s Republic

(a.i) QualitiesofLeadershipinPlato’s Republic

The qualities of leadership in Plato are truthfulness, high mindedness, discipline and courage.

And this can be obtained through the philosopher kings. The philosopher kings will be selected

from the most educated elites that have none the Form. The theory of the philosopher ruler was

the linchpin of Plato’s Ideal State. It was derived from the conviction that the philosopher had

the knowledge, intellect and training to govern. The innumerable references to the immortality of

the soul implied that philosophy was the only key to heaven (Berki, 1977). Plato defined a

philosopher as one who loved wisdom, had a passion for knowledge, and is always curious and

eager to learn. A philosopher by his grasp of the idea of good was best qualified to rule, implying

that knowledge could be obtained only by a selected few who had the leisure and the material

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comforts (Nwoko, 2006). They do not concern themselves with the satisfaction of any

determined human need, but take upon themselves to defend and serve the interest of the state as

a whole. This group Plato called the Philosopher Kings. They should have no property, neither

marries, nor have family so as for them to rule the State in truth. It is the Philosopher Kings that

have the wisdom, truth and knowledge to administer justice to the right direction of an Ideal

State (Nwoko, 2006). They are the ones whose minds have been so developed that can be able to

grasp the Forms and to make the wisest decisions. A philosopher would be able to justify and act

for the good of the community. A good ruler was one who not only preserved the lives of his

subjects, but also transforms them as human beings. When the supreme power in man coincide

with the greatest wisdom and temperance, then the best laws and the best constitution comes into

being but in no other way, until philosophers become kings in this world, or till that we now call

kings and rulers really and truly become philosophers, and political power and philosophy thus

come into the same hands, there is no other road to real happiness, either for society or the

individual (Plato, 1955:282).This study argues that the challenges of Nigerian Stateare a problem

of governance; good governance leads to good leadership. The qualities of governance are

transparency, equity and honesty etc.One of the major explanations for the failure of all

development programmers in Nigeria has been the absence of good governance. According to

Smith, (2007) noted that, the trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.

There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land, or climate, or water or air or anything else. The

Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of personal example which are hallmarks of

true leadership. If the yearnings and aspirations of Nigerians have not been met, it is due to

failure of leadership (Achebe, 1988:1).

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Plato says that, the purpose of founding a state is not to promote the particular happiness

of a single class, but of the whole community. If the classes that make up the community, loose

their proper characteristics, particularly if the guardians of law and state become degenerated and

pretentious and therefore fail to bring good government and prosperity, the state is completely

ruined. If rulers were allowed to acquire private property, they would become harsh and tyrants

instead of guardians of the state. The philosopher ruler was the right person to govern, for he

would be least enthused about acquiring power for self-aggrandizement. Good prelude

mediocrity, nepotism and focus on who ruled. Existing states were imperfect because

philosophers were not rulers (Subrata and Sushila, 2007). According to Fielder’s contingency

theory on the other hand, stresses the utility of both trait and situational factors in enhancing

leadership, that effective leadership is a function of trait or personality qualities, as well as the

situation. This could be said to be synonymous with Plato ‘conception of the ‘philosopher king’

where political leadership is a function of innate qualities and their perfection through a

functional leadership educational system (Sabine and Thorson 1973; Mukherjee and

Ramaswamy 2007; Omodia 2011).

When these theories is related to the Nigerian political environment, the question that

come to mind is, to what extent does trait or personal qualities play a role in political leadership

in Nigeria? According to Obadan, (1998) avers that, bad governance is contrapuntal to a nation’s

socio-economic and political development. Therefore, resources of the state must be managed in

such a manner as to achieve the desired level of socioeconomic progress for all members of the

political community. In short, good governance is about the performance capacity of a

government or as it relates to leadership capability. Failure of governance therefore, could

expressly mean failure of leadership. An analogue in relation to this by the researcher, when

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Professor Jonah Onuoha assumed office as the Head of Department in Political Science 2013, he

transformed the department that was almost collapsed. There were no facilities in the offices,

lecture halls, in fact everywhere was blink. With the short period of two months, and the

department was conducive for learning environment. Everybody was happy with light and

offices been air-conditioned. This is what Plato is emphasizing that a good governance must

embrace transparency, equity and honesty, a calm disposition, sound mind, a lover of truth, and

forthright in other to make the society happy.

Leadership according to Plato would have good character, a calm disposition and a sound

mind. Devoid of emotional ties and economic considerations, he would be public-spirited and

wise. Since the state is directed towards the highest and noblest ends:

Good men will not consent to govern for cash or honours. They do not want to be called mercenary for exacting a cash payment for the work of government, or thieves for making money on the side; and they will not work for honours, for they aren’t ambitious, the worse penalty for refusal is to be governed by someone worse than themselves. That is what I believe, frightens honest men into accepting power, and they approach it not as if it were something desirable out of which they were going to do well, but as if it were something unavoidable which they cannot find anyone better or equally qualified to undertake. For in a city of good men there might well be as much competition to avoid power as there now is to get it, and it would be quite clear that the true ruler pursues his subjects interest and not his own, constantly all wise men would prefer the benefit of this service at the hands of others rather than the labour of affording it to others themselves Plato, (1955:89-90).

Plato insisted that politics and philosophy ought to be safe for one another. A philosopher ruler

would make a wise legislator and frame laws in accordance with the idea of Good. Statecraft was

ultimately soul craft, linking the political with the ethical (Taylor, 2010). For Plato, an Ideal

State ruled by the philosopher ruler was a divine institution perfectly worthy of emulation and

imitation. On that ground, political philosophy became a practical enterprise in which various

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possibilities of establishing a good society in light of the philosophers’ vision of Good was the

aim. . More so, Plato Places greater emphasis on qualities of leaders in a state because politicians

in societies were admired and respected not for their wisdom and goodness, but for their ability

to flatter people and satisfy their basest desires and instincts. A philosopher ruler would make a

wise legislator and frame laws in accordance with the idea of good (Taylor, 2010).

A state is said to be developed when there is good production, protection and governing.

A developed state is the good state and the good state is the good society. Nigeria is

underdeveloped because, there is bad leadership. There is no production, protection and good

governing principles that will enhance development. Nigeria has the goals of socio-economic

and political development and sometimes, there goals are clear enough. They also have policies

which are sometimes clearly articulated and operationalized. But it is difficult to encounter

anything that can properly be called strategy (Bassey, 2007). This is in itself an important cause

of their in effectiveness in changing their economy in the way they would like to. Various ways

been tried by the Military and civilian regimes but failed, since the leadership is not qualitative.

Nigerian leaders were not trained and selective rather through election participation. And the

election process in Nigeria in selection of their leaders is by do or dies affairs that cannot justify

a credible leader (Adegboyaga, 2006).Politics according to the traditional philosophers is to

create an enabling environment for social cooperation, social order, justice, progress and

development. It is meant to prevail on the naturally egoistic nature of human kind that is capable

of causing anarchy in a nation. Since a nation consists of different ethnic groups, culture,

language and religion, its political administration must be properly construed. Thus, politics,

which has been described as the science of the art of administration, is very vital to any nation. If

we grant the above as the true purpose of politics then, the question that agitates the mind is: has

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politics been able to perform these functions in the Nigerian nation? As rightly observed,

violence, instability, social-disorder, injustice and under-development characterized the

contemporary Nigerian society (Adegboyaga, 2006). Fundamentally, the question of good and

bad is ethical/moral. According to Madhav, (2007) observes that, good Governance has much to

do with the ethical grounding of governance and must be evaluated with reference to specific

norms and objectives as may be laid down. It is Important to know that politics which can be

defined as the art of the science of administration is the consequence of living together that is

meant to create some measure of order and justice, and also to provide a framework within

which we can live in freedom according to our individual desires. According to Osai,(2007)

noted that,the universe began not with an atom or a subatomic particle but with a thought of

creation, which encompassed a world in which every human being would enjoy total happiness

and fulfillment, free from any form of chaos or pain. This is what the Creator desires and intends.

Bringing about the realization of the Creator‘s desire is up to us. For the manifestation of

complete fulfillment to take place, we need to evolve into our truest and greatest selves. In our

thoughts, our feelings, and our actions, we need to erase negativity and replace darkness with

Light.

On its part, the literature of Judeo-Christian theology holds that when the righteous

people are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beret rule, the people mourn.

(Proverbs, 29:2) (Osai, 2007:2). More so, Osai, (2007:3) noted that,the literature of Judeo-

Christian theology is the same as the Philosopher Kings of Plato‘s Republic of the Ideal State

and the modern day leader who governs guided by the essence of spiritual intelligence and a

higher consciousness of the Divine. For Cole (1998) emphasized that, leadership is a social

process in which one person in a group harness the knowledge, skills and motivation of the other

24

members in the attainment of group goals. It is in this respect that the 'art' of politics remains

relevant to the Nigerian nation. But then, a critical observation of the state of politics in Nigeria

shows that politics has failed to achieve its purpose in Nigeria practices. That is why, the study

focus on Plato’s idea on the qualitative aspect of leadership to change the Nigerian State

politically to enhance development when taking to practice. Many reasons have been adduced for

the formation of a political society (Cole 1998:206).

According to Hobbes, (1946) pointed out that; the society exists in order to ensure peace

so that the individuals can freely pursue their life goals without infringing upon other people's

interest. To Locke, (1952) avers that, the main purpose for establishing a society is to ensure that

the life, freedom and private properties of the individuals are protected. According to Rousseau

(1966) pointed out that, the society is a devise by the rich and powerful to protect themselves and

their properties against the attack of the poor, and to legalize the inequality they have created

among men. The Nigerian society exists to encourage moral virtue in both the leadership of the

nation and the citizens in order that social order, unity, growth and development are attainable.

Leadership under democratic system of government is expected in Nigeria to gain compliance

through the consent of the Nigerians and not through the use of force. It is in this regard that

democracy is described as "a system of government in which the majority of the people rule but

the rights of the minority are protected" (Morrow, 1988:7). Regrettably, the history of elections

in Nigeria has shown that Nigerians cannot rely on them as veritable means of installing the kind

of leaders they want and by implication in changing the material conditions of their existence to

Plato’s idea of selection of Philosopher King. This is because elections in Nigeria have been

marred by ugly incidents of electoral malpractice (Nnoli, 2003).

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According to Aristotle in Nwoko, (2006) rejects Plato’s principle that Philosophers should be

Kings. He contends that scientific knowledge, which is the area of the philosopher, is theoretical,

whereas the realm of human affairs and conduct is of practical activity and needs practical

judgment, acquired by discipline, practice and experience. For Aristotle, the statesman is

equipped not by philosophy but by practical wisdom (Aristotle in Nwoko, 2006:25).

As Rosen (2005:8-9) pointed out, “that the rule of wisdom is tyrannical, and that it cannot

tolerate words or deeds, laws or traditional institutions” or “political theories that impinge upon

Its rule”.While it may even be just, it is one that is too strict to be adopted by human beings.

Interestingly Popper, (1963) argues that, Plato does not use the term “philosopher” to mean

“lover of truth” or “seeker of wisdom,” but rather as “learned man” or “sage.” Plato’s

philosopher kings “is not the seeker of wisdom, but the proud possessor of it” (Popper, 1963:90).

According to Barker, (1997) avers that, Platonic communism is ascetic; and just for that reason it

is also aristocratic. It is a way of surrender; and it is a surrender imposed on the best, and only on

the best. It exists for the sake of the whole society, but not for the whole society. It exists only

for the governing classes. In that sense it is a political, and not an economic communism which

Plato preaches. Its aim may be said to be the substitution of a trained and professional

government, supported by a system of regular taxation, for an unprofessional and unpaid

government supporting itself by corruption (Barker, 1997).

In Popper’s view, he is not even a philosopher but an ideologue, a totalitarian, a

dogmatist.More so McCoy,(1998) noted that, if Plato considers the democratic model to

encourage the pursuit of ‘unnecessary desires’ in the common man, which include an excessive

desire for freedom’ and which ‘do no good, and actually do harm, then it is with the autonomous

and unelected forces of the philosopher kings that he takes issue. Because the figure of the

26

philosopher kings has developed the intelligence necessary to identify the desires of the

democratic man, this allows him to manipulate the public for his own apparent benefit’.Being

intelligent, these educating powers can ‘carefully educate and fashion to the character they want’

which in this case happens to be whichever character form is in alignment with the base desires

of the mass population (McCoy, 1998).

Important to note, Aristotle (1984) argues that, the good life is much more social and

political than the vision of other philosopher’s kings. He said the good life for the individual

finds its fulfillment in political engagement, he argues that the good society will be one in which

the citizens are enabled to achieve or flourishing. Aristotle explored many different

constitutional models, and their advantages and disadvantages for this over-arching goal of

spiritual flourishing, and he decided the best constitution is democracy. In a democratic society,

citizens are free to join together, to reason together, and to fulfill their rational, social and

political natures (Aristotle, 1984).

(a.ii) Classesin Plato’s Republic

The division of classes in Plato’s Republic is another linchpin in Plato’s philosophical ideas. The

differing attitudes of Platoon division of classes are toward specialization and the division of

labour that coloured his view on who should formulate policy on political questions. In the

theories of his thinking, the observations and evaluations made in such areas of social life as the

production and exchange of services and material goods are carried over and applied to politics.

Plato examined the origin of the state and pointed out that it arose out of two reasons. The first

was mutual need, and the second, the differences in aptitudes of individuals. Since the individual

was not self-sufficient and depended on others for subsistence. Exchange of services necessitated

division of labour and functional specialization, which was possible since individuals differed in

27

their nature and aptitudes. Individuals could be trained to specialize and perform one particular

task. Specialization was encouraged to bring about excellence and perfection (Plato, 1992:2). He

traces the origin of the state to insufficiency of human beings. Human being has many needs

such as food, shelter and clothing which he cannot satisfy himself. The state is based on mutual

exchanges. As the society evolves, multitude of occupations that develop, the needs of the

society will be satisfied only if a man specializes on a single job for which he is naturally suited.

With that, Plato identifies individual capabilities with the help of the theory of three classes and

three souls. He pointed out that the soul is endowed with three qualities: rational, spirit and

appetite, with justice as the fourth virtue, by balancing and harmonizing the other three qualities.

In each soul, one of these qualities would be the predominant faculty. Individuals in whom the

rational faculty was predominant would constitute the ruling class which Plato called the

philosopher king (s), and the virtue of such soul is wisdom. This soul is a lover of learning that

has the power to comprehend the idea of Good. Those in whom spirit was the predominant

quality were the soldiers, and the virtue of such souls was courage, implying the ability to hold

on to one’s convictions’ and beliefs in adverse times. He compared a spirited individual to a

watchdog. It indicates the willingness to sacrifice one’s material desires for the sake of the

common good. Such a soul was a lover of honour and victory. Individuals whose souls were

appetitive exhibited a fondness for material things. They were lovers of gain and money. These

were the artisans, the producing class. The quality of such an appetitive soul was Temperance.

Plato considered a balance individual as a just one. He reasoned that in the application of

intelligence to activity of any kind, supreme wisdom was to know just when and where to stop.

The idea was that in everything, it was important to ensure the “just right” in order to achieve

happiness. Therefore Justice mean departmental excellence and a just individual was also a good

28

person (Plato, 1955). On that note, Justice in the state meant that the three social classes

(philosophers, soldiers and producers) performed the deliberative of governing, defense, and

producing, without interfering with the functions of the others. Each soul had a corresponding

social class. A just society recognized and educated every individual talent according to the

dominant element in one’s soul, and ordered these elements into coherent classes. Plato said

injustice mean interference and meddlesomeness. Any interchange in jobs between the three

classes would bring harm to the state and was the worst evil (Plato, 1992:3).

Plato in the Republic notoriously proposes that the human psyche has three parts. By using this

theory of the tripartite soul, Plato gives an account of how man can be virtuous. A virtuous man

is one in whom the three parts of his soul play their proper roles and are in harmony with one

another. It is clear that the notion of order is not only essential to the just state but also to the just

man. Plato envisaged that, the just man cannot be identified without referring his orderly and

harmonious soul. This human virtue will be dependent upon how these three psychological

elements interact with one another. The reason is the motivation which leads us to learn and

discover the truth, and causes us to participate in philosophical contemplation. Therefore, a

philosopher is one whose reason is predominantly in the soul. Reason is the ruling element in the

soul, for it is able to “reflect about good and evil,” and has “the wisdom and foresight to act for

the whole. Furthermore, reason motivates the philosopher to love the truth, which invariably to

love the good. Plato holds that the appetite is the element with which the soul “desires the

pleasures of eating and sex, that it is also the element with which it feels hunger and thirst, and

the agitations of sex and other desires. It is the element of irrational appetite closely connected

with satisfaction and pleasure. And the life of the philosopher is happier than that of the unjust

men, he recalls the theory of the appetite soul and says, As for the third, we had no one special

29

name for it, since it’s multiform, so we named it after the biggest and strongest thing in it. Hence

we called it the appetite part, because of the intensity of its appetites for food, drink, sex, and all

the things associated with them, but we also called it the money-loving part, because such

appetite are most easily satisfied by means of money (Plato,1992:4).

Nigeria haphazardly have classes in the state been operating constitutional democracy but

it is turned to bourgeoisie, proletariat and peasant classes. The constitutional democracy that

ought to be in place did not work rather the bourgeoisie that exploit the society Nigeria. Baron

Montesquieu argued that it would tantamount to tyranny if one person or body of persons

becomes involved in the process of utilizing the powers inherent in more than one arm of

government. Resultantly, Montesquieu propounded the theory of separation of powers which

found expression as Fusion of Powers and Checks and Balancesin Parliamentary and Presidential

systems of government, respectively (Nisbet, 1973; Sabine and Thorson, 1973; Crespigny and

Minogue, 1978).

In furtherance of the quest for the protection of human dignity in the face of the

institution of government and its functionaries, Professor A.V. Dicey came up with the Rule of

Law in 1885. Essentially, Dicey focused his intellectual effort on absolute supremacy of the law,

equality before the law and constitutional guarantee of fundamental human rights. However, as

human society became more complex in the face of an ever shrinking world, the Rule of Law

was expanded within its context of relevance by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) in

1959 to include the representativeness and responsibility of the legislature, control of the

executive in its utilization of delegated authority, independence of the judiciary, clarity of the

law in the criminal process and the legal profession, which the resultant Delhi Declaration of

1959 holds must be autonomous and disciplined (Osai, 2001). But Nigeria is a diverse to

30

separation of functions; therefore the classes like Plato that enhance good leadership did not

work in Nigeria. Plato saw the specialization of functions as the model on which to base the

organization for a just society.

Various scholars argue against Plato’s opinion of classes in the state. As Barker (1997)

noted that, to Plato the state, viewed merely as an economic concern, contains features valuable

not only in them, and from an economic point of view, but also as types and foreshadowing’s of

political truths. It contains the feature of specialization; and if the cobbler sticks to his last, and

thereby produces better work and more work, why should not the statesman stick to his

statesmanship, and produce the same result. Specialization is the author of unity everywhere, the

doctrine of specific function will eliminate unlimited competition in every sphere. The intention

was, that, each individual should always be put to the use for which Nature intended him, one to

one work, and then every man would do his own business, and he one and not many; and so the

whole state would he one and not many (Barker,1997).

Moreover Wolin, (1960) noted that, Plato's plan to organize the state on the basis of

specialization is intended to produce harmonious unity. But his assignment of guardianship and

ruler-ship to persons whose lifestyle is radically different from that of the masses may produce

disunity. ‘Wallowing one lifestyle are the governing classes; following another (comparatively

under- tailed) lifestyle is the great bulk of the population, which engages in trade, uses money,

and does manual labour (Wolin, 1960).As Parry,(1998) fairly pointed out that, Desires are not

said to be desires for what is pleasant as opposed to what is good to the definition of good-

independence. Indeed, the simple desire for drink is no more for pleasant drink than it is for good

drink. Plato’s point is that desire, is not calculative; it is, let us say, good-indifferent. It is the job

of reason to calculate. Thus he argues that it would be misleading to render the appetite part as

31

‘foolish’ or ‘unreasonable.’ The comparison between reason and appetite is the comparison

between the rational and irrational, but not between the clever and the foolish. It is impossible, as

mentioned above, for the appetite part, i.e., thirst to desire a good or pleasant drink. Because it is

incapable of having any conception of the good. It is reason alone that possesses cognitive

capacity (Parry, 1998:11). However, another scholar, Anna’s (1981) asserts that, the appetitive

part has the ability to figure out the means to achieve the end it wants. This interpretation seems

to be supported by Plato’s assertion that the appetitive part is able to use money-loving part. That

is to say, the appetitive part is able to use money as a means to acquire what it wants. While the

claim that the appetitive desires money for buying things it wants does not necessarily mean that

this is the result of rational calculation. For it could result from habitation without thinking. That

is, money in one’s experience has been associated with the satisfaction of desires and with

buying things one wants. Take for example, shopaholics; whenever they want something, they

are habituated to buy it without any further thought. In this case there is no need to assign the

appetite part any reasoning capacity, for in the situation of habituation reason is under the control

of the appetite and serves to work out the means of satisfying the appetite’s order (Anna’s,

1981:137) The study argues that despite the criticism, specialization of functions is the key for

development, since no one can work in ignorance. It is only left with the relationship of the

various parts of the State to cooperate and work for the good of the State.

(a.iii) The Ideal State in Plato’s Republic

Plato analyzed that, the society originates because people are not self-sufficient. We will need

farmers to provide food, builders to provide shelter, and weavers and shoemakers to clothe us.

Each person should specialize in his trade. So we also need people to make tools for farmers,

builders and so on. We will need cowherds and shepherds. There will also be things we need that

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cannot be provided within the state, so we will need traders to arrange imports and exports, and

seafarers. We will also need market traders within the state, to facilitate exchanges of goods. And

there will be a place for people who simply have physical strength, and can work as hired

labourers. So the minimal society will be pretty big (Plato, 1992:6). Even then, life will be pretty

basic. People will want household furniture and fancy foods, perfumes and embroidery. The

provision of such luxuries will require many more people. Our territory will be too small to

support them all, so we shall have to take a slice of our neighbour’s territory. They will want to

do the same to us. So we shall need an army. And they will need to be skilled specialist soldiers,

not a militia raised from the farmers or craftsmen. Soldiers must be alert, courageous and high-

spirited, but gentle to their fellow citizens. They must be like watch dogs, able to discriminate

between friend and foe. So they must have the right kind of education (Plato, 1992:7). We must

also not encourage too much laughter, because it invites a violent reaction, so descriptions of

gods or heroes overcome by laughter must be cut out. We also need to encourage honesty, self-

control and obedience to rulers, and discourage grasping conduct. Guardians must only do their

own jobs, and must not take on the occupations of others, nor any unsuitable habits. So

Representation is dangerous. If they put on plays at all, they must not take the parts of anyone

who is weak in any way, or who has some other trade. It is therefore safer to concentrate on

narrative. And we should exclude from the State talented actors who can portray many different

kinds of character (Plato, 1992:7).

The physical education of guardians is when good mind and character will allow one to

make the best of whatever physique one has. The guardians must be alert and ready to cope with

changing circumstances. So there must be no drunkenness, and only simple food. There is no

point in treating those who would be of no further use to themselves or to society. The main aim

33

of physical education is the same as that of mental education, to train the mind. Physical training

develops energy and initiative. This can lead to one’s becoming uncivilized, unless it is tempered

with literary education. But the latter can make one soft, unless tempered with physical training.

Moving on from training, we must decide which guardians is to govern; we must select those

who are not only the elder, and the most intelligent, but also those who have the greatest love for

the State. And we must make sure that they do not lose that devotion to the State. So in their

youth we must expose them to the temptations of pleasure and see whether they resist. Those

who become rulers are guardians in the true sense, while the rest are auxiliaries (Plato, 1992:8).

It would be very useful to have a convincing myth so as to make people happy with the social

arrangement. Persuade first the guardians and the auxiliaries, and then the rest of the population

if possible, that their upbringing and training were a dream, and that they were reared in the

depths of the Earth, so that the Earth is their mother and they must defend their state’s land as

they would defend their mother and think of their fellow-citizens as their brothers, born of the

same mother. And when they were fashioned, God put gold in some (guardians), silver in others

(auxiliaries) and iron or bronze in the rest (farmers and other workers) (Plato, 1992:9).

According to Plato, (1955) noted that, the guardians must live in a way that will ensure that they

do their job properly and do not obtain personal advantage. They shall have minimal private

property, their houses will be open to all to stop them secretly accumulating wealth, their food

shall be provided by the other citizens, they shall eat and live together, and they shall not touch

silver or gold (Plato, 1955).

And in any case we are not designing the state for their benefit, but for the benefit of the

whole State. And good conduct by the guardians is essential to the State’s well-being. The

guardians must prevent wealth and poverty arising in the State. A wealthy workman becomes

34

idle and careless. Our soldiers will be tough to defend the State by the direction of the guardians.

It should grow as far as allows it to stay unified, but no more (Plato, 1992:10). We have set the

guardians lots of difficult tasks to achieve. But education will be the key. Well educated

guardians will see the sense of our proposals. So we must maintain strict controls over the

activities of children, and enforce proper standards of behaviour. But if we get the general

formation of character right, we will not need detailed rules. Likewise, we should not need

detailed rules for business transactions if people are generally of good character. Those who live

by detailed rules, on the other hand, neglect the fundamentals and are forever going wrong,

requiring more and more equally pointless detailed rules (Plato, 1992:10-11). We can now start

to look for Justice, first in the state and then in the individual. Our state should have the qualities

of wisdom, courage, self-discipline and justice. If we can locate some of these, then what is left

will be what we are looking for. The state as a whole is made wise through the knowledge of the

guardians, not of farmers or craftsmen. The state as a whole is made brave through the courage

of the auxiliaries. They have had the right training safely to retain the knowledge of what is or is

not to be feared. Self-discipline is a kind of harmony, involving the control of certain desires and

appetites. When you are master of yourself, your better parts rule your worse parts. And our state

has self-discipline because the guardians accept that they should rule and the rest accept their

rule (Plato, 1992:12). That leaves justice. It is each person sticking to his or her own job, and not

interfering in other people’s work. This is the thing which makes it possible for the other

qualities, wisdom, courage and self-discipline, to come into being and to be preserved.

Furthermore, it is Justice to ensure that each person can keep his own possessions. And it would

ruin the state if workers tried to do the work of auxiliaries, or auxiliaries tried to do the work of

guardians. These, according to Plato, the guardians, soldiers and workers should partake their

35

functions in the society without meddling with other one’s function. And equally, the three

elements in the soul, reason, spirit and appetite must unit to produce Justice in the Soul. When

there is justice and harmony of the three elements in the soul and the three classes of individual

in the state, then the good society emerges (Plato, 1941). On this ground, we must first see

whether we can identify three elements in the individual to match those in the state. We should

be able to, because the State can only derive its characteristics from corresponding characteristics

of individuals. There must be courage and intelligence and the commercial instinct in

individuals. But do we perform all of our functions with the same part of ourselves, or with

different parts? Only the latter will give us parts that we can match up with the guardians,

auxiliaries and workers. More so Plato (1945) noted that, you cannot act or be affected in

opposite ways at the same time and in the same part of itself and in relation to the same object.

You can stand still and move your hands, but different parts of you are at rest and in motion. We

can apply this to the appetite of thirst, which can be simply thirst for drink in general, rather than

thirst for a particular kind of drink. If a thirsty man holds back from drinking, it must be

something other than thirst that holds him back. This will be reason. There is also spirit, which

can be opposed to appetite so must be different from it. (Pakiri wanted to see the corpses, but his

spirit fought against this desire.) But while spirit generally works with reason, it is a different

element because young children have plenty of spirit, but lack reason. Since the parts of the

individual can be matched with the parts of the state, the individual will be wise, brave and just

in the same way as the state. So justice consists in each element of the individual sticking to its

own work (Plato, 1992:14). Appropriate mental and physical training will lead to Reason ruling

over Spirit, and the two having charge over Appetite. Someone will be brave on account of Spirit

operating in accordance with Reason, wise on account of reason and self-disciplined on account

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of the three elements working in harmony with reason in charge. And a just person, in whom

each element sticks to its own work, will not steal, or break promises, or commit adultery. So the

real concern of justice is not external actions, but a person’s inward self. With the appropriate

internal unity and balance, he will call actions just if they maintain this inward state and unjust if

they do not (Plato, 1955). According to Plato in George and Thomas (1973) observes that,

injustice will be a civil war between the elements, or a situation in which the wrong element gets

control. There is a parallel with health and sickness. Healthy actions produce health, and

unhealthy ones sickness. Likewise, just actions produce justice, and unjust ones produce

injustice. Health involves a natural harmony between the parts of the body, and justice a natural

harmony between the parts of the mind. So excellence is a kind of mental health. It follows that it

pays to act justly. No one would want to be physically ill, nor mentally ill. Our ideal state may

start to deteriorate into timarchy when guardians get careless about the proper times for breeding.

Then the offspring will not be as gifted as they should be, and when they come to be guardians

they will not be able to tell in which citizens there is pure gold or silver, and in which ones gold

is mixed with bronze or silver with iron, producing an uneven material. Then internal strife will

start. The bronze or iron in the rulers will incline them to private property and profit. So they will

take private property, and reduce the workers to serfs. The workers will still respect the soldiers

and authority, and the soldiers will still abstain from other work, but they will be suspicious of

intelligent types because intelligence will be combined with simplicity and sincerity. There will

also be a secret desire for money, to be spent on pleasure within the new private houses. But

ambition and the competitive spirit will still be strong (Plato in Subrata & Sushila, 2006).

According Plato, (1992) pointed out that; the three elements in the soul have their own

objectives: knowledge for reason, success for spirit and gain for appetite. The lover of any one

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objective will say that it is the best one. But only the philosopher has experience of the pleasures

of all three, so he is in the best position to judge. Moreover, we must decide by reason, and

rational argument is the philosopher’s special tool. So the most pleasant pleasure is that of

knowledge, and the most pleasant life will be led by the man in whom reason is in control. And

the pleasures of success will come next. The philosopher will judge that they are nearer to his

own pleasure than the pleasures of gain. There is a third proof. The pleasures of knowledge are

pure, whereas the other pleasures are mixed with pain. People who are in pain esteem relief from

it as the highest pleasure. Correspondingly, when pleasure ceases, rest from it will be painful.

But the mere absence of pleasure cannot itself be painful, nor the absence of pain pleasurable.

The cessation of pain only seems to be a positive pleasure by contrast with pain, and vice versa

(Plato, 1992:20). Those who do not know the pleasures of wisdom and goodness, and just have a

good time, move between the lowest and the middle states. Their pleasures are mixed with pain,

and lead to mad desires that lead to conflict. The same is true of one who merely seeks honour or

success. The search leads to violence and discontent. But the one who is guided by reason, and

who only seeks gain and success under its direction, will achieve the truest pleasure. Each

element in the soul will then fulfill its proper role and enjoy its own pleasures. If an element

other than reason gets control, it will not achieve its own pleasure and will also force the other

elements to pursue pleasures that are not their own (Plato, 1992).

Nigeria is not of the first or second Ideal State of Plato in regards of the constitutional democracy

she operates. It is evident that the most popular form of government today in the world is

democracy, judging by its wide acceptance and pretensions to it by those who in reality are

averse to its tenets. The reason for this lies in the fact that being democratic today now signifies

being good and admissible into the comity of nations as opposed to the isolation meted out to

38

regimes considered to be despotic. In an age where public morality gets more Machiavellian and

pragmatic in spite of spirited pretension to the contrary, laying claim to democracy becomes

prudential.

The first essential feature of democracy is the idea that legitimate authority emanates

from the people either directly (through popular assemblies) or by delegation through elected

assemblies or other means of representation. Next to this is the rule of law. According to Taylor,

(2010) avers that, power should not be arbitrary and that its exercise is circumscribed by a set of

rules with respect to limits and mode of operation. It equally emphasizes conformity with the law

in public spheres and the existence of a judicial system strong enough to ensure the impartiality

of the law as well as the protection of the rights and liberties of individual or groups (Taylor,

2010). The idea of accountability also comes in. More so, Ogbeidi (2012) noted that, the element

of choice in democracy implies that the governed must not only approve the rules and the rulers

but they must also approve the policies they implement. Besides, citizens have the right to

participate in government through transparent and democratic elections, decentralized

governmental structures and the freedom to associate politically, professionally and socially,

coupled with the independence of such associations from the state (Ogbeidi, 2012). Democracy

must also be able to guarantee the removal of a government that fails to serve the desired

purpose. John Locke in his “social contract” described the state as a glorified secretary, which

the public has the right to hire and fire if it fails to deliver. Although Abraham Lincoln is more

popular for his definition of democracy, he equally canvassed the removal of anti-people

government. As a member of congress in 1848, he made a speech while commenting on the US

invasion of Mexico in which he stated that:

Any people anywhere being inclined and having the power, have right to rise up, and shake off the existing government and

39

form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right, a right, which we hope and believe, is to liberate the world (Abraham, 1960).

This right is recognized both by liberal and social democracy worldwide as a means of

safeguarding democracy. This is evident in the desire of the world liberal powers to ostensibly

replace undemocratic regimes with democratic ones globally. Equally, Karl Marx advocated and

even predicted the rise of opposition and eventual revolution until a state achieves perfection.

The existence of democracy in any society is based on a minimum set of requirements, once the

requirements are met, it now rise to good society, which is the Ideal State of Plato. The presence

or absence of the requirements points either directly to democracy or its opposite (autocracy).

According to Plato (1992), there are only three classes of people in the State, the golden Rulers,

the silver Guardians or Auxiliaries, and the bronze or iron tradesmen, or as Rosen, (2005)

categorized them, the philosopher/ruler, the soldier, and the money-making partisan or worker.

Justice relies on each class performing its proper function. So rigid is Plato about this principle

that he goes so far as to say that where there are three orders, “any plurality of functions or

shifting from one order to another is utterly harmful” and “the extreme of wrongdoing” (Plato,

1992:30). In essence as Plato puts, life of just man is better and happier. There is always some

specific virtue in everything, which enables it to work well. If it is deprived of that virtue, it

works badly. The soul has specific functions to perform. When it performs its specific functions,

it has specific excellence or virtue. If, it is deprived of its peculiar virtue, it cannot possibly do

its work well. It is agreed that the virtue of the soul is justice. The soul which is more virtuous or

in other words more just is also the happier soul. Therefore, a just man lives happy. A just soul,

in other words a just man, lives well; an unjust cannot.

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Despite Plato’s emphasis on philosophy of wisdom, reason, and the Good, various

scholars criticized the Ideal State of the Republic. According to Rosen, (2005) argues that,

justice for Plato is very narrowly defined, consisting as it does in the strict adherence to White’s

“Natural Division of Labor” and to the rule of Reason in the Soul. Though Plato can contend, if

not provide actual evidence that such a justice would result in a good state in that it a) ministers

to the needs of its citizens; b) provides for cohesiveness and unity; and c) provides the necessary

stability to ensure this cohesiveness and unity, can we accept that this is what constitutes justice?

However noble Plato’s intent, and Rosen does give credit to Plato for making “the extreme case

for philosophical justice,” a justice which “is not the same for philosophers and non-philosophers

alike,” (or more accurately, which is not the same for “non-Platonic philosophers” as for the rest

of us altogether), because Plato’s justice requires the rule of those who see the pure Ideas in their

original Form, it requires not only the manipulation of ethical concepts but also the use of

rhetoric and force in order to persuade those who cannot see the ideas. It follows then that

philosophy itself under such a construct loses its original meaning and becomes ideology.

(Rosen, 2005: 390).

According to Popper, (1963) avers that, Plato identifies justice with the principle of class

rule and class privilege. In his article “Plato as Enemy of the Open Society,” (consisting of major

portions of chapters 6, 7, and 8 of The Open Society and Its Enemies) Popper claims that Plato

uses the word “just” as a synonym for “that which is in the best interest of the state,” that being

“to arrest all change by the maintenance of a rigid class division and class rule (Popper,

1963:45). Because for Plato, “the state is just if the ruler rules, if the worker works, and if the

slave slaves,” he is distorting the word “just” to mean class privilege, while what we ordinarily

mean by justice, according to Popper, is the absence of such privilege. Popper dismisses the idea

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that justice meant something different to the Greeks than it does to us and maintains that for

them it had thesame individualistic and equalitarian usage that it holds for us. In fact, it is Plato’s

hostilitytowards the principle of equalitarianism that motivates his intentional misappropriation

of theWord. As Popper so adamantly puts it, “Equalitarianism was his arch enemy and he was

out todestroy it in the sincere belief that it was a great evil and a great danger (Popper, 1963:46).

More so, as Rosen (2005) observes, Plato’s only principle of political organization rests

on a justice equated to unity imposed on, not realized by, the parts that make up

society.Fundamentally, White (1979) argues that, Plato’s exclusive notion of the Good is also at

odds with contemporary uses of the word; Plato does not recognize other customary meanings

such as that connoting benefit to a person; the idea of moral goodness applicable to people; or

the notions of excellence or perfection, the “goodness of a thing’s-kind” (White,1979:46). Nor

does he establish the practical value of the intuition of pure Ideas and the Good. Only unity and

stability, for the city as for the individual soul, are connected with being good (White, 1979:47).

According to Thrasymachus, in George & Thomas (1973) who argues and represented the new

and critical view point on the radical theory of justice. He defines justice as "the interest of the

stronger". In other words, might is right. For while, every man acts for himself and tries to get

what he can, the strongest is sure to get what he wants and as in a state the Government is the

strongest, it will try to get and it will get, whatever it wants for itself. Thus, for Thrasymachus

justice means personal interest of the ruling group in any state or we can further define it as

"another's good". Laws are made by the ruling party in its own interest. Those who violate such

laws are punished because violation of such laws is treated as violation of justice (Thrasymachus

in George & Thomas, 1973).

42

Furthermore, Williams (1980) argues that, in order to establish the complete similarity

between State and soul, we have to link the appetite of the soul with the productive class, the

lowest in the State. It is evident that one can be a good producer without possessing strong

irrational desire to food or sex. Moreover, it is not difficult to assign a double function to the

spirited part in the State. For the soldiers should be both fiery against their enemies and gentle

towards their fellowmen. However, the meaning of spirit as a part of the soul is quite ambiguous.

It is not evident that a single part of the soul can accommodate both the emotion of anger and an

assistant to the reason. Williams cites Phaedrusto show that the feeling of anger does not always

side with reason as Plato believes in Republic. Williams therefore concludes that by introducing

the city-soul analogy, Plato does not successfully solve the difficulties in defining justice by

division of labour, but rather conceals the possible paradoxes in his psychological reading of

politics as well as in his political understanding of psychology (Williams, 1980:110).According

to Aristotle in Nwoko (2006) argues that, justice is a civil virtue in the state, hence he writes,

“the virtue of justice is feature of a state; for justice is the arrangement of the political

association”. He specified that distributive justice should be basic to promote political obligation.

It should promote also the unity between citizens and the state. It involves treating equals

equally. To promote distributive justice, there is need to defend more of the customs and

customary laws than writing statues (Aristotle in Nwoko, 2006:26).

The study argues that, justice is internal and not external. This is because any action one takes

must be judged in the mind before implementation. The appetite will like to convince the spirit to

give courage for action but the rational will harmonize them and give the correct judgment.The

inability to understand and practice politics in the traditional sense has produced nothing but

economic misery, political chaos, instability, and institutional and social decay. The traditional

43

conception of politics indicates that the activities of politics ought to be guided by the norms of

ethics. The traditional philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, John Locke, Thomas Hobbes, and J. J.

Rousseau see social order to be vital to politics. This social order to Plato (1945) is usually

formed in a properly regulated State and it is directed towards the common good of its members.

But then, the theoretical design and practical implementation of such an order are impossible

without virtue. Thus, in the Platonic interpretation of politics, virtue, which he explained to be

justice, is an underpinning factor in the enhancement of an ideal state.

(b) PRIVATE PROPERTY ANDREALIZATION OF PLATONIAN STATE IN NIGERIA

There is no way private property can be realized in Platonic State. Since Plato abhors

ownership of private property in the State. In the review of the above issue, the following

points stand as a guide in this concept of review.

(b.i) Private Property and governance in Platonic State

Ownership of Private Property in Plato’s Republic is arbitration to his governance. Plato is an

ideological advocate for absolute parity within the guardian class. Each guardian holds their

property in common, including wives, children and land (Plato, 1992). Plato’s depiction of

communal property appears to be the more desirable form. His main central concern in The

Republicwas the question of justice. He wanted to know what justice was and how it could be

realized. He asked, if you took a just man and gave him a horrible life, and took an unjust man

and gave him a great life, which would be happier in the end? Plato addresses this question with

three main contentions. Firstly, the unjust man is ignorant of his surroundings since he never

acknowledges that others may be more knowledgeable than he. The just man is prudent, since he

recognizes that his knowledge is limited. Secondly, even thieves have a semblance of justice.

They need to cooperate minimally to survive amongst one another. Accordingly, cooperation is

44

needed to achieve a sustainable balance within a man’s soul, thus, justice is essential. Lastly;

Plato avers that happiness and virtue go hand in hand. Plato’s conclusion is that justice is more

natural to the human soul than injustice (Plato, 1992:32). Plato resolves that to address the

complex nature of justice, an imaginary state must be constructed. He begins by founding an

imaginary state and quickly adds luxuries. For Plato, luxuries are problematic because they

distract us from pursuing the good, by causing tensional and physical conflict within society. The

problems with luxuries create a need for armies that can mediate the struggle over acquiring land

and goods. The army, which Plato eventually calls the guardian class, should recognize that

acquiring excessive wealth and happiness can actually distract them from following a virtuous

path Plato reiterates this point when he describes the three sections of the soul; reason

(knowledge), spirit (bravery) and appetite (urge). Reason is attributed to the rulers; the

auxiliaries are credited with spirit and appetite is characteristic of the craftspeople. The best case

scenario is for people to restrain their appetites by using their reason (Plato, 1992:34).

Plato also insists that the guardians will be pleased to fight for their state if they are

compensated with honor and glory and not necessarily with wealth and property. Accordingly,

the guardians should protect the property of others even though they themselves are not entitled

to own private property. Plato concludes that state cohesion and collective property will create

the greatest good, because first, collectivity will abolish disagreements that begin with property

working towards the same communal end. Essentially, in Plato’s Republic, private property

should not be available to the guardian class; the guardians should, however, be entitled to

communal property (Plato, 1955).

In the Nigerian context of governance, private property is the ultimate for their administration.

They only think of how to loot the treasury and fly their children abroad for studies. Hence there

45

is corruption in the country; no organ of government is a checkmate to other since everybody is

involved in it (Rasak, 2012).Various scholars criticized Plato’s Private Property ownership in his

governance. According to Aristotle’s, (1984) observes that, the good life, one must be an active

member within his political community. He believes that we come together to live, but we stay

together to live well. He holds true for property, people will always pay respect to their own land

before they value another’s property (Aristotle, 1984). Aristotle allows this middle-class to

acquire Capital and private property so that they may gain authority in the political community.

Riches and property will eventually generate happiness, as people will have the means to employ

their desirable qualities in the community.

According to Machiavelli (1958) avers that, men live happily when there is private

property because private property is necessary for economic, political and social advancement.

Individuals will thrive when given the opportunity to capitalize on their own self-reliance. The

study argues that, if we are forced to choose which type of property (collective or private) should

be the end sought, then it may be suggested that communal property holds the most desirable

outcome, whether it is realistic or not, since it is only through collectivity that we may truly

embrace humanity as a wholeMachiavelli (1958:61)

(b.ii) Marriage and Children in Plato’s Republic

Marriage and children is a dislike in Plato’s Republic. ‘Marriage’ can refer to a legal

contract and civil status, a religious rite, and a social practice, all of which vary by legal

jurisdiction, religious doctrine, and culture. It is the institution regulating sex, reproduction, and

family life, is a route into classical philosophical issues such as the good and the scope of

46

individual choice, as well as itself raising distinctive philosophical questions. Political

philosophers have taken the organization of sex and reproduction to be essential to the health of

the state, and moral philosophers have debated whether marriage has a special moral status and

relation to the human good. Philosophers have also disputed the underlying moral and legal

rationales for the structure of marriage, with implications for questions such as the content of its

moral obligations and the legal recognition of same-sex marriage. Feminist philosophers have

seen marriage as playing a crucial role in women's oppression and thus a central topic of justice.

In 1940, there was aCourt public debate which Bertrand Russell's that was appointment to an

academic post was withdrawn on the grounds that the liberal views expressed in Marriage and

Morals made him morally unfit for such a post (Plato, 1941). Marriage is philosophically under

theorized. Raising the themes of marriage that resonate in law and philosophy today, the role of

marriage as the bedrock of society and the appropriate context for sex and child-rearing, the

nature of gendered spousal roles and their compatibility with equality and freedom, and the place

of love in or outside marriage. These themes persist through historical works which reflect

changing understandings of marriage as primarily an economic or procreative unit, a religious

sacrament, a contractual association, or a love based or companionate relationship.

In The Republic, Plato had proposed that all the women (and children) should be

common to all the men. Plato argued that because private affections would detract from the unity

of the state, sex and reproduction must be organized so that each Guardian would regard any

other citizen as related to him, as brother or sister, father or mother, son or daughter, grandparent

or grandchild. To this end, Guardians were to engage in temporary, state-arranged marriages;

these would allow Guardians to satisfy their sex drives and the state to pursue eugenic policy

through the selection of mating couples. After each marriage festival, mated pairs would

47

separate, and resulting children would be reared in state run nurseries, so that biological ties

between parents and children, or between siblings, would be unknown. Plato reasoned that

private families, like private property, produced partiality and undermined attachment to the

state; by abolishing the family, he thought, the state could redirect the Guardians’ familial love to

the state as a whole (Plato, 1955). Plato is a proponent of communal property. He argues that

women should partake in the same activities and occupations and receive the same education as

men, though it should be recognized that women are not of equal physical strength. Plato also

avers that, 1) to generate desirable qualities in children; they should be bred in the same manner

as domesticated animals, 2) the guardian class should place the community’s wellbeing above

their individual familial interests, and 3) Cohesion within the state should be of utmost

importance (Plato, 1992:40). To accomplish these three contentions, Plato (1992) suggests that;

women, children, land, sexual intercourse, marriage and occupations be tightly controlled and in

some cases be held in common. Consequently, parents cannot know their children and vice

versa. Only the best and brightest children should remain in the guardian community; thus,

unions should only occur when both the man and woman are at their peak reproductive ages.

In the Nigerian situation of leadership, they marry with large families. And when been in

power, money for the state for development will be stolen to enrich their family, trained their

children in abroad and abandoned the masses under poverty. This increased the

underdevelopment in the country (Taylor, 2010). Marriage and children in Nigerian leadership

had created the institution of private property that affects greatly in the developmental agenda in

the state. Aristotle also criticizes Plato’s argument that women and children should be held in

common. He believes that parents will discover who their children are and love them more

despite the controls placed on their ability to rear their own offspring (Aristotle, 1984).

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According to Augustine, (1966) pointed out that, the condemnation of sex outside marriage and

lust within it; in The City of God, he explains that lustis a reminder of original sin, which

originated with Adam and Eve‘s disobedience as evidencedby the failure of the sexual organs to

comply with the commands of the will. Without originalSin, in paradise, the sexual organs might

have obeyed the will as the hands and feet do. Within this moral theology, the purpose for which

the marital sexual act is done determines whether it isvirtuous or vicious. Using marital sex

solely to satisfy lust is sinful; sex performed for the goodsof marriage procreation and spousal

companionship in chastity and fidelity is not (Augustine, 1966). More so, Stephen (1902) argues

that, sexual relations were debased by the husband‘s legal power. Let the idea be completely

repudiated from the man‘s mind that woman could, by possibility, belong to him, or was to be

true to him, or owed him anything, farther than as she might choose to bestow herself.

According to Goldman (2006) wrote that, every love relation should by its very nature remain an

absolutely private affair. Neither the State, the Church, morality, nor people should meddle with

it. Goldman‘s critique of marriage extended to its exclusivity, suggesting that marriage, as a form

of private property, leads to possessiveness and jealousy. Moreover, Cleyre (2004) went further

by arguing that, monogamous free unions as well as marriage limit individual growth and self-

sufficiency by encouraging mutual dependency. According to Marx, (1998) also argues that, the

abolition of the private bourgeois family would liberate women from male ownership, ending

their status as mere instruments of production.

GAP IN LITERATURE

In this study, we laboured to review some extant literature with regards to the topic under discussion.

Some of these include: Berki, (1977);Subrata & Sushila, (2007); Nwoko, (2006); Mbah,

(2006);Shaapera, (2008);Okonkwo, (2007);George & Thomas (1973); Haruna, (2009); Achebe,

49

(1988);and several others. They have variously contributed in the area of Platonic Republic and

challenges of the Nigerian State as well as the Accumulation of Wealth by the Political Leadership and

Plato’s ideas on democratic governance in Nigeria. Most of them centered their explanation on the

adverse effect of Platonic Republic to the Nigerian State of leadership in particular and the economy in

general. The unraveled economy to the effect of bad leadership that put the state underdeveloped as well

as the negative implications arising from the ongoing leadership corruption that had embedded in the

State. As a collorary of the above,Achebe in (1988) succinctly noted that, the opportunities on the part of

Plato to realize a just State are higher than that of the Nigerian in terms of leadership to effectuate good

society. Okonkwo, (2007) rightly observed that the constant wealth accumulation by Nigerian

bourgeoisies has long undermined, affected and adversely implicated the realization of Plato’s ideas on

democratic governance in the state. Another principal scholar Nwoko, (2006) in his book titled: The

realization and Actualization of Platonic state in Nigeria governance, argues that since wealth, that is

economic means is power, it therefore intoxicates, and the intoxication is the dividends of the power that

comes from wealth and persistent wealth accumulation. He further stressed that the intoxication often

leads to surplus wealth accumulation by Nigerian government thereby making Plato’s idea in Nigeria a

futile task.Since state exists to cater or provide the basic needs for every member; to promote

brotherliness, exalt justice and truth, unity and peace. The strict adherence to the virtues of justice,

honesty, truth, peace, dedication, love and so on could be argued to be the determinants of social,

political and economic development of the nation.

Apparently, Achebe (1966) remarked that, “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of

leadership. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land, or climate or air or anything else. The

problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenges of

personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership. If the yearning and aspirations of Nigerians

50

have not been met, it is due to leadership failure (Achebe, 1966:6).Therefore, from the elaborate review,

thereis convincing evidence that these scholars have failed to highlight how Plato’s idea can reflect on

democratic leadership in Nigeria state as well as if the accumulation of wealth by political leadership in

Nigeria has undermined the realization of Plato’s ideas on democratic governance in Nigeria.

1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Theories are set of axioms, maxims, hypotheses and constructs that are used to explain,

interpret, predict and describe relationships between and among phenomena. Political theory

means a collection of inter-related law-like statements or hypotheses which are intended

toexplain some political phenomena or event. Each law-like statement specifies relationship

between or among fairly abstract concepts (Leege and Francis, 1974).

Therefore in analyzing and explaining the interface between the Platonic Republic and the

challenges of democracy in Nigeria, we adopt as our frame work of analysis on Social Contract

Theory. The proponents of social contract theory are Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), John Locke

(1632-1704), Jean Jacque Rousseau (1712-78) founded in the seventeenth century. The social

contract is a contract by which men avoid the state of nature and then entered civic society by

conferring all their powers and strength upon one or upon an assembly of men, to bear their

person, to reduce all their will into one; “it is a real unity of them all, in one and the same person,

made by covenant of every man with every man in such a manner as if every man should say to

everyman: I authorize and give up my right of governing myself to this man, or to this assembly

of men, on this condition, that thou give up thy right to him and authorize all his actions in like

manner (See Hobbes in Subrata &Sushila, 2007). This done, the multitude so united in one

person, is called a common wealth. Once the Sovereign power is created, it would be bestowed

51

all power. “This the generation of that great Leviathan” (See Hobbes in Subrata & Sushila,

2007:177).

APPLICATION OF THE THEORY

In the application of the theory to the study, we noted that Nigeria operates in a

Constitutional Democracy, where it enters into an institutional contract, the unity of having a

Constitution in Nigeria is the commonwealthand the sovereign power is the President where we

bestowed all our powers to, through an election in which we entrust to Him by voting which

made the President become the Leviathan when sworn in. Hence, the study concluded that

Nigerian leaders are despotic, in negating the constitutional provisions. Perhaps and more

importantly, the social contract thesis goes beyond the origination of states, the surrendering of

individual rights to a constituted authority to the forceful actualization and realization of wealth

by political leaders in Nigeria state; this is evident when one surrenders his right to another

individual, the former becomes a toy in the hands of the latter.For instance, in Nigeria the three

arms of government were not functionally separated as enshrined in the constitution; if the

executive, legislative and judiciary is functionally separated by doing their duties in a just

manner, the harmony of the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary will effectuate the Ideal State.

Where Plato’s ideas reflected in the Republic had effectuated democratic leadership in Nigerian

State, and the accumulation of wealth by the political leadership which negates the Plato’s ideas

had been eradicated.

1.7 HYPOTHESES

In this study, we shall be guided by the following hypotheses:

• Plato’s ideas as reflected in the Republic, had influence democratic leadership in

Nigerian State.

52

• The accumulation of private property hadnot undermined the realization of a

Platonian State in Nigeria

1.8 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

Data collection has been described as “the science and art of acquiring information about

the selected properties of units” (Leege and Francis, 1974:2). A number of methods have been

identified and applied for the generation of data in political science research. However, this study

shall employ the observation method. In this case, the researcher would predominantly make use

of some works of scholars which include: textbooks, local and international journals,

commission reports, seminar papers, extricating information from the official documents and

websites of Central Bank of Nigeria, World Bank, as well as unpublished works of scholars and

materials from the internet which centers on the Platonic ideas and Nigerian state. Writing on

this method of data collection in political science, (Obasi, 1999:172) succinctlynoted that “the

examination, analysis and interpretation of policies and documents constitute the dominant

method of generating data by traditional political scientist”. (Obasi, 1999:173) further clarify the

above assertion by observing that “traditional political research could be linked to contemporary

librarysearch method that derives its facts from documented materials”. Collection of these

documents would take us to libraries such as Center for American Studies CAST), Nnamdi

Azikwe library, Department of political science library all in the University of Nigeria Nsukka;

we shall also consult the Igbenidion library complex of the Igbenidion University, Okada.

1.9 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS

In order to analyze our data, we shall adopt the qualitative description method of data

analysis. Qualitative descriptive analysis is used to verbally and visually summarize the

information gathered in research (Asika, 2006). According to Obasi, (1999:175) noted

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that,“qualitative research relates to aspects of enquiry that are more philosophical and

argumentative”. Generally, it involves a systematic transformation of quantitative data into

qualitative data with a view to situate the pattern or events in their historical context and

establish their subsequent development. Moreover, tables will be used where necessary to enable

us articulate and present information in a concise and coherent manner, so as to expose the trends

in volume of Plato Republic and Nigerian State.

CHAPTER TWO

NIGERIAN STATE AND PLATONIC REPUBLIC

2.1 Politics of Nigerian State: Reflection on Plato’s Republic.

Since the beginning of the Nigerian Independence in1960, Nigeria had continued to

struggle with the delivery of good leadership in democratic governance and democracy dividend;

social welfare, justice, equity, and equal access to resources and power. Often times, it seem as if

54

the transition from colonial rule, civilian and military to civilian rule has been simply cosmetic

due to the not too impressive scorecard of civil governance thus prompting scholars to aver that

Nigeria is yet to attain the status of a democracy (Storey,1953 ).Leadership corruption has been

one of the greatest concerns to all observers of the country’s socio development. It was Achebe

who says that anyone who can say that corruption in Nigeria has not yet reached alarming

proportion is either a fool, a crook, or else does not live in Nigeria. Achebe (1988) posits that, the

situation has become keeping an average Nigerian from being is not an exaggeration of the tragic

events of the country since independence to say that all efforts to establish a just and efficient

administration have been frustrated by the system (keeper, 2012). The menace of corruption by

Nigerian leaders has certainly emerged as one of the main impediments to national development.

Corruption by Nigerian leaders has caused the country severe losses economically, politically

and socially, and these facts are responsible for decayed infrastructure, downturn of the

economy, fragile political institution, and steady decline in all indicators of national development

(keeper, 2012). That made Plato to ask the question and say that, how can society be reformed?

Can it be done through the processes permitted and required by democracy? According to Plato

(1945) argued that, any person of high ideals who seeks political office in a democracy will end

up compromising his or her principles. Anyone who does not compromise will be ignored,

imprisoned or executed. Anyone who does compromise these principles will be no better than

the rest. Therefore, political reform must come from the top; from the most expert, most

intelligent, most wise, and most virtuous (Plato, 1945).

It is an incontrovertible fact that corruption has been the bane of Nigeria’s development.

Thus, without mincing words the phenomenon has ravaged the country and destroyed most of

what is held as cherished national values. Unfortunately, the political class saddled with the

55

responsibility of directing the affairs of the country have been the major culprit in perpetrating

this act. Regrettably, since Independence a notable surviving legacy of the successive political

leadership both civilian and military that have managed the affairs of the country at different

times has been the Institutionalization of Corruption in all Agencies of the Public Service, which,

like a deadly virus, has subsequently spread to the private sector of the country. History has

shown that no nation of the world grew and enjoyed steady development in virtually allspheres

of its national life without experiencing good and selfless political leadership. This is largely

because qualitative growth and development has always been an outcome of good governance.

Commenting on the experience of the Nigerian nation, the renowned novelist, Chinua Achebe,

insisted that the root cause of the Nigerian predicament should be laid squarely at the foot of bad

leadership.

Historically, the origin of corruption in Nigeria predates the colonial era. According to a

Colonial Government Report (CGR) of 1947 noted that, the African’s background and outlook

on public morality is very different from that of the present day Briton. The African in the public

service seeks to further his own financial interest (Okonkwo, 2007). Before independence, there

have been cases of official misuse of resources for personal enrichment (Bassey, 2007). Over the

years, Nigeria has seen its wealth withered with little to show in living conditions of the citizens.

The First Republic under the leadership of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Prime Minister, and

Nnamdi Azikwe, the President, was marked by widespread corruption. Government officials

looted public funds with impunity. Federal Representative and Ministers flaunted their wealth

with reckless abandon. In fact, it appeared there were no men of good character in the political

leadership of the First Republic. Politically, the thinking of the First Republic Nigerian

leadership class was based on politics for material gain; making money and living well. Hence,

56

Plato in (1955) avers that, Society needs a form of government based on genuine knowledge of

the Good on the part of those who rule, who determine public policy and regulate public affairs.

This claim of Plato’s reflects his conviction that, as Socrates argued, one who knows the Good,

will want to do what is right and will never voluntarily do evil (Plato, 1955).

The situation as seen in the First Republic described above, among other factors,

provided the pretext for a group of youngmiddle-rank army officers to sack the Nigerian First

Republic politicians from power through a coup d’état on 15th January 1966 on the ground of

corruption. According to Ogbeidi (2012) lamented that, with the transfer of authority of the

Federal Government to the Armed Forces, we reached a turning point in our national life. The

old order has changed, yielding place to a new one. For a long time, instead of settling down to

minister to people’s needs, the politicians were busy performing series of seven day wonders as

if the act of government was some circus show, still we groped along as citizens watched

politicians scorn the base by which they did ascend (Ogbeidi, 2012). The coup was a direct

response to the corruption of the First Republic; and the popular support the military received for

the coup showed that Nigerians were long expecting such a wind of change to bail them out from

the claws of the politicians of that era. Interestingly, despite the killings of some major

First Republic politicians, there were widespread jubilations in the country.

Moreover, the Military too, were found guilty of misappropriation of funds as well as

disregarding laid down procedures in the award of contracts by parastatals under their Ministries

(Okonkwo, 2007). On that regard, both civilian and military were corrupt. This made Plato to say

that Philosophers must be rulers or rulers must becomephilosophers. Power and wisdom must

converge or there canbe no cessation of evils. According to Plato (1941) noted that, mere opinion

on things that concern the interest of the communitywill not serve as a means of improving

57

human social life. This isbecause those who merely have opinions, even true opinions, canbe

persuaded to believe something else. One who knows the truthcan never be persuaded to

abandon it(Plato, 1941).

Even, the Second Republic, under President Shehu Shagari, witnessed a resurgence of

corruption. The Shagari administration was marked by spectacular government corruption, as the

President did nothing to stop the looting of public funds by elected officials. Corruption among

the political leaders was amplified due to greater availability of funds. It was claimed that over

$16 billion in oil revenues were lost between 1979 and 1983 during the reign of President Shehu

Shagari. It became quite common, for federal buildings to mysteriously go up in flames, most

especially just before the onset of ordered audits of government accounts, making it impossible

to discover written evidence of embezzlement and fraud (Dash, 1983). True to his nature,

President Shehu Shagari was too weak in his administration of the country. A soft-spoken and

mild mannered gentleman Shagari was pathetic in his inability to call his ministers and political

lieutenants to order or stop them from embezzling state funds. According to Plato (1941) noted

that, everyonespontaneously is attracted to the possibility of obtaining something good and is

spontaneously repelled by the possibility of receiving something bad. Even the members of a

gang of thieves understand the idea of conforming to the rules adopted by the gang so that every

member will benefit as a result. Plato’s goal in Republic is to argue that there are natural

standardsof goodness for a State and for an individual citizen of a State.The State does not exist

because of mere convention, even though (some or all of) its citizens do in fact create the laws,

policies, etc. that determine their lives. There is a natural basis for the state that can serve as the

key in determining whether or not a state is Just. A just State is the Ideal State. According to

Plato (1955) noted that, the Ideal State was a Republic with three categories of citizens; artisans,

58

auxiliaries, and philosopher kings, each of whom possessed distinct natures and capacities.

Philosopher kings, the leaders of the Ideal State, possessed the foresight and knowledge to rule

wisely. In Plato's view, these rulers were not merely elite intellectuals, but moral leaders. In the

just state, each class of citizen had a distinct duty to remain faithful to its determined nature and

engage solely in its destined occupation. The proper management of one's class would yield

immediate happiness and well-being, and specific educational methods would cultivate this

brand of spiritual and civic harmony (Plato, 1955).

Indeed, the sixteen unbroken years of the military era from the fall of the Second

Republic in 1983 and the restoration of democracy in 1999 represents an era in the history of the

country when corruption was practically institutionalized as the foundation and essence of

governance. The question now is how did the relationship between leadership and corruption

during all of the regimes mentioned above differ from each other. The answer to this is not

farfetched. Without mincing words, it is not out of place to argue that a careful analysis of all the

regimes reveals that leadership and corruption are positively correlated. This argument is based

on the fact that virtually all the leaders came to power with the sole purpose of enriching

themselves and their cronies rather than offering selfless services to the nation and its people.

Today, only the cynical or brazenly sycophantic in our society will deny the fact that Nigeria is

witnessing a nadir in the welfare of its people. However, the magnitude of corruption during the

era of the various civilian and military regimes cannot always be determined with precision

because the trend, ways and means of illegal self-enrichment were not similar. According to

Ogbeidi (2012) noted that, the military often come to power accusing the ousted military and

civilian regime of corruption and incompetence. The end result was that Nigeria became a

chessboard in the hands of the military and civilian class with attempting to seize power

59

primarily to enrich themselves (Ogbeidi, 2012). More so, Plato (1955) noted that, an organized

group needs to have ways ofsurviving and maintaining its existence as a group. If a group’sonly

resources for meeting its basic survival and maintenance needs are the talents and efforts of its

members then the group must have the kind of internal unity due to specialization of

somemembers’ roles in service to the group’s basic needs. To the extent that the group is

organized for this common purpose, Plato says, it has more than a bare minimum of justice.

Insofar as a goal serves the real needs of a group, it serves the common good (Plato, 1955). In

this respect the group is like a healthy animal. As Plato in (1955) avers that, the health in an

animal is self-evident. Healthy animals are obviously in better condition than unhealthy animals.

Being a healthy animal involves being alive, being well and possessing general powers and

abilities that define what it is to be an animal. Some of these powers are the ones by which the

animal survives. By these, it recognizes, obtains and consumes nutritious substances; by others,

it defends itself against dangers; others by which it organizes and structures its own actions. No

animal is a good example of its kind unless it is at least generally healthy. To be healthy, it must

have parts which arespecialized according to necessary functions, functions whichserve the

needs of the whole animal: Productive functions, defensive and maintenance functions; planning

and other means of making beneficial use of information. Since the real general needs of a

society are like the real health needs of an animal so are the essential functions and components

of a society like those of an animal. Justice in a society is like health in an animal. Well-

functioning of the whole due to cooperative functioning of specialized internal parts (Plato,

1955). According to Ogbeidi (2012) noted that, the battle against corruption is still on going and

represents the desire of Nigerians to eradicate the scourge of corruption in our national life.

However, it appears the anti-corruption effort is also doomed to fail like other previous attempts

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because the political leadership class who should provide the needed support appears insincere

and seemed to be interested in using the anti-corruption institutions as tools to hunt political

adversaries. Consequently, the political leadership classes of the Obasanjo administration from

the top to the grassroots were almost entirely entrapped in the snare of corruption, which made

the anti-corruption posture of the administration an obvious paradox (Ogbeidi, 2012).

2.2 Structure and Governance of the Nigerian State; Emphasison the Negation of Plato’s

Ideas

Nigeria is a Federal Republic modeled after the United States, with executive power

exercised by the President. The government of Nigeria is also influenced by the Westminster

System model in the composition and management of the Upper and Lower Houses of the

Bicameral Legislature. It operates the Presidential system of Government with three distinct but

complementary arms namely the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary, each acting as a

check on the other two. The Executive arm of Government, at the Federal level, consists of the

President, the Vice-president and other members of the Federal Executive Council, while at the

State level; it is made up of the Governor, the Deputy Governor and other members of the State

Executive Council. And the Local Government level consists the Chairman and the Vice-

chairman. The Legislature is equally found at the Federal, State and Local Government levels.

The Federal Legislature comprises a 109 member Senate and a 360 member House of

Representatives. The two, combined, is known as the National Assembly. At the State level, the

Legislature is known as the House of Assembly and at the Local Government level, it is called

the Councilors.

However, the President of Nigeria is the Head of State and Head of Government. The

President is in charge of running the country, and should be bound by the rules of the

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constitution. Nigerian politics takes place within a framework of a Federal, Presidential,

Representative DemocraticRepublic, in which Executive Power is exercised by the government.

Legislative Power is held by the government and the two chambers of the legislature, the House

of Representatives and the Senate. Together the two chambers make up the law-making body in

Nigeria called the National Assembly, which serves as a check on the executive arm of

government. The Highest Judiciary arm of government in Nigeria is the Supreme Court of

Nigeria. Nigeria also practices Baron de Montesquieu's theory of the separation of powers.The

Federation is divided in 36 States and 1 territory. Each state is further divided into Local

Government Areas (LGAs). There are 774 LGAs in Nigeria. Kano State has the largest number

of LGAs at 44, and Bayelsa State has the fewest at 8. The Federal Capital Territory of Abuja has

6 LGAs. The Local Government Areas replaced the Districts that were the third tier

administrative unit under the British government.

The military of Nigeria has played a major role in the country's history too, often seizing

control of the country and ruling it through major periods of its history. Its last period of rule

ended in 1999 following the death of the leader of the previous military juntaSani Abacha in

1998.The Federal Government Structure is divided into the three main arms of Government; the

Executive, Legislative and Judiciary.

• The Executive arm of Government

The executive arm of government consists of the President and the Vice-President. In a

democratic government, they are elected through universal suffrage. In a military government,

the Head of State is appointed by the Military, and his second in command is the Deputy Head of

State. The executive branch is divided into Federal Ministries, each headed by a minister

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appointed by the President. The President must include at least one member from each of the 36

states in his cabinet. The President's appointments are confirmed by the Senate of Nigeria. Each

ministry also has a Permanent Secretary, who is a senior civil servant. The ministries are

responsible for various parastatals. However, some parastatals are the responsibility of the Office

of the Presidency, such as the Independent National Electoral Commission, the Economic and

Financial Crimes Commission and the Federal Civil Service Commission.

• The Legislative arm of Government

The legislative arm of government is also known as the "National Assembly". This

branch can further be divided into two chambers: The Senate and The House of Representatives.

The Senate is the Upper House of the National Assembly and the Head of the Senate is the

Senate President. It has 109 members, been presided over by the President of the Senate. 108

members are elected for four year terms in 36 three-seat constituencies which correspond to the

country's 36 states and one member is elected in the single seat constituency of the Federal

Capital. The House of Representatives is presided over by the Speaker of the House of

Representatives. It has 360 members, elected for four year terms in single seat constituencies. It

is the lower house of the national assembly. Their main role is to make the laws of the country.

• The Judiciary arm of Government

This arm of government is appointed into power. Their main role is to be a check and balance for

the other two branches, making sure they do not abuse their power. They also mediate

disagreements between the other two branches of government. They are also responsible for

overseeing the legal system. The Judicial branch consists of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, the

Court of Appeal, the High Courts, other trial courts such as the Magistrates', Customary,

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Shariaand some specialized courts. The National Judicial Council serves as an Independent

Executive Body, insulating the judiciary from the executive arm of government. The Supreme

Court is presided upon by the Chief Justice of Nigeria and thirteen associate justices, who are

appointed by the President of Nigeria on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council.

These Justices are subject to confirmation by the Senate. The Nigerian State is structured among

these three major branches to partake the affairs of the State for effective service delivery.Table

4 showing the Structure of the Nigerian State.(Table 1 showing the structure of Nigerian State).

The governance in Nigerian Military and Political Leadership since the inception of

Independence 1960 and the Republic of Nigeria 1963 till date is a mirage. However, the

intermittent military intervention in politics. and with the benefit of hindsight and as

demonstrated by the current experience, even the periods of civil rule (1960-1966, 1979-1983

and 1999 to date) failed to produce any positive or better results (Simbine, 2000). Even though

the two civilian administrations of Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, 1960-1966 and Alhaji Shehu

Shagari, 1979-1983 were included. This shows that there is no automatic connection between

Constitutional Democracy and development. Meanwhile, it is not an overstatement to contend

that the return of the country to Electoral Democracy in 1999 has not made significant impact on

the economic and social well-being of the people. Several scholars explain the development

tragedy in Nigeria. These are: the colonial legacy, bureaucratic and political corruption, poor

labour disciplines, globalization and unfavourable international environment, unpatriotic

followers and bad leadership to mention a few (Ogundiya, 2010). According to Plato in Subrata

and Sushila (2007:55) avers that, to allow participation would be “to pave the way for

government by opinion. He justified it in the ground that these leads to functionalism and

particularism, whereas a good society should promote the common good. He rejected

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majoritarian and participation that the ordinary person did not have the capacity to comprehend

absolute truth and the idea of good. Plato emphasized that, a state that has intolerant to

divergence of opinion would not only be unjust, but also be inherently unstable. The strength of a

political system is from the participation of its citizen members, for it ensured the

accommodation of diverse interests and opinions through consensus. He attacked democracy for

the incompetence and ignorance of Politicians, for that gave rise to factionalism, extreme

violence, and partisan politics, which were the cause of political instability. Moreover democracy

did not tolerate highly gifted persons (Plato in Subrata & Sushila, 2007:55). Fundamentally

therefore, to describe governance as a good one and to determine whether it is a bad one requires

the understanding of the essence of the state which are not only embedded in the constitution but

also a function of the Religious Ideals and the nature of current problems confronting the state.

The question about the essence of the state formed the major preoccupation of the earlier

philosophers like Aristotle, Plato, Rousseau and others. The essence of the state to these early

thinkers is to promote the common good as acknowledged in section 16(2 ‘b’) of the Nigerian

constitution. Thus, public authorities have the common good of the state as their prime

responsibilities. The common good stands in opposition to the good of rulers or of a ruling

group. It implies that every individual, no matter how high or low, has a duty to share in

promoting the welfare of the community as well as a right to benefit from that welfare (Eboh,

2003). More so Eboh (2003) noted that, the “good” is all inclusive. In essence, the common good

cannot exclude or exempt any section of the population. If any section of the population is in fact

excluded from participating in the life of the community, even at a minimal level, then that is a

contradiction to the concept of the common good (Eboh, 2003). Governance is the process that is

employed to achieve the noble end of the state. Thus, governance simply implies the art of

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governing a people within a given territory or a state. It consists of two essential elements of the

state, namely the structure of the state and the procedures of the legislative, judicial and the state.

When breached the relationship, there will be anarchy in the society. It is the inter-relationship of

the philosopher king, soldiers and the producers that will enhance good governance, which

invariably the Ideal State. Plato is emphasizing that a good governance must embrace

transparency, equity and honesty, good character, a calm disposition, sound mind, a lover of

truth, honest and forthright in other to make the society happy (Nwoko, 2006). Governance is

the process and mechanisms of allocating the values without jeopardizing the principle of equity,

justice and fairness. In this regard the World Bank view governance as, “the manner in which

power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for

development (Odunuga, 2003). The Bank further identified the following three key aspects of

governance: the form of a political regime; the process by which authority is exercised in the

management of a country’s social and economic resources and the capacity of governance to

design formulate and implement policies and discharge functions. It is important to note that

leadership and governance are interconnected. Leadership as an art of governance enjoys four

important attributes which include According to Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD) (UNESCO, 2005) good governance has eight major characteristics. It is

participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient,

equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. It assures that corruption is minimized; all

these attributes are the instruments of effective governance in the sense that they provide the

necessary anchor and legal or moral justifications to the leadership. Hence, governance is largely

about problem identification and solving. By governance therefore, we mean the manner in

which power is exercised by governments in the management and distribution of a country’s

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social and economic resources(World Bank Institute, 2003).The nature and manner of this

distribution makes governance a bad or a good one. And when it became good, you become a

good leader, when bad, you become a bad leader. Good governance, as a concept, is applicable

to all sections of society such as the government, legislature judiciary, bureaucracy, media,

private sector, corporate sector, trade unions and lastly non-government organizations (NGOs).

Public accountability and transparency are as relevant for the one as for the other. It is only when

all these and various other sections of society conduct their affairs in a socially responsible

manner that the objective of achieving larger good of the largest number of people inSociety can

be achieved (Madhav, 2007). According to Plato, the qualities of leadership are high

mindedness, discipline and courage. And this can be obtained through the philosopher kings.

Nigerian leadership is not qualitative like Plato’s leadership. They are moreover elected through

Representative Constitutional Government that brought them into power. The election that

emerge them as leaders were not credible, therefore their leadership is not sincere and with truth

and discipline. Hence there is bad leadership. The trouble with Nigeria, as Chinua Achebe

(1988:1) rightly observed is simply a failure of leadership.Fundamentally,Plato (1941) noted

that, there is a breakdown of order in the state when the craftsmen or the soldiers try to usurp the

ruling function which belongs, according to him, to the philosopher king(s), the higher of the two

classes that make up the class of guardians. He believes that “the human race will not be free of

evil, until either the stock of those who rightly and truly follow philosophy acquire political

authority or the class of those who have power in the cities be led by some dispensation of

providence to pursue philosophy”. There must be, according to Plato, the willingness of the

lower to be ruled by the higher. For there to be order in the society, the ruler ship of the state

should be in the hands of those with the special talent and training that it requires. And, in Plato’s

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opinion, the guardians must be free not only from the temptation to acquire property but also

from the temptation to prefer the advantages of their respective families to those of the state. So

unlike the craftsmen who may marry and own property, the guardians will have both property

and wives in common (Plato, 1941). As Machiavelli (1958) submits that, the evils that may

arise in a state and holds that when the evils that arise have been foreseen, they can be quickly

redressed but when, on account of their not having been foreseen, they are left to grow in a way

that everyone can see them, preventing them becomes an uphill task. He makes it clear that the

ability to foresee evil is not common among men (Machiavelli, 1958).

According to Ochulor(2011) avers that, the quality of leadership in Nigeria is lack of

intellectual training and discipline. It was recently we could have an academic doctor as

President in Nigeria. This does not, however, mean that adequate intellectual training is

necessarily a guarantee for good leadership, but it does help in this regard (Ochulor, 2011). The

central theme of Plato’s Republicis that society has to be governed by people-men and women-

who have, through careful training attained the proper knowledge of human life and know the

meaning of goodness in all its Forms. Such knowledge makes a proper understanding of the

purpose of government possible. Without it one can hardly govern well. Good government is the

work of wisdom. It demands unusual virtue, intelligence, education, a great deal of experience

and many other qualifications which cannot be expected to be possessed by any one person. So

our leadership failures arise largely from the leaders themselves, from their intellectual

incapacity, lack of discipline and political inexperience, not so much from the political

institutions, not so much from the system (Achebe, 1983). Once the operators of a given

political system lack adequate knowledge and intellectual training, the system will not work.

Much depends upon the operators of the system. Nigeria after Independence practiced the

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Parliamentary system of government (West minister model of democracy as bequeathed by her

British colonizers). It did not work, but it is still working in Britain. The Military struck with the

coup of 15th January 1966. Then began the direct involvement of the Military in Nigerian

politics (1966- 1979; 1983-1999).Between 1979 and 1983, the Shagari Regime operated the

Presidential system (the White House model). Intellectual incapacity, lack of discipline and

political inexperience on the part of our leaders lead to venality of office (Ochulor, 2011). More

so, Montesquieu in Richter (1977) asks; is it appropriate that public offices be sold? Venality of

office was a practice of long standing in Montesquieu’s day. Many government positions were

sold like any other commodity. This makes the administration of a country highly inefficient.

Talks about venality of office in Nigeria may sound paradoxical, but unpublished testimonies

abound of people who paid thousands of naira to chief executives to get themselves appointed to

high public offices and had to bribe members of Houses of Assembly to get such appointments

approved (Iwe, 1984:73). Often political appointments are not based on evident competence and

merit. The common practice is to buy your way up to the position of authority. Having reached

the coveted position, the incumbent begins to regard his office as an inherited divine right. There

can be no question of resignation from office, even in the face of obvious gross misconduct or of

evident general disaffection. Gross ineptitude and incompetence in office or highly questionable

public probity of the incumbent are no obstacles to tenure of office here in Nigeria and other

parts of West Africa (Ochulor, 2011).With the intellectual incapacity, lack a good understanding

of the purpose of government, they the chief executives see their positions in government as

opportunities to make money for themselves and favour their friends and relations. When offices

are given to people either for money or by favour of he who bestows them, it would not be

surprising if the beneficiaries lack the knowledge needed for the positions they occupy and so,

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like their benefactors, prove inefficient. Nigeria needs efficient leadership because inefficient

leadership stifles good government and development. A leader with a clear knowledge of the

purpose of government will take time to choose only those who can really help him reach the

goal. But when a leader has no clear vision, then anything goes. That goes to say that lack of

vision is compound by the absence of sense of direction. This sense of direction is important, but

we Nigerians have all for a very long time become aware of our loss of a national sense of

direction.

More fundamental, Nigerian leaders when assumed offices approach the national treasury

with an eye for loot. Thrasymachus in Plato (1941) posits that, you imagine that a herdsman

studies the interests of his flock and cattle, tending and fattening them up with some other end in

view than his master’s profit or his own; and so you don’t see that in politics, the genuine ruler

regards his subjects exactly like sheep and thinks of nothing else, night and day but the good he

can get out of them for himself. Many Nigerian politicians have this spoils view of politics and

political activities. That to a large extent accounts for the abuses in government offices we daily

experience in this country. Such people are surely thieves for they make secret illegal profits out

of their offices. According to Plato, (1955) submits that, a philosopher by his grasp of the idea of

Good was best qualified to rule. He would not be petty or mean, being above physical and

material pleasures. Devoid of emotional ties and economic considerations, he would be public-

spirited and wise (Plato, 1955).For most Nigerians, politics and political power are about the

national cake. Politics of ideology has never been an issue among Nigerians. What matters is

politics of the national cake. And whoever has the national cake is he who has the support of the

people. The negative impact of money in the political process has marginalized competent

Nigerians with vision and leadership credentials (Ochulor, 2011). It has created a class of

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mediocre rulers who succumb to corruption and undemocratic practices. Those who think that

being in government is nothing but a money making venture are dangerous enemies of this

country. The Nigerian constitution expects Nigerians to control the business of government

because according to it: “Sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom government,

through this constitution, derives all its powers and authority” (Ochulor, 20011:4). There were

about twenty-nine years of military rule in Nigeria. That was unfortunate and it made nonsense

of Nigeria’s constitution. That the military can solve the political, social and economic problems

of Nigeria is an illusion. Constitutional principles apply only to constitutional regimes and it is

mostly in constitutional regimes that there can be genuine attempts at forestalling bad leadership.

With the sovereignty of the Nigerian people regained through the abolition of military rule and

with a government that has the people’s mandate, one that through the constitution derives all its

powers and authority from the Nigerian people, can then constitute the ultimate check over their

governing personnel and aim at controlling the use of this power to ensure that it is used to the

benefit of the citizenry. It is about eliminating vote snatching, stuffing, hijacking and outright

vote stealing. Nigeria’s electoral system and processes in selection of their leadership have been

hunted by “vote inflation, destruction, cancellation and vote snatching or hijacking” (Ochulor,

2011:5). This has eroded the confidence of voters and established an endemic voters’ apathy

amongst Nigerians. Indeed, this scenario constitutes the core challenge of Nigeria’s electoral

process that is, the ability and capability to generate and deliver secured, authentic, transparent

and generally acceptable leadership through electoral process.

It is an injustice and a betrayal of trust for one to disappoint the nation for the sake of the

parochial interest of a group or personal interest. According to Thrasymachus in Plato (1941)

argues that, justice is the interest of the stronger.Thrasymachus thinks happiness and swell-being

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consist in getting more than one’s fair share of what are commonly called the good things of life.

The Nigerian leaders think that way and so they see nothing wrong in the abuse of office,

because it is their turn to take from the ‘national cake’. They, by so doing, perpetuate bad

leadership. Achebe’s (1966) avers that, a Man of the Peopleis a novel that shows the foolishness

of some ideas about politics and the exercise of political power in Nigeria. The most unfortunate

thing and here lays the theme of the novel about the corrupt but sociable chief Nanga is that he is

truly a man of the people. There are many Chief Nangas in Nigerian politics. The novel also

reflects the social attitudes of the masses in Nigeria. They fail to give honest attention to even

matters affecting their own destiny. They are the real offenders. They believe in the corrupt

politicians. And if they are reminded that the politicians are corrupt, they excuse such corruption

by saying that it is better to have their own man to exploit them than to have the white man to do

so: Let them eat was the people’s opinion, after all when the white man used to do all the eating,

did we commit suicide? Of course not it may be your turn to eat tomorrow. Your son may bring

home your share (Achebe, 1966:161). Accordingly the vital issues of public accountability and

anti-corruption, unjust enrichment and abuse of office have become rather a wild goose chase of

highly elusive targets. Nigerians have either actively or passively contributed to bad leadership

that has plunged this nation into a serious mess. Nigerian youths will be casting adrift their

future, if they sit on the fence as the country drifts along. Nigerian youths, should like the

militant youths of modern Russia who volunteered to save their society at all cost, must pledge

themselves to give themselves completely to the common cause of emancipating Nigeria.

More so the idea of one law for the ruler and another for the ruled is the practice of Nigerian

leadership which enhances injustice. In the Nigerian practice of Constitutional Democracy, Rule

of Law is the paramount phenomena to affect an Ideal State. The principle of the Rule of Law

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which asserts the absolute supremacy of the law of the land and the equality of all before the law

is not in place. President Yar’Adua’s emphasis on the rule of law is highly commendable. Any

political theory that does not uphold the rule of law will surely promote bad leadership in

Nigeria. One such theory is Machiavelli’s political theory. Machiavelli’s political advice shocked

even his contemporaries. Some of them are advice for men who only want to seize and hold on

to power. According to Machiavelli (1958:83), “it is necessary for a prince wishing to hold his

own to know how to do wrong, and make use of it according to necessity” Montesquieu, though

he admired Machiavelli, blamed him for advising rulers to use despotic means in dealing with

their subjects. According to Richter (1977:326) notes that, it was mad for Machiavelli to have

recommended to princes as a way to maintain their pre-eminence, these principles necessary only

to despotic government. This is unworthy of a mind as great as his. Machiavelli encourages the

quest for security at all cost and has no regard for the rule of law. Fear of insecurity and quest for

security at all cost make Nigerian leaders often lean on some metropolitan political powers for

protection. This violation of the rule of law is one that make’s bad leadership in Nigeria. The

issue of personal security on the part of the governing elite, to a very large extent, fosters bad

leadership. The most efficacious way of securing one’s office while in government is by the

leader enjoying the popular goodwill of the people. This he can achieve by promoting the

common welfare of all. The argument of security often put forth by defenders of what Achebe

(1983) refers to as “official thuggery surrounding executive appearance in Nigeria” has never

been persuasive. Cases of political assassinations are rifer in under-developed countries which

indulge in the blandishment and celebration of power than in developed countries where the rule

of law is supreme (Ochulor, 2011:6). A ruler, who promotes the common welfare of all and as a

result enjoys the popular goodwill of the people, will always have the support of his people. In

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such a case if coup plotters or conspirators threaten the personal security or government of such a

leader, the people will most likely oppose such attempt, which it is most likely to regard as an

evil design. Indeed the people should oppose it, determined to die rather than submit to such an

evil design. Where such conspirators succeed in killing such a leader. The people should rise as

one people and put them down as the Romans in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesardid after Mark

Anthony’s speech. It is true that the historical Julius Caesar was a dictator who usurped absolute

imperial powers in contravention of the Republican Constitution of Rome, but the treatment the

people gave the conspirators in the play gives an idea of the type of resistance the study have in

mind. This will most likely rescue the leader’s government as was the case when former

Nigeria’s Head of state Murtala Muhammed was assassinated. If unfortunately a leader is killed

by conspirators but the people succeed in rescuing his government, then part of that leader lives

on. The study is of the view that the fault lays not so much in the system but in the caliber of

leaders and the led.

CHAPTER THREE

IMPLEMENTATION OF PLATO’S PHILOSOPHY IN THE REPUBLIC AND

POLITICAL CHANGE IN NIGERIAN STATE

3.1 Historical background to Plato’s Republic

Plato was born to an aristocratic family in Athens, Greece. When he was a child his

father, Ariston, who was believed to be descended from the early kings of Athens died, and his

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mother, Perictione married Pyrilampes. As a young man Plato was always interested in political

leadership and eventually became a disciple of Socrates. He followed his philosophy and his

dialectical style, which is believed to be the search for truth through questions, answers, and

additional questions. After witnessing the death of Socrates at the hands of the Athenian

democracy in 399 B.C. Plato, a Greek political philosopher.Born in May-June 428/27 BC in

Athens with an Aristocratic Athenian family (Mbah, 2006:6).

Plato’s real name was Aristocles which meant the ‘best and renowned’. He was given the

nickname ‘Plato’ derived from Platys, because of his broad and strong shoulders (Subrata and

Sushila, 2007:50). Plato met Socrates in 407 BC at the age of 20 and since then was under him

until his death. Plato established his Academy in 386 BC. The academy was concretized with

science of knowledge with which one could reform the world (Subrata and Sushila, 2007:51).

Plato's philosophical views had many societal implications, especially on the idea of an ideal

State or Government.

The Republic is an examination of the "Good Life"; the harmony reached by applying

pure reason and justice. The ideas and arguments of Plato center on the social settings of an Ideal

Republic those that lead each person to the most perfect possible life for him. Socrates

was Plato’s early mentor in real life. As a tribute to his teacher, Plato uses Socrates in several of

his works and dialogues. The basic plan of the Republic is to draw an analogy between the

operation of society as a whole and the life of any individual human being. The first cause of the

State Plato finds in the diversity of men’s desires and the necessary of mutual assistance in

satisfying them. A community arising from this cause must embrace three classes of people;

Guardians, to regulate the general welfare of the community; Soldiers, to protect the labourers

and ensure a sufficient territory for the purpose of the State and finally, Producers, to supply the

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physical wants of the population. These three classes, working in proper correlation will insure

the maximum of well-being throughout the State. Every member of the community must be

assigned to the class for which he approves himself best fitted. Thus a perfect harmony and unity

will characterize both the State and every person in it. The philosopher will manifest a high

appreciation of the principle of Specialization and Division of Labour, where every class will

perform its or her duties according to its Specialization without meddlesome. The Guarding class

will go a long course of training in which the life of a citizen must be passed. Only those who

have proved themselves perfect in the true knowledge may enter the class; and the judgment of

the Guardians themselves is conclusive as to the qualification. The members of this close

corporation are assigned a manner of life which is conceived to be appropriate to their exalted

character. They have no individual family or property interests; they live in public, eat at

common tables and sleep in tents. With the support of their physical existence reduced to the

absolute minimum of concern to them, they are enabled to cultivate philosophy and rise to those

heights of Omniscience which afford an unerring insight into all human affairs. Hence their

fitness to guide the State without other rule than the true Wisdom in which they share.(Table 2

showing the 3 classes of individual in the State in the Appendix).

In Plato's view, these rulers were not merely elite intellectuals, but moral leaders. In the

just state, each class of citizen had a distinct duty to remain faithful to its determined nature and

engage solely in its destined occupation. The proper management of one's soul would yield

immediate happiness and well-being, and specific educational methods would cultivate this

brand of spiritual and civic harmony. As Plato (1992) noted that, people exhibit the same

features, and perform the same functions in the State. He presumes that each of us, like the state,

is a complex whole made up of several distinct parts, each of which has its own proper role. But

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Plato argued that there is evidence of this in our everyday experience. When faced with choices

about what to do, we commonly feel the tug of many different impulses drawing us in different

directions all at once, and the most natural explanation for this situation is to distinguish between

distinct elements of ourselves (Plato, 1992:17). Plato held that every human beings soul includes

three parts. One part of us thinks, another part of our soul does things, and another part of our

soul desires things. He states that we cannot do all these with just one part of our soul, or as a

whole soul. For example, if a man is standing in one place, moving his arms, and moving his

head at the same time, then we would not say he is standing still and moving at the same

time. However, we would say that his head is moving, while his arms are moving, and while his

head is moving. This helps Plato present the idea that there may be one part of the soul

functioning while another does (Plato, 1992:18). Plato presents the story of Leontius, the son of

Aglian. One day Leontius walked by an execution, and saw a pile of dead bodies on the

ground. When he saw them, part of him wanted to look at them, and part of him wanted to turn

his head in disgust. Eventually, his inner appetite to look took over, and he looked at the

bodies. He became very angry and yelled at the executioner. Plato explains that the anger

sometimes makes war against the appetites. Sometimes, when these “inner wars” take place, we

do not act rationally. The result was Leontius yelling at the executioner. Thus, the yelling was a

result of his thinking about the dead bodies, having an appetite to look at them, and finally

breaking down, looking at them and reacting in the way he did (Plato, 1945:52). Thus, Plato in

Mbah (2006) said that, the human soul is divided into three parts, reason, desire, and

emotion. On this ground, he said acceptance and pursuit of one thing are opposite to rejection

and avoidance of that same thing. Appetite (e.g. hunger or thirst), willing, and wishing for a

thing is acceptance and pursuit of that thing Refusal, unwillingness, and non-appetite are

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rejection and avoidance of that thing (See Plato in Mbah, 2006:7-8). For example, sometimes we

both have an appetite to drink and refuse to drink. Therefore, since these states are opposites,

they cannot belong to the same part of the soul; they must belong to different aspects of the

soul. A person "must harmonize the three parts of him like three limiting notes in a scale, high,

low and middle (Plato, 1945). More so, Plato (1945) noted that, the rational soul (mind or

intellect) is the thinking portion within each of us, which figures out what is real and what is not,

judges what is true and what is false, and makes the rational decisions based on what will be

better for himself and others. In Leontius’ soul, this is the part that was thinking about the dead

bodies, and realizing that the sight was very disturbing. He tried to make the rational decision

not to look at dead bodies; however, the second part of the soul prevented him from doing that

(Plato, 1945). Furthermore, Plato in Mbah (2006:9) noted that, the appetitive soul (emotion or

desire) is the portion of each of us that wants and feels many things. We have to resist many of

our appetites in order to achieve at least some degree of self-control. This is the part of his soul

that wanted to look at the bodies, and finally broke down his rational soul, which would usually

tell people not to look at disturbing sites. As a result, he lost his self-control because of his anger

(Plato in Mbah, 2006). Finally, the spirited soul (will or volition), on the other hand, is the

portion that takes action. Its function is to carry out the reasons of the rational soul in real life,

courageously doing whatever the mind has determined to be best. In this case, since Leontius

realized that the dead bodies were a disturbing site, he finally looked at them, he got very angry

and reacted in a way that he thought was best: displaying his hatred and loathing of the

executioner.

Plato concludes the contrast between desiring to do something and not desiring to do it, which

are opposites, with the contrast between desiring to do something and desiring not to do it which

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is not obviously opposites at all. It is a natural condition of human life that a person often wants

both to do something, and not to do it. Imagine someone who is desperately hungry and so wants

to eat the only food that is available, which happens to be some cabbage; on the other hand, she

absolutely loathes cabbage. This person simultaneously wants to eat the cabbage and want not to

eat it? If these lead us to different parts of the soul, we will be talking, or thinking about an

enormous number of such different parts? This means people have different sort of 'opposition'

between desires in mind. It may be that our rational part actually thinks about the appetite,

considers the details of this appetite and rejects them. The rational desire is explained by

reference to the person's calculating about the good of himself as a whole, taking into account all

the relevant factors, including the different appetites that he has. This is why Plato wants to

emphasize that thirst, is simply the desire for a drink, not the desire for good drink or hot drink or

a cold one (Plato in Mbah, 2006:9).(Table 3 showing the three Parts of the Soul in the

Appendix).

Plato emphasized that these three parts of the soul are supposed to be parallel to the three

classes in the Ideal State; the money making, productive class (appetitive class), the auxiliary or

military class (spirited class), and the ruling class, or what many ancient philosophers refer to as

the guardians (rational class). This leads to Plato's account of the virtues. Plato believed that

membership in the guardian classes should only be based on their education, philosophy, and

the possession of appropriate skills, or virtues, Plato presumed that future guardians would

typically be the offspring of those who presently held similar positions of honour and class

(Plato, 1992). Thus, Plato (1992) said, if citizens express any dissatisfaction with the roles to

which they are assigned, he proposed that they be told the “useful falsehood” that human beings

(like the metals gold, silver, and bronze) possess different natures that fit each of them to a

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particular part of the society as a whole. The ruling class or guardians would be compared to

gold because they are the most valuable. It is said that “god put silver into those who are

auxiliaries”. The common people such as farmers and craftsmen were compared to iron and

bronze because they are strong, hard workers. This is also known as Plato’s “Myth of the

Metals.” This explanation can also be used as a method of social control, by encouraging

ordinary people to accept their position at the bottom of the heap, and that they are to be

governed by the higher classes (Plato, 1992:51-52).

Having developed a general description of the structure of an Ideal Society, Plato

emphasized that each class in the society has to perform certain functions. Each class must work

together for the Common Good in order for the State to thrive and succeed. Therefore there is

need for a society to develop significant social qualities, or virtues. According to Plato in Mbah

(2006) posited that, since the rulers or guardians are responsible for making decisions from

which the entire State will be governed, they must have the virtue of wisdom. The virtue of

wisdom is the ability to comprehend reality and to make the best judgments about it. Soldiers,

who defend of the State against enemies, on the other hand, need the virtue of courage. They

must have ability to carry out their orders in the face of danger without thinking about personal

risk. The rest of the people in the State must follow its leaders, instead of pursuing their selfish,

private interests. They must obey the laws in a peaceful, orderly, and civil manner in order to

keep the local communities together. This means that they must exhibit the virtue of

moderation. The common people have to resist many of their personal desires, to benefit the

whole State (Plato in Mbah, 2006:10). He said, many rulers themselves sometimes take into

account their own personal interests, or even break the laws that they themselves make when

they come to decisions that will affect the general population. Therefore, a ruler who cares about

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his own desires rather than his subjects needs is not virtuous. More so, a person in the military,

who is supposed to be courageous, may desert his fellow troops in fear. Furthermore, many

common people commit crimes, and create conflict within the community. None of these people

are virtuous. However, this is exactly what Plato was getting at (Plato, 1992). Plato believes

that when each of these classes performs its own role and does not try to take over any other

class, the entire State as a whole will operate smoothly, showing the harmony that is genuine

justice (Subrata & Sushila, 2007:59). What makes the Republic such an important and

interesting piece of literature is that by examining what brings true justice and harmony to the

world, we can therefore understand all of the virtues by considering how each are placed within

the organization of an Ideal State?

3.2 Interplay between the Implementation of Plato’s Philosophy and political change in

Nigerian State.

This is basically between the Structure of Plato’s Republic and the Nigerian State. Plato

structured his State with three classes; Philosopher Kings, Soldiers and the Producers. According

to Plato (1945) noted that, the philosopher kings and soldiers should have proper education for

them to acquire knowledge and wisdom in other to rule the state justly. The best should be

selected to be the real philosopher kings that will be at the top to rule the state with the

knowledge they had from education and the one’s left will be made the soldiers to guide the

external and internal conflicts that may arise from the state (Plato 1945). More so, Plato (1945)

pointed out that, the producers have to work for the general population to meet the desires of the

individual and the state; under the direction of the ruler on top. And if there is any breach, the

soldiers will be instructed to punish that person (Plato 1945). More so, Plato outlined the state

with Specialization of functions. Every person must be involved in one class that is best fitted;

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where one will be doing his or her duty without meddlesome. With this, he said there will be

justice to enhance an Ideal state (Plato, 1992). Moreover, Nigerian State is structured into three

arms of government; Executive, Legislative and Judicial arm of government. The Executive arm

of government is the President which is invariably the Chief Executive Officer to oversee all the

activities in the state. The Legislative arm of government is moreover called the National

Assembly. It comprises two Assemblies; the Upper Assembly and the Lower Assembly. The

Upper Assembly is called the Senate, and the Lower Assembly is called the House of

Representatives. They all make laws and check the Executive arm of government for effective

administration. The Judicial arm of government is the people that punish the law breakers,

charged to check the other two arms of government. Nigeria is a Constitutional Democratic State

where all arms of government derived their functions from the Constitution without

meddlesome. After looking at both Structures, the study admits that, they are all focused to

establish Justice, despite the differences in Structure. As Plato(1992) avers that, his leadership is

based on intellectuals that will undergo training to acquire the knowledge and wisdom that has

seen the Form will be selected to rule the State. And the Nigerian leadership is based on a

Constitutional Democracy where election is used to select the best out of the Contestants. On this

ground, Philosopher King as the leader will in Nigerian context, the President of the State. Plato

posits that, the philosopher king should have a proper education to model their mind with

truthfulness, discipline, good character etc.In the Nigerian State, there is no proper education for

people that will become President. As Plato (1941) noted that, for there to be order in the society,

the ruler ship of the state should be in the hands of those with the special talent and training that

it requires. In Nigerian context, when you contest and win the election, you become the President

and act as the leader in the Country. On this regard, Nigerian leadership is not qualitative to

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affect a good society in the state. Plato (1992) also lamented that, the Soldiers to guide the state

and external attack should also be given the same education as the philosopher kings for them to

get the knowledge and wisdom to know the Form but may not be perfect as the philosopher

kings. In comparing the soldiers to the Nigerian three arms of government will be of the

Legislators. Though, not vividly like the soldiers in Plato that holds harms. The study argues that

Plato’s soldiers are invariably the legislators. At the time of Plato when he classified the

individuals in the state, it was periods of war to conquered each other and guide their boundary

for peace. But know that there is no such war, and all the boundaries had been demarcated, hence

we are in a Constitutional Democracy. Therefore, the legislators have to make good laws to bring

the state to a greater height. The emphasis here is that, the legislators are not trained to get the

knowledge and wisdom to have seen the Form, so they easily get corrupted, or else, they have all

the weapons been derived from the constitution to establish a good society.More so, Plato’s

producers in the Republic are referred to the bureaucracy that serves the multitude in the

Nigerian State. Though, the bureaucracy is not part of the arms of government in Nigerian State,

rather the Judiciary. But the study argues that, the bureaucracy is the working class that serves

the multitude in the state. The period of Plato is a warring time; therefore, the Judiciary was

invariably attached to the Soldiers. In the contemporary Nigeria it is a constitutional democracy,

which now stands as an added advantage to effect good society with the Judiciary arm to

establish Justice in the Federation.

Plato emphasized that; there should be Specialization of functions among the three

classes where everybodyperforms their duty in their various specializations (Plato, 1955).

Equally, there is also separation of powers in the three arms of government enshrined in the

constitution in Nigeria.They stand unspecialized on their various positions since there is no

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proper education to model their mind to see the Form. Thereby, they got corrupted easily. The

study argues that, Nigeria is not vividly structured like Plato’s Republic, but there are similarities

of functions to enhance Ideal State. When there is separation of functions in the various arms of

government and the legislators perform their duties with the Judiciary, it will build an Ideal

State. This is because, the President will seat down with his Minister to project good governance.

When there is good governance, the leadership become well, invariably the Ideal State emerge.

Since the President and the Legislators are not trained to the level of philosopher kings and

soldiers, there is every tendency for the appetitive part of the soul, which is the bureaucracy that

has so many desires to corrupt the legislators which is noted in the study as the soldiers that has

the courage to accept wrongly will be influenced by the appetitive soul. And being the President

as the philosopher king to put the legislators and the bureaucracy in order with his wisdom, will

rule the country unjustly, since they are less educated. This in turn ruined the country into

corrupt practices that underdeveloped the country. More so, if elections are held according to the

process and procedure of the Electoral Act in the constitution, it will emerge a qualitative leader

like Plato’s Republic to rule the State. The study argues that, if actually, the President and the

National Assembly are trained to the level of philosopher kings, Nigeria will deviate from most

of the corrupt practices in the country that will lead to the Ideal State.

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CHAPTER FOUR

ACCUMULATION OF PRIVATE PROPERTY UNDERMINE THE REALIZATION OF

PLATONIC STATE IN NIGERIAN STATE

4.1 Corruption Surgery in the Political Leadership in Nigeria since 1960

Nigeria is a Constitutional Democratic State. All powers and functions are derived from

the Constitution. Therefore, there is a clean separation of powers by the various organs of

government and the parastatals. Democracy, adequately understood, is a theory that sets some

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basic principles according to which a good government, whatever its form, must be run

(Oluwole, 2003). He said,such principles include those of justice, equity, freedom, liberty,

accountability, openness and transparency in government. Indeed, effective democratic forms of

governance rely on public participation, accountability and transparency. In most countries

today, it is these principles that are used as criteria for distinguishing between good and bad

governments (Oluwole, 2003). As Parekh (1993) avers that, democracy not only prescribes how

political power should be acquired but also what to do with it or how it should be exercised.

Therefore, democracy specifies who constitutes the legitimate government and wields the

authority inherent in the state (the elected representatives), how they acquire authority (free and

fair elections, choice between parties) and how they are to exercise it in broad harmony with

public good (Parekh, 1993). This makes democracy amenable to moral and ethical justifications

or judgments. Hence, good governance forms the philosophical foundation upon which

democracy and democratic theories are built (Aristotle, 1984).

It is worrisome however, that democratization has not produced the expected result. Rather than

engender development and good governance, it has led to anarchy, civil wars, genocide and

general political instabilities as have been seen in Nigeria. According tothe study, the

government in Nigeriais a “Mafia Government”. The word “mafia” within the study means

government infested with power drunken, self-seeking, ideology barren, orientation less

operatives; usually selected by their kind and of course scarcely ever elected by the people. As

Toyo (1994) pointed out that, democracy in Nigeria is lamed and in terms of its conceptual

outcome has failed to meet the expectations of the people (Toyo, 1994).Furthermore Toyo,

(1994) noted that, there can be no genuine democracy in a country where citizens are grossly

unequal in wealth and the poor, who are invariably the majority, are dependent on the wealthy.

86

Due to the fact that wealth is power, where such a cleavage and dependency exist, political

power is inevitably in the hands of the wealthy (Toyo, 1994). In this scenario, democracy ceases

to be democracy in reality; in effect it is a plutocracy. A responsible and accountable leadership

that would characterize good governance in Nigeria is patently absent. Nigerian political elites,

almost without exception, have an insatiable capacity to steal from the Commonwealth and leave

the people more impoverished (Human Rights Watch, 2007). On this regard, corruption is the

main stay in Nigeria. According to the World Bank andTransparency International (TI), a

leading global anti-corruption watchdog says, corruption is the abuse of public office for private

gains for the benefit of the holder of the office or some third party. Viewed from these

definitions, political corruption can be broadly understood as unethical behaviour, which violates

the norms of the system of political order (Heidenheimer and Johnston, 1993: 6). Basically,

Political corruption usually encompasses abuses by government officials such as embezzlement

and cronyism, as well as abuses linking public and private actors such as bribery, extortion,

influence peddling, and fraud, to mention but a few. In this regard, corruption threatens good

governance, sustainable development, democratic process, and fair business practices. Hence, in

Plato’s Republic, there is no way accumulation of Private Property can be realized, this is

because Plato arbors’ corruption. Unfortunately, the political class saddled with the

responsibility of directing the affairs of the country have been the major culprit in perpetrating

this act. Regrettably, since Independence, a notable surviving legacy of the successive political

leadership both civilian and military that have managed the affairs of the country at different

times has been the institutionalization of corruption in all agencies of the public service, which,

like a deadly virus, has subsequently spread to the private sector of the country.In all, political

power has alternated between the civilian and the military since Independence and neither of the

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two categories that ruled the country has done better in terms of corruption ratings (Storey,

1953). This is confirmed according to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), showed in the

2004 corruption rating of Nigeria as the number three most corrupt country out of 145 countries

been surveyed. And more so, Nigeria is rated the number 27 out 174 most corrupt countries in

2012. (Table 4 showing (CPI) 2004 and 2012 in the Appendix.

Historically, the origin of corruption in Nigeria predates the colonial era. According to a

Colonial Government Report (CGR) of 1947, the African’s background and outlook on public

morality is very different from that of the present day Briton. The African in the public service

seeks to further his own financial interest (Okonkwo, 2007). According to Storey,(1953) noted

that, before Independence, there have been cases of official misuse of resources for personal

enrichment. Over the years, Nigeria has seen its wealth withered with little to show in living

conditions of the citizens. The First Republic under the leadership of Sir Abubakar Tafawa

Balewa, the Prime Minister, and Nnamdi Azikwe, the President, was marked by widespread

corruption (Storey, 1953). Government officials looted public funds with impunity. Federal

Representative and Ministers flaunted their wealth with reckless abandon. In fact, it appeared

there were no men of good character in the Political Leadership of the First Republic. Politically,

the thinking of the First Republic Nigerian Leadership Class was based on politics for material

gain; making money and living well. The culture of corruption had become entrenched in the

Nigerian polity since the creation of modern public service administration in the country.

According to Sklar(2004) comment’s that, in 1956, the Foster-Sutton Tribunal of Inquiry

investigated the Premier of the defunct Eastern Region, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, for his

involvement in the affairs of the defunct African Continental Bank (ACB). The code of conduct

for government officials stipulates that a government officer shall relinquish his holdings in

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private business when he assumes public office. The Foster-Sutton Tribunal discovered that

Azikiwe did not severe his connections to the bank when he became a Premier. The Tribunal

reported that Azikiwe continued to use his influence to promote the interests of the bank (Report

of the Foster-Sutton Tribunal of Inquiry, 1956: 42; Sklar, 2004: 185). Moreover, Azikiwe, his

family, and the Zik Group of Companies were the principal shareholders of the African

Continental Bank. As indicated in the report of the tribunal of inquiry, the bank loaned over

£163,000 to the ZikGroup of Companies at a lower interest rate and over an extended period,

which meant that the Zik Group did not have to repay the loans until 1971. Consequently, the

African Continental Bank became a distressed bank. In 1952, the Registrar of Banks refused to

grant a license of operation to the bank. Attempts to find partners for the bank in Britain failed

because of its level of insolvency. According to a colonial government official, “Were a UK

minister to be involved in a series of transactions the result of which public funds were used to

support an otherwise shaky institution in which he was directly interested, he would be forced to

leave public life” (Okonkwo, 2007). The question now is why did the colonial government not

prosecute Azikiwe for his failure to observe the code of conduct for government officers? As

Okonkwo (2007) noted that, a colonial correspondence revealed that the colonial government

supported the NCNC because it was seen as the only party organized on a platform of National

Unity. Without Azikiwe, the NCNC would collapse. The National Interest of the country

demanded that Azikiwe continue as the Leader of the Party (Okonkwo, 2007; Sklar, 2004: 186).

More so, Magid(1976) noted that, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the first Premier of the Western

Region, was also investigated and found guilty of corruption by the Coker Commission of

Inquiry. In 1954, the Western Region Marketing Board could boast of £6.2 million. However, by

May 1962, the corporation had to exist on overdrafts amounting to over £2.5 million. A loan of

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£6.7 million was made to the Western Region government-owned National Investment and

Properties Co., Ltd. for building projects out of which only £500,000 was repaid. The Western

Region Finance Corporation and the Western Nigeria Development Corporation also received

loans of millions of pounds. None of these loans were ever repaid. The Coker Commission of

Inquiry found Chief Awolowo culpable for the ills of the Western Region Marketing Board, due

to his failure to adhere to the standards of conduct, which were requiredof persons holding public

office (Coker Commission, 1962; Magid, 1976: 73).According to Okonkwo (2007) comment’s

that, the Northern region, against the backdrop of corruption allegations leveled against some

native authority officials. The Northern Government enacted the Customary Presents order to

forestall any further breach of regulations. Later on, it was the British administration that was

accused of corrupt practices in the results of elections which enthroned a Fulani political

leadership in Kano, reports later linking the British authorities to electoral irregularities were

discovered(Okonkwo, 2007).

The situation described above, among other factors, provided the pretext for a group of

youngMiddle-rank army officers to sack the Nigerian First Republic politicians from power

through a coup d’état on 15th January 1966 on the ground of corruption. The coup was a direct

response to the corruption of the First Republic; and the popular support the military received for

the coup showed that Nigerians were long expecting such a wind of change to bail them out from

the claws of the politicians of that era. Interestingly, despite the killings of some major First

Republic politicians, there were widespread jubilations in the country.

The General Aguiyi Thomas Ironsi military government that replaced the sacked civilian

regimeinstituted a series of commissions of inquiry to investigate the activities of

somegovernment parastatals and to probe the widespread corruption that characterized the public

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service sector of the deposed regime. The report on the parastatals, especially the Nigeria

Railway Corporation, Nigeria Ports Authority, and the defunct Electricity Corporation of Nigeria

and Nigeria Airways, revealed that a number of ministers formed companies and used their

influence to secure contracts. Moreover, they were found guilty of misappropriation of funds as

well as disregarding laid down procedures in the award of contracts by parastatals under their

Ministries (Okonkwo, 2007). In addition, the zeal to punish the wrong doers of the First

Republic died with the Gowon coup of July 1966, which ousted the Ironsi government because

the politicians in detention were freed. This development had serious implications for the polity

as the new set of rulers embarked on white elephant projects, which served as a means of looting

public funds. The ensuing development clearly showed that the military rulers were not better

nor different from the ousted civilians leaders, i.e., no leader worth its salt.

General Yakubu Gowon ruled the country at a time Nigeria experienced an

unprecedentedWealth from the oil boom of the 1970s. Apart from the mismanagement of the

economy, the Gowon regime was enmeshed in deep-seated corruption. By 1974, reports of

unaccountable wealth of Gowon’s Military Governors and other Public Office Holders had

become the crux of discussion in the various Nigerian citizens.Corruption for the most part of

Gowon's administration was kept away from public view until 1975. Gowon critics were labeled

against his governors as misguided individuals acting like lords overseeing their personal

fiefdom. He was viewed as timid, in terms of being decisive against corrupt elements in his

government. In 1975, a corruption scandal surrounding the importation of cement engulfed his

administration. Many officials of the defense ministry and the Central Bank of Nigeria where

involved in the scandal. Officials were later accused of falsifying ships manifest and inflating the

amount of cement to be purchased. It turned out that Nigeria had ordered 20 million tons of

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cement from 68 International Suppliers for delivery at Lagos when that Port could accept only

one million tons of cargo per year. When basic supplies became stalled in the inevitable port

congestion, Nigeria attempted to impose an emergency embargo on all inbound shipping and to

repudiate the contracts. In turn, its enraged suppliers tied up the country in litigation around the

world for many years.Thus, in July 1975, the Gowon administration was toppled by General

Murtala Mohammed through a coup d’état. The coup of 1975, among other things, was an

attempt to end corruption in the public service.

General Murtala Mohammed began by declaring his assets and asking all government

officials to follow suit. He instituted a series of probes of past leaders. The Federal Assets

Investigation Panel of 1975 found ten of the twelve state military governors in the Gowon

regime guilty of corruption. The guilty persons were dismissed from the military services with

ignominy. They were also forced to give up ill-acquired properties considered to be in excess of

their earnings (See Maduagwu in Gboyega, 1996: 3). In addition, Afolabi (1993) noted that, the

Belgore Commission of Inquiry was established to investigate the “Cement Armada.” The

Commission indicted the Gowon government of inflating contracts for cement on behalfOf the

Ministry of Defense for private profit at a great cost to the government. In its Report,

theCommission noted that the Ministry of Defense needed only 2.9 million tons of cement at a

cost of N52 million as against the 16 million metric tons of cement, it ordered, at a cost of N557

million (Afolabi, 1993). Similar commissions of inquiry were constituted by the new state

governments which resulted in the immediate dismissal of several corrupt officials, many of who

were in turn ordered to refund the money they had stolen. General Murtala was assassinated after

only six months in office. He was succeeded by his Chief of Staff, General Olusegun Obasanjo,

who did not show the same zeal, as his erstwhile boss, in the prosecution of wrongdoers.

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However, Obasanjo ensured that the reins of government were transferred to civilians in

October 1979.An election was conducted and emerge Alhaji Shehu Shagari as the winner and

was sworn in as President that marked the Second Republic.The Second Republic, under

President Shehu Shagari, witnessed a resurgence of corruption. TheShagari administration was

marked by spectacular government corruption, as the President did nothing to stop the looting of

public funds by elected officials. According to Dash (1983) avers that, corruption among the

political leaders was amplified due to greater availability of funds. It was claimed that over $16

billion in oil revenues were lost between 1979 and 1983 during the reign of President Shehu

Shagari. It became quite common, for Federal buildings to mysteriously go up in flames, most

especially just before the onset of ordered audits of government accounts, making it impossible

to discover written evidence of embezzlement and fraud. True to his nature, President Shehu

Shagari was too weak in his administration of the country. Shagari was pathetic in his inability to

call his ministers and political lieutenants to order or stop them from embezzling State funds. No

politician symbolized the graft and avarice under Shagari’s government more than his combative

Transport Minister, Alhaji Umaru Dikko, who was alleged to have mismanaged about N4

billions of public fund meant for the importation of rice (Dash, 1983).

However, on 31st December 1983, General Muhammadu Buhari led a popular coup that

again rescued the economy from the grip of corrupt politicians of the Second Republic. The 1983

coup was carried out with the aim of halting corruption and restoring discipline, integrity and

dignity to Public Life. General Buhari’s regime promised to bring corrupt officials and their

agents to book. Consequently, state governors and commissioners were arrested and brought

before tribunals of inquiry. A cross section of political gladiators was convicted of different

corrupt practices under the government. However, the administration itself was involved in a few

93

instances of lapsed ethical judgment. It is on record that the General himself was on his way to

removing a Nigerian colonel from the army before his exit from power, though the removal may

signal a hardline on corruption. The new Buhari regime, which scarcely showed respect for

human rights in its bid to entrench discipline and sanity in Public Life, was toppled by the

General Ibrahim Babangida in a bloodless in house coup on 27th August 1985.

The next thirteen years saw no serious attempt to stop corruption. His regime refused to

give account of the Gulf War windfall, which is estimated to be $12.4 billion. If anything,

corruption reached an alarming rate and became institutionalized during Babangida’s Regime.

Leaders found guilty by tribunals under the Murtala Mohammed and Mohammadu Buhari

Regimes found their way back to Public Life and recovered their seized properties. According to

Maduagwu; not only did the regime encourage corruption by pardoning corrupt officials

convicted by his predecessors and returning their seized properties, the regime officially

sanctioned corruption in the country and made it difficult to apply the only potent measures, long

prison terms and seizure of ill-gotten wealth, for fighting corruption in Nigeria in the future

(Maduagwu in Gboyega, 1996: 5).Major General Babangida was further accused of arrogating to

himself absolute knowledge of problems and solutions. Apart from the perception that he had a

hidden agenda to remain in office, despite the fact that he was conducting a transition

programmer which was supposed to lead to military disengagement from politics, and his

manipulative tendencies which earned him the nickname "Maradona". In fact corruption

assumed new heights under him and came to be analogous with the term "settlement"(Rasak,

2012:5).

However, corruption or "settlement" manifested itself in several ways. Many of General

Babangida's close aides maintain that right from day one he had a hidden agenda to remain in

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office. As Rasak (2012) avers that, Lt. Col. Tony Otu Nyiam, one of the leaders of the abortive

April, 1990 coup, recalled that when General Babangida was the chief of Army staff under the

Buhari administration, he had asked him to carry out a study on the regime of Abdul Nasser and

General Pinochet of Chile. "Nasser, as you know, set a system in Egypt where till today, the

military always produces the Presidential Candidates with a Civilian Prime Minister. So I want

you to conduct a study on all that and do me a memo". He was also interested in knowing how

General Pinochet of Chile remained in power for as long as he did (Rasak, 2012:6). Whether he

had a hidden agenda or not, the strategies he devised to ensure his survival as the Head of State

all helped to encourage corruption. He changed state governors, ministers and service chiefs as

often as possible, so as to prevent anyone of them to get too powerful. With this, he was also able

to spread the largesse that comes with public office. Throughout the period he was in office,

General Babangida had no fewer than 80 military governors and administrators. The spreading of

largesse was what he used to compromise junior and senior military officers alike, and indeed

civilians long before he became Military President. It was reported that Gen. Babangida financed

the master degree programmer of an editor of a government owned newspaper in journalism at

Columbia when the Federal Government withdrew a Common-wealth scholarship, the editor

won to punish him for the critical leader articles the paper was writing about the then

government (Babangida, 1990:3). According to Vogt (1992) noted that, General Babangida, or

“the Prince of Niger”, as Chidi Amuta, one of his many biographers called him, used this to build

bridges of loyalty and commitment that would help him when he became Military President in

1985. This is probably what Major General Jemibewon meant when he said, "I never met

anybody who said anything terrible about General Babangida before he became the Military

President" (Vogt, 1992: 30). One of the first institutions to suffer under General Babangida's

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corruptive influence was the military. In terms of appointment of officers, he ensured that only

those he considered loyal were appointed to key military and political positions. Once in

government, these officers turned the state treasury into private use. Even where these activities

became public knowledge, the government did not prosecute anyone. This gave the impression

that they had official backing for what they did.According to Vogt,(1992) notes that Admiral

Aikhomu, then Chief of General Staff, was accused, in 1989 by Mohammed Bashir, of receiving

$500,000 as bribe from him. Instead of investigating the allegations, the government promptly

detained Bashir under Decree No 2. The Degree was essentially intended to intimate the citizens

against criticizing the administration and it empowered the government to arrest citizens

anywhere and at any time without giving explanation or reason for arrest (Vogt, 1992). More so,

Lt. Gen. Salihu Ibrahim, Gen. Babangida's last chief of Army staff before he was forced out of

office, lamented at a farewell dinner for in his honour that" it was an open secret that some

officers preferred political appointment over and above regimental appointments no matter the

relevance of such appointments to their career prospects" (Vogt, 1992 : 30). In addition to all

these, to further buy the loyalty of those who were not so lucky to get plum political

appointments, General Babangida showered gifts on them from the public purse. He was said to

have spent millions of naira to provide gifts of Peugeot 504 cars to officers.Nobody believed the

government when it explained; it was a loan which was to be repaid (Vogt, 1992). After the

annulment of the June 12 1993 Presidential Election, as noted by Adekeye (2003), General

Babangida spent billions of naira 'settling’ legislators, high ranked party officials so that they

could agree to him continuing in office after 27 August 1993 when he was due to hand over to an

Elected President. It was a judge of Abuja High court that almost stalled the June 12 1993

Presidential Election when he granted an injunction brought by a group called Association for

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Better Nigeria (ABN) that had been banned by law. The Federal Military Government ignored

the court order and ordered that the election should go ahead. The perception was that both the

judge and members of the group were actively working for General Babangida’s staying in

office. The legacy of the Babangida regime indeed brought a considerable decline in Nigeria's

economic and political fortunes. General Babangida's never ending political transition

programmer and the annulment of the June 121993 election results affected considerably the

corporate image of the Nigerian Military.

More succinctly, Adekeye (2003) lamented that, the 1994 Okigbo Panel Report on the

Reorganization and Reform of the Central Bank of Nigeria indicted former Military President,

General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, former Head of State, late General Sani Abacha, and

former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, the late Alhaji Abdulkadir Ahmed, for

mismanaging about $12.4 billion oil windfall between 1988 and 1994. A summary of the panel’s

report submitted to the Federal Government revealed that General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime

conspired with top officials of the Central Bank of Nigeria to squander the entire fortune on

unproductive or dubious projects (Okigbo Panel Report, 1994). Even after Babangida had

stepped down from power in August 1993, the pillaging of the country’s coffer by his successors

through operations of secret accounts and other means continued.

According to the Okigbo Panel Report(1994) as indicated in the Okigbo Report, in 1988,

General Babangida authorized the dedication ofCrude oil of 65,000 barrels per day (bpd) for the

finance of special priority projects including Ajaokuta Iron & Steel, Itakpe Iron Mining, and

Shiroro Hydro-electric projects. The account was also to be used for external debt buy-back and

the build-up of reserves. The quantity was subsequently increased to 105,000 barrels per day and

in early 1994, to 150,000 barrels per day. In addition, a Stabilization Account to receive the

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windfall of oil proceeds of the Gulf War and a Special Account for Mining Rights and Signature

Bonus were opened. Altogether, $12.4 billion was received into these accounts from 1988 to

June 1994, all of which were frittered away dubiously leaving only a balance of $206 million as

of 30th June 1994 (Okigbo Panel Report, 1994, item 0.38).

The Okigbo Panel’s appraisal of the operations of these accounts indicated that the use of

theDedication Account was stretched far beyond its original scope just as the utilization of the

Stabilization Account completely undermined its fiscal objectives. It was further observed that

the list of projects to be serviced from the Dedication and other Special Accounts did indeed

contain some projects of importance to the rest of the economy, although there were many large

projects of doubtful viability and many more of clearly misplaced priority. Better described, the

Dedication and Special Accounts became a parallel budget for the Presidency. Decisions

regarding what expenditure items to finance out of these dedicated accounts were the exclusive

preserve of the President, depending on the pressures brought to bear on him by the sponsors of

the items (Adekeye, 2003: 29-30).(Table 5 showing the Okigbo Panel Report of 1994).

Below is a list of some of the expenditure made from the accounts:

Items ($ millions)

Documentary Film on Nigeria 2.92

Purchase or TV/Video for the Presidency 18.30

Ceremonial Uniform for the Army 3.85

Staff Welfare at Dodan Barracks or Aso Rock 23.98

Travels of the First Lady abroad 0.99

President s Travels abroad 8.95

Medical (Clinic at Aso Rock) 27.25

Gifts: Liberia 1.00

Gifts: Ghana 0.50

Nigerian Embassy: London 18.12

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Nigerian Embassy: Riyadh 14.99

Nigerian Embassy: Teheran 2.76

Nigerian Embassy: Niamey 3.80

Nigerian Embassy: Pakistan 3.80

Nigerian Embassy: Israel 13.07

TV Equipment for ABU 17.90

Ministry of Defense 323.35

Security 59.72

Defense Attaches 25.49

GHQ 1.04

Source: Okigbo Panel Report, 1994: item 7.148, (Adekeye, 2003: 29-30).

Overall, neither the Dedication Account nor the Stabilization Account was applied for

thePurpose for which it was originally designed. Thus, the Dedication Account was used for

many no priority projects and the Stabilization Account was not, in practice, used to sterilize

revenues in excess of projected earnings. Instead, after a short delay, the monies in the accounts

were spent virtually as fast as they accumulated. In addition, the operation of such accounts was

not subject to the normal budgetary processes, and therefore lacked transparency. Thus, by

limiting the authorization process for its operation to the approval of the Head of State, which

was communicated directly to the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, it created

considerable room for abuse of procedures, abuse of application and reduced accountability

(Okigbo Panel Report, 1994: item 7.149 and 7.150). Besides, the balances kept in these accounts

were not included in the Federation Account, a practice that violated the fundamental precepts of

Federal Fiscal Relations in Nigeria. By excluding these incomes from the Federation Account,

the respective shares of the State and Local Governments were more or less confiscated by the

Federal Government, thereby unilaterally violating the revenue allocation formula (Okigbo Panel

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Report, 1994: item 7.151).In the present time, it is the weakness of Nigeria's economic base that

constitutes the greatest constraint on the military's future growth and development. The country

cannot move forward politically until and unless the crisis generated by the annulment of the

June 12, 1993 election is resolved (Vogt, 1992: 30). In the face of intense Public opposition to

his rule, General Babangida reluctantly handed thereins of government to a non-elected military-

civilian Interim National Government on 26th August 1993 which was later ousted from power

by the Military under the leadership of General Sani Abacha on 17th November 1993.

Abacha’s Regime only furthered the deep-seated corrupt practices, which already

characterized public life since the inception of the Babangida Regime. Under General Abacha,

corrupt practices became blatant and systematic. General Abacha and his family alongside his

associates looted Nigeria's coffers with reckless abandon. The extent of Abacha’s venality

seemed to have surpassed that of other notorious Nigerian rulers. It was estimated that the

embezzlement of public funds and corruption proceeds of General Abacha and his family

amounted to USD 4 billion (Omodia, (2012). According to Rasak (2012) lamented that,General

Sani Abacha had been in government since Military took over the government from the Civilian

Regime of Alhaji Shehu Shagari on December 31, 1983. General Abacha announced the over

throw of the Shagari government on radio. In the same way, he announced the taken over

government of Gen. Mohammed Buhari by another military government headed by Gen. Ibrahim

Badamasi Babangida. During the two military Regimes, General Sani Abacha was an active

participant. In fact, he was the Chief of Army Staff and the Minister of Defense under General

Babangida's Regime.Even in the transition government, he was the Secretary of defense. The

position that gave him the edge over other members of the transition cabinet. General Sani

Abacha used the opportunity as the defense secretary and the weakness of the transition

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government to assume the office as the new Head of State. General Abacha was the Head of

State in Nigeria between November 1993 and June 1998, when he died in office at the age of 57

years. General Abacha took power under the circumstances following June 12, 1993 election

organized by former Head of State, General Babangida (Rasak, 2012).

The assumption of office as the Head of State by General Sani Abacha signaled a

qualitative transformation of the Nigerian state into a fully criminalized and indeed rogue State; a

pariah state in the international community. The Abacha Regime made it clear that it would serve

no useful purpose for any member of the Babangida Regime to be probed. The reason for this

can only be because General Abacha could not probe the corruption allegations leveled against

members of General Babangida’s Regime without probing himself. Abacha’s rule threatened the

existence of Nigeria as a corporate entity and thus, the continued prosperity of the power elite.

Abacha's attempt to transform himself into a Civilian President unleashed the very centrifugal

forces that Nigeria's ruling elite had been trying to put into a safe and secure bottle since the end

of the civil war in January 1970 (Okonta 1998). An important aspect of political corruption under

the Abacha Regime was the reckless use of State Power for self-aggrandizement. To create

favourable conditions for Abacha's self-succession plans, all those who had explicit political

ambitions or were openly critical of the regime were accused of various crimes and detained or

jailed.

AsIbrahim (2000) noted that, M.K.O Abiola was detained for four years, until his death

in 1998. General Olusegun Obasanjo was accused of plotting a coup against the government and

was detained with his former deputy Shehu Yar'dua, who died in detention. Over thirty people

were accused of plotting a coup in March, 1995 and were sentenced to long term jail. In March

1997, treason charges were filed against leading opposition's Nobel Laureate Soyinka, Chief

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Anthony Enaharo and General Alani Akinrinade. Many politicians such as chief Bola Ige and

Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, second Republic Governor of Oyo and Kano States, Lam Adesina, the

late Comrade Ola Oni, Alhaji Sule Lamido, Chief Olu Falae and so on were also detained or

imprisoned. Human rights activist such as Olisa Agbakoba, Center of United Action for

Democracy, Beko Ransome Kuti and Segun Maiyegun of campaign for Democracy, Femi Falana

of the CDHR suffered the same fate. Numerous trade unionists, journalists, religious leaders,

army officers, even Nigerian ambassadors abroad were all detained for disloyalty to Abacha

(Ibrahim, 2000:10). The level of extra-judicial killing was very high. Many notable members of

the opposition whom the regime considered hard critics were assassinated by armed gangs, who

in most instances were state security agents. These included Alfred Rewane, who was killed in

his house by armed men. He was alleged to have been one of the financiers of National

Democratic Coalition (NADECO), the opposition coalition. Kodiak Abiola, the vocal wife of the

detained winner of June 12, 1993 election, the late M.K.O. Abiola, was also slained by armed

agents in 1996. Bagauda Kauto; the Kaduna correspondent of the News Magazine was bombed.

The explanation was that the Regime was embarrassed that a “Northerner" was revealing articles

for a magazine the Regime was branded as a "Southwestern mouthpiece" (.Rasak, 2012:6). In

December 1997, the Regime announced the arrest of its second in command, General Oladipo

Diya and many other Senior Military Officers for plotting a coup to oust General Abacha from

office. They were tried for treason and were about to be executed when Abacha suddenly died.

The dictator, General Sani Abacha, died suddenly from a heart attack in June 1998. He

wasreplaced by General Abdul salami Abubakar, who subsequently handed over the reins of

government to a democratically elected civilian government in May 1999 after having spent

eleven months in power.

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The Abdul salami Abubakar government showed dedicated commitment to returning the

country to democracy but did not do much to fight corruption. It is instructive to state here that

the Third Republic was sandwiched within the thirteen years military rule of General Babangida

and Sani Abacha (1985–1998). During this period, a number of commissions of inquiry were

instituted, yet no inquiry and reports stopped the high rate of corruption.Abubarka’s government

embarked on last-minute self-enrichment at the expense of the public (Olukoshi, 2002). The

Senior Military Officers holding key political appointments used their positions and power to

siphon resources and award numerous contracts to relations and friends (Olukoshi, 2002; Asia,

2001). Abubarka’s government drained the country’s External Reserves, at that time $2.7 billion,

between December 1998 and the end of March 1999 (Asia, 2001). Abubarka returned Nigeria to

democratic government after many years of Military Administration and Obasanjo won the 1999

Presidential Election.

The Fourth Republic started with General Olusegun Obasanjo as the President of Nigeria

in 1999. Indeed, the sixteen unbroken years of the Military Era from the fall of the Second

Republic in 1983 and the Restoration of Democracy in 1999 represents an era in the history of

the country when Corruption was Practically Institutionalized as the foundation and essence of

Leadership. The question now is how did the relationship between Leadership and Corruption

during all of theregimes mentioned above differ from each other. The answer to this is not

farfetched. Without mincing words, it is not out of place to argue that a careful analysis of all the

regimes reveals that leadership and corruption are positively correlated. This argument is based

on the fact that virtually all the leaders came to power with the sole purpose of enriching

themselves and their cronies rather than offering selfless services to the nation and its people.

However, the magnitude of corruption during the era of the various Civilian and Military

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regimes cannot always be determined with precision because the trend, ways and means of

illegal self-enrichment were not similar. Again, the military often come to power accusing the

ousted military or civilian regime of corruption and incompetence. The end result was that

Nigeria became a chessboard in the hands of the military class with various military individuals,

at different times, attempting to seize power primarily to enrich themselves.

According to Ogbeidi, (2012) stated that, systematic corruption perpetrated by the

successivePolitical leadership of Nigeria and the devastating effects it has had on the country in

all ramifications of National Life, the Obasanjo-led Civilian Government strengthened existing

anti-corruption laws and established two important Anti-Corruption Institutions. TheIndependent

Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission

(EFCC), all to tackle the phenomenon of corruption in public and private life squarely (Ogbeidi

(2012).

The ICPC was inaugurated on 29th September 2000 by the administration of President Olusegun

Obasanjo. The Commission was established to target corruption in the public sector, especially

cases of bribery, gratification, graft, and abuse or misuse of office (The Corrupt practices and

other Related Offences Act, 2000). The EFCC, on the other hand, was established in 2003,

partially in response to pressure from the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering

(FATF), which named Nigeria among twenty three no cooperative countries frustrating the

efforts of the International Community to fight Money Laundering (EFCC (Establishment) Act,

2002). Unlike ICPC, the EFCC investigates people in all sectors who appear to be living above

their means. Although both bodies have helped immensely in the fight against corruption in the

country, their efforts have not resulted in the eradication of the phenomenon (Ogbeidi, 2012).

Perhaps, it is necessary to mention here that the Political Leadership Class in Nigeria is not alone

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In enwrapping themselves in corrupt practices. Many other nations, both in the developed and

emerging markets and economies are also entangled in this quagmire. According

toAtwood(1998) noted that, the national economy of Indonesia, the State Banks channeled

money to projects involving former President Suharto’s family and friends. In the 1990s,

Indonesian banks allowed arrears on loan repayments to mount unchecked and circumvented

rules to prevent Excessive Foreign Currency borrowing. Consequently, when the value of the

Rupiah fell in 1997, the entire financial system began to collapse. Bankruptcies and massive

layoffs took place and returned as many as half of Indonesia’s over 200 million people to

extreme poverty (Atwood, 1998:11).At this point, it suffices to say that the battle against

corruption is still ongoing and represents the desire of Nigerians to eradicate the scourge of

corruption in our national life. However, it appears the anti-corruption effort is also doomed to

fail like other previous attempts because the political leadership class who should provide the

needed support appears insincere and seemed to be interested in using the Anti-Corruption

Institutions as tools to hunt Political Adversaries. Consequently, the Political Leadership Class of

the Obasanjo Administration from the top to the grassroots was almost entirely entrapped in the

snare of corruption, which made the Anti-Corruption posture of the administration an obvious

paradox. In fact, corruption took over as the engine of the Nigerian society and replaced the rule

of law (See Ribadu in Reuters, 2004).

According to Adekeye, (2003) said that, Political Parties are the ideological powerhouse

of Civilian Regime. On the contrary, political parties in Nigeria have been the main avenues for

promoting corrupt practices in the country through godfathers’, extortion, to mention but a few.

At the 2003 Special Convention of the Ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP), where the

Presidential flag bearer was chosen, more than N1billon bribe was allegedly shared to delegates

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by the Obasanjo group on the ninth floor of the Nicon Hilton Hotel, Abuja (Adekeye, 2003: 29).

A corrupt ruling party undoubtedly would always produce a corrupt government; it is difficult to

separate the legislators and the executives at the Federal, State, and Local Councils from the

cardinal ideology of their political parties. If corruption in the 1990s was endemic, corruption

since the return of democracy in 1999 has been legendary. It is only the cynical or brazenly

sycophants will deny the fact that Nigeria is witnessing a nadir in the welfare of its people. As

Adekeye, (2003) avers that,Obasanjo was fully in charge of the Petroleum Ministry, where high-

level corrupt practices took place with impunity during his period. Over $400 million invested on

the Turn-Around Maintenance (TAM) and repairs of the refineries failed to yield any positive

result, and the contractors awarded the contracts were never brought to book(Adekeye, 2003:

30). Furthermore, the report by the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission

(RMAFC) indicated that 445,000 barrels of crude oil sold by the NNPC between January and

July 2002 was not accounted for in its financial report. The report further indicated that within

the seven-month period, there was a shortfall of N302 billion as undeclared revenue. The request

by Haman Tukur, Chairman of RMAFC, to the Presidency to compel Jackson Gaius-Obaseki,

former Group Managing Director of NNPC, to refund the remaining money into government’s

coffer was never heeded. More so, the joint panel of the National Assembly set up to probe the

matter was also hindered by the Presidency and top hierarchy officials of the People Democratic

Party on the ground that the probe would send negative signals abroad about corruption in

Nigeria, particularly because the Presidency directly oversees the Petroleum Ministry (Adekeye,

(2003:30); Shettima, (2009); Haruna, 2009). Today, in Nigeria, there is a consensus among well-

meaning individuals and foreign nation’s that corruption has inevitably become a major clog in

the quest for sustainable growth and development. It is further agreed that it must be halted

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before it shut down the country. It is the single most critical impediment to achieving the

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); and like a deadly virus, it attacks the vital structures

and systems that engender progressive functioning of the society. The President handed over

Power after the end of his second term to a selected election done by him both in the Party and

the General election in 2007. He sworn in Yar’ Adua as President had been the winner of the

election with so many atrocities during the election.

However Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua takes the reigns of affairs and started his

government. In Yar’Adua’s Leadership, corruption persisted and that some personalities were

mentioned in connection with corrupt practices under Yar’Adua’s administration were well

known to President Yar’Adua himself as himself declared:

I promise this nation that once we have a response, those names in response will be made public and we will take action and direct that the names should be forwarded to the EFCC and those officials and former officials involved will be arrested and prosecuted (Oloja, 2009:1).

The fact under this administration remains that, the President (Yar’Adua) could not march his

words with action. The entire administrations became riddled with corrupt practices. Barely three

months when President Yar’Adua was sworn in, there were contracts that were awarded for the

renovation and furnishing of official residences of the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker as well as

the purchase of 12 Vehicles for principal officers at #628 million an amount which was later

corrected by the Senate President, David Mark as #579 million (Jimoh,Ogundia, and

Omodia,2010:1-2)

In addition,Mbamalu(2010) noted that, there was a scandalous purchase of 380 Peugeot 407 cars

from Peugeot Automobiles Nigeria (PAN) Ltd by the House of Representatives with some

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Principal Officers indicted. This was investigated by the Economic and Financial Crimes

Commission (EFCC) and in a 14-page report dated February 20, 2009, being addressed and

forwarded to the then President, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, the EFCC stated that some

officers and members of the House of Representatives actually had questions to answer in

respect of the alleged scam in the purchase of 380 Peugeot 407 cars from PAN. In order to find

out the truth, the EFCC sent its team leading to discussion being held with the Speaker of the

House of Representatives (Hon. Dimeji Bankole), and the Deputy Speaker (Hon. Nafada)

(Mbamalu, 2010:16).Alhaji Yar’Adua was an incompetent leader who lacked the qualities of

good and strong leader. He died May, 2010 on seat and the Vice President Goodluck Ebele

Jonathan was sworn in as Acting-President on the 6th of May, 2010. Till date he is the President

in the country Nigeria after the first election conducted for him and won, which was sworn in on

May 29th 2011.

The people of Nigeria and the world are watching to see the direction of the current

administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. The above graphic analysis of past and present

leaders of Nigeria show evidences of massive failure on the part of successive

leadership.According to Adeola (2012) avers that,recent investigation have revealed that

the Goodluck Jonathanadministration which assumed office in 2011 still has a long way to go in

its fight against corruption. Over N5 trillion in government funds have been stolen through fraud,

embezzlement and theft since President Jonathan assumed office on May 6, 2010, as an Acting-

President. This amount is the summation of government funds said to have been stolen,

according to the Nuhu Ribaduled Petroleum Task Force report; the Minister of Trade and

Investment’s report on stolen crude; the House of Representatives fuel subsidy report and

investigations into the ecological fund, SIM card registration and frequency band spectrum sale.

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The investigation revealed the fraudulent activities carried out on a large scale in some

ministries. The Ribadu report on the oil and gas sector for instance, put daily crude oil theft at a

high 250,000 barrels daily at a cost of $6.3bn (N1.2trn) a year. This puts the total amount lost

through oil theft in the two years of Jonathan’s government at over $12.6bn (N2trn).Another

fraud scheme was discovered in July 2012 when the House of Representatives Committee on

Environment discovered a tree seedling fraud worth N2bn awarded by the Ecological Fund

office.Similarly, in the telecommunications sector, the 450MHz frequency, which was valued at

over $50m, was allegedly sold for less than $6m (a difference of $44m or N6.9bn) by the Nigeria

Communications Commission. In the same sector, the reps, earlier this year, commenced

investigations into the N6.1bn SIM card registration project embarked upon by the NCC in 2011

(Adeola, 2012).

Reacting to the massive frauds that have greeted Jonathan’s tenure, Transparency

International, said that Nigeria would continue to slack in development as long as it keeps paying

lip service to the fight against corruption.President Jonathan should insist that those accused of

corruption are properly investigated and punished if found guilty, irrespective of their positions

and connections. The judiciary must be seen as impartial and fair. The government should set up

an Independent Investigatory Panel to review charges of corruption within government and the

private sector. President Jonathan should endorse the panel and commit to ensure it has both the

scope and the power to investigate and prosecute. This is not just a matter of justice; fighting

corruption can affect the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. The current culture of

corruption hurts the majority of Nigerians while the inequality gap widens.It is our hope that

such reports like this would make the government take the fight against corruption more

seriously.

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4.2 Challenges of Constitutional Democracy in Nigerian State

The historical trajectory of Post-Colonial Nigerian predicament is hinged on the

emergence of various corrupt leaders (civilian and military). In spite of the abundant natural and

human resources, the so-called Nigerian leaders have not only found it difficult to institute or run

the semblance of a modern state, but have also failed to build the country as a nation. Corruption

is not a recent phenomenon that pervades the Nigerian state. Since the creation of modern public

administration in the country, there have been cases of official misuse of resources for personal

enrichment. Over the years, the country has seen its wealth withered with little to show in living

conditions of the average human being. According to Awolowo (1979) noted that, since

Independence, our governments have been a matter of few holding the cow for the strongest and

most cunning to milk, under those circumstances everybody runs over everybody to make good

at the expense of others (Awolowo, 2002). The pervasive corruption has been often been blamed

on colonialism. But since the fifty-three years of Post- Colonial Nigeria, the country has unable

to get rid of corruption; rather, it continues to permeate every arm of government (executive,

legislature and judiciary) especially since the birth of the Fourth Republic on May 29 1999,

Nigeria had continued to struggle with the delivery of democratic governance and democracy

dividend, social welfare, justice, equity, and equal access to resources and power. Often times, it

seem as if the transition from Military to Civilian Rule has been simply cosmetic due to the not

too impressive scorecard of civil governance thus prompting scholars to aver that Nigeria is yet

to attain the status of a democracy. After a decade of the current epoch, there is the need to

identify concrete challenges to democratic governance in Nigeria with a view to contextualizing

the core factors that continues to obfuscate democratic governance. According to Omodia

(2012) noted that, democratic governance is designed in such a way that national integration

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could be enhanced through a build-in mechanism that enables the people to make input into the

democratic process(Omodia, 2012:1)

May 29, 1999 marked a watershed in Nigeria's political annals. It was the dawn of the

Fourth Republic, a return to democratic rule after several years under the yoke of military

misrule which was marked by much suffering, infrastructure decay, and institutionalized

corruption. The hope of the common man for a just and an egalitarian society became rekindled

with the institution of a democratic government. Nigerians greeted the return to democratic rule

with widespread jubilation and optimism as they looked forward to a new era of stability, peace,

and prosperity. However, thirteen (13) years after, Nigerians are still anxious to see and enjoy

“democracy dividends”, social welfare, justice, equity, and equal access to resources and power

(Omodia, 2012:2). A reflection on the above calls to question certain issues that stands as

challenge(s) to democratic governance in Nigeria. These issues remain critical governance

problems: Executive challenges, Legislation challenges, Judiciary challenges, corruption, lack of

transparency, leadership challenge, constitutional and electoral challenge, rising civil strife,

poverty, unemployment, godfatherism, lack of human security and human rights. While

recognizing the importance of these aforementioned problems, in this study, we focus on only

three of the most immediate and perennial pitfalls, which are, the Executive challenge,

Legislative challenge and the Judiciary challenge. The study believed that all other challenges

are under the birth of these three challenges. And when they are put right, Nigeria will go a long

way.

• Executive Challenges

Nigeria being a constitutional democratic state, as established in the law of the land, the

President is the head of the Executive arm of government. The President is to appoint the

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Ministers and work with him for effective delivery of good leadership (Lederman & Soares,

2006). Nigeria’s fundamental approach to leadership is troubling. According to Lederman &

Soares (2006) observed that, the primary goal of assuming leadership position is self-enrichment.

Whereas Nigerian Leaders have the power to educate, inspire, and provide the people with the

resources to advocate for the causes they believe in, but like bad parents, they have failed in their

responsibilities to lead by good examples (Lederman & Soares, 2006).The Problem with Nigeria,

Chinua Achebe concludes that Nigeria’s problem is bad leadership and evidence on the ground

has consistently shown that he is correct. In every country, it is the responsibility of the

leadership to protect the political, social, and economic interests of the citizens.

But the leaders in the Federal,State and Local governments were equally guilty of corrupt

practices. The perpetration of financial corruption at the executive arm of government involved

embezzlement, mismanagement and misappropriation of fund, diversion of fund, award and

inflation of contracts, and so on. According to Kofarmata(2005) noted that, in the state

government, a number of ex-governors who ruled between 1999 and 2007 were alleged by

EFCC for financial impropriety when they were in government within those years. Among them

are Lucky Igbinedion of Edo State, Ayo Fayose of Ekiti State, Peter Odili of Rivers State,

Chimaroke Nnamani of Enugu State, Saminu Turaki of Jigawa State, Orji Uzor Kalu of Abia,

James Ibori of Delta State, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha of Bayelsa State and Rev. Jolly Nyame of

Taraba State (Kofarmata, 2005).Furthermore, Kofarmata (2005) avers that, James Ibori, was

arraigned on a 170-count charge of money laundering over N9.1 billion; Orji Uzor Kalu was

arraigned on a 191- count charge of money laundering, criminal diversion of public fund, official

corruption of totaling #5.2 billion and was also accused of using his loot of N3.1 billion to fund

SLOK Airline and two banks in the Gambia and Sierra Leone, in addition to owning houses in

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London and the US; Saminu Turaki, who is now a serving senator, was accused of spending N36

millions of public funds to acquire oil blocks from the Federal Government; Rev. Jolly Nyame

was charged with stealing N1.6 billion belonging to the state; and Nnamani is for illegal

diversion of public funds totaling N5.6 billion, alongside two of his former commissioners, Peter

Mba and Sam Ejiofor and some companies linked to him; Diepreye Alamieyeseigha was arrested

on 40 counts of corruption and money laundering. In July 2006, British authorities returned

about 1 million pounds (US$1.9 million) of the allegedly illicit gains that he stashed in British

banks (Kofarmata, 2005).

Furthermore, according to Iyoha & Enabunene (2005) posits that,financial corruption was

noticeable in the executive arm of government, in the area of road infrastructure. Since the birth

of the fourth republic, majority of federal roads across the six geo-political zones were awarded

by different successive governments at huge amount, up till today none of these roads have been

completed. It reveals that despite the total funds released for road maintenance across the country

between the year which were N509.29 million, N742.72 million and N779.84 million

respectively, yet, most of the road in the Southern area,South-east zone and Northern zones etc.,

were in very poor conditions.

More so, Iyoha & Enabunene (2005) avers that, no fewer than 37 contracts awarded by

the Federal Government for the construction and rehabilitation of roads between 2002 and 2010

awarded by the Federal Ministry of Works valued at N308.13bn were yet to be completed. The

details of the contracts which are contained in a document titled “completed and substantially

completed projects and projects awarded under Appropriation states that 11 road projects valued

at N131.13bn were awarded between 2002 and 2009, while 26 projects with the total value of

N176.6bn were awarded in 2010. Some of these projects include the N36.3bn Benin-Shagamu

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road project; N42.3bn expansion of the Abuja-Abaji road contract awarded to three different

contractors since 2006; the N15bn contract for construction of the Kano Western Bypass

awarded in May 2007; and the N30.85bn contract for its expansion into dual lanes of the

Onitsha-Owerri expressway and Onitsha Eastern Bypass awarded in July 2002 (Iyoha and

Enabunene, 2005).

The major challenge of democratic governance in Nigeria lies in the process for electing public

officers into leadership positions. The President and Vice President at the Federal level; the

Governor and Deputy Governor at the State level; and the Chairman and Councilors at the Local

Government level; and all the members of the legislative Houses; National Assembly, Senate and

House of Representatives) at the Federal level, State Houses of Assembly, and legislative

Councils of the Local Governments are all by elections. However, the electoral process and

political party system are all corruption ridden and not sufficiently participatory (The major

challenge of democratic governance in Nigeria lies in the process for electing public officers into

leadership positions. The President and Vice President at the Federal level; the Governor and

Deputy Governor at the State level; and the Chairman and Councilors at the Local Government

level; and all the members of the legislative Houses; National Assembly, Senate and House of

Representatives) at the Federal level, State Houses of Assembly, and legislative Councils of the

Local Governments are all by elections. However, the electoral process and political party

system are all corruption ridden and not sufficiently participatory (Azinge, 2004). According to

Azinge(2004) noted that, the elections are not only flawed but warped, the political parties are

dominated by godfathers, money bags and ex-military leaders, and their party primaries (if ever

conducted) are mostly selective, non-participatory and undemocratic, thus resulting in the

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corruption of the leadership, loyalty to godfathers and patrons, and indifference to the electorate

and citizens in their style of governance (Azinge, 2004).

In the contemporary world of today, elections have become the most acceptable means of

changing leadership in any given political system. At all times, it is the conduct of a free and fair

electoral process that justifies a Representative government to be referred to as democracy

because the authority of government is derived solely from the consent of the governed

(Adeyemi, 2012). However, history has shown that it is usually difficult to hold elections that are

completely free and fair. Even the United States (US) election that led to the victory of President

Bush was alleged to be marred with irregularities in the State of Florida. In Africa, studies on

elections have revealed that transiting from one regime to another is often the problem. For

instance, the recent elections in Kenya were reported to be seriously flawed and impacted by

irregularities in vote tabulation and reporting of results. According to Mojeed and Joseph (2010)

notes that, the 1999 and especially the 2003, 2007 and 2010 general elections were reported to be

marred by irregularities by foreign and local observers. In fact, most of the results of the

elections (the 2007) have been reversed by the Judiciary while many are still pending. The

integrity of the electoral system is a major issue facing democratic governance in the Executive

arm of government in Nigeria. It is known from past history that turbulent elections have been a

source of political crisis in Nigeria and controversies surrounding elections have serious potential

to undermine the legitimacy and stability of democracy (Mojeed and Joseph, 2010).Even

President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua acknowledged the fact that Nigerian electoral system needs

reform. It was on the basis of the above that Yar’Adua made the issue of electoral reforms an

integral part of his seven point agenda, although unfolding events has continued to question his

sincerity in this regard. Thus, the root of corruption can be traced to the problem of leadership in

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the Executive arm of government thereby necessitating the call for the restructuring of the

Nigerian State. In every level of government in Nigeria, incompetent and, inextreme cases, non-

existent construction engineering companies may be awardedcontracts for the purpose of

siphoning funds from the public purse. According to Osuji (2005) postulates that, security

votewas (and is) often considered as part of the personal emolument of the Chief Executive of

the State or Local government. Consequently, security vote of the state often ends up in the

private accounts of Office Holders (Osuji, 2005).

• Legislative Challenges The role of the Legislature in the anti-corruption initiatives of the Nigerian government isCritical

given the Centrality of the role of the Legislature. The legislature has fared in performing its

constitutional duties in this regard. It finds a wide gulf of difference between constitutional

prescriptions and political realities in a country where the legislature itself is confronted by

daunting challenges. One major challenge to Nigeria’s search for enduring socio-economic,

politicaland technological development as well as efficient and productive utilization

ofallocatedresources in the new millennium is the pervasive corrupt practices in the polity.

Thedevastating effects of corruption in the nation have manifested in lopsided distribution

ofwealth, malfunctioned or decayed infrastructure and degrading living conditions among agreat

proportion of the citizenry (Stapenhurst;Ulrich and Strohal, 2006). These have impacted

negatively on all aspects of thedevelopmental agenda. The country cannot but therefore respond

to both domestic andinternational pressures to confront corruption with all possible strategies

available.

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According to Wolffowitz (2006) observed that, the institutional mechanism offered by

the Constitution for the fight againstcorrupt practices is itself not immune from the plague.

Indeed, the creation of extra legislativeinstitutions saddled with the tasks of fighting corruption is

itself an indictment of the constitutional framework and a pointer to the wide gulf of difference

between the constitutional prescriptions and the practical realities in an emerging democracy

preceded by long years of military rule marked by massive corruption and rule with impunity

(Leautier, (2006); Wolffowitz, 2006). More so, Wolffowitz (2006) noted that, the legislature as

the accredited representative of the people has the duty of protecting public funds and other

resources. As the controller of the purse, it has the additional duty of serving as the guardian of

the public treasury. Moreover, appropriation of funds for public expenditures requires the

legislature to monitor the use of such funds to ensure judicious utilization for the overall benefit

of the people. It occupies a vantage position in the making and unmaking of all laws, including

those pertaining to the eradication and reduction of corrupt practices in public and private life

(Wolffowitz, 2006). There, it appears to be a convergence of views not only among the World

bank and the IPA, but also among other commentators on corruption that National

Representative Assemblies stand in good stead to curb corruption (Stapenhurst; Ulrich and

Strohal (2006).

Prior to the return of democracy in 1999, corruption had become institutionalized under

successive Military Regimes. The culture of ethical behaviour and accountability in government

were not only glaringly assaulted but also grossly eroded. Therefore, the Restoration of

Democracy and by implication the return of a Representative Assembly was seen as the

appropriate medium required restoring accountability and efficiency in the utilization of public

resources (Nye, 2008). This, in fact, is what the scrutiny of administration by the assembly seeks

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to achieve in a Democratic Regime. Apart from this, the law-making and representational powers

of the legislature are further boost to a willing assembly to curb corruption. According to Nye

(2008) noted that, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria places

enormousResponsibility on the legislature as far as the control of public funds is concerned.

Underit, there are constitutional, political and operational mechanisms specifically

empoweringthe legislature to hold those saddled with the responsibility of executing laws made

by it as well as expending resources appropriated by it accountable. The legislature is the

mainInstitutional anchorage provided for in the Constitution for the fight against corruption. Itis

also permitted by law to create other institutions and frameworks to assist it and theGovernment

in the discharge of that onerous duty. The legislature appearedsufficiently equipped under the

Constitution to serve as effective check on the executiveand its administrative agencies in all

aspects of public administration (Federal Republic of Nigerian Constitution, 1999). Yet, it

appears thatthe legislature at all levels of government, Federal, State and Local have been unable

to adequately discharge the onerous duties devolved upon it by the Constitution in thisregard

(Nye, 2010). In the circumstances, the critical questions that come to mind are ‘where lies

thefault?’ While it has been acknowledged that the role of the legislature is important in curbing

corruption, there has not been any attempt to examine how the young legislature in Nigeria has

fared in the performance of the responsibility. According to Omodia, (2012) posits that,

legislatures are capable of institutionalizing accountability with the consequential reduction of

corruption. Conversely, failure to curb corruption, in the various dimensions and magnitude that

the malaise is manifested in a fragile democracy like Nigeria (Diamond, 1991:73). Corruption,

according to Nye (2008), is

behaviour which deviates from the normal duties of a public role because of private-regarding (family, close private clique), pecuniary or

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status gains; orviolates rules against the exercise of certain types of private-regarding influence. This includes such behavior as bribery (use of reward to pervert the judgment of a person in a position of trust); nepotism (bestowal of patronageby reason of inscriptive relationship rather than merit); and misappropriation(illegal appropriation of public resources for private regarding uses)(Nye, 2008:419).

According to Taylor, (2010) noted that, corruption as the abuse of formal rules of the

game by actors for their private gains. By this, any individual, either a public officer or private

operator who deliberately refuses to follow due process in the course of carrying out his or her

assigned responsibility forthe purpose of personal gain is engaging in corrupt practices. More so,

Lederman, Loayza and Soares (2006: 28), underscores the prominence of political corruption

when they argue that, ‘A large part of the growing literature in the determinants of corruption has

focused on the political nature of corruption and how different institutional designs affect its

extent’. While this is located mainly in the three organs of the State; Executive, Legislature and

Judiciary and other sectors or institutions of the state where corruption is deeply rooted, in the

developing countries especially, have included the Military, Para-military, Bureaucracy, Political

Parties and other Government agencies which may not be entirely captured by political

corruption even though they are major culprits (Lederman, Loayza and Soares, 2006: 28).The

study also argues that, no other governmental agencies that is involved or curb corruption rather

the organs of governments as far as the Nigerian Constitution is concern.

The prevailing view among the few writers on legislative studies in Nigeria is that the

legislative institution has been very weak (Omoweh, 2006, Lafenwa, 2006, Alabi, 2008).

Succinctly, Mojeed and Joseph (2010) noted that,each time the legislative and judicial

institutions came under militaryassault, the oversight role which they should provide over the

executive arm was always the victim. In the face of a weakened judiciary and the absence of the

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legislative institution, the military assumed control and through effective grip on the

bureaucracy, public servants did the bidding of the Military. This is understandable because the

military personnel who were naïve in administration needed the support of the civil servants. The

civil servants find their indirect involvement in governance most desirable because it satisfied

their expectation to accumulate private wealth. Thus, the bureaucrats appear to often capitalize

on the ignorance of the military personnel to make policies that advance their private interest for

personal benefits. The end result of this is the high level of corruption in the Nigerian public

service (Mojeed and Joseph, 2010).This is why, in Plato’s Structure, there should be a good

training of the rulers and selects the best to lead and the rest to guide the State.

Corruption therefore in Nigerian politics becomes unavoidable thing because it is a

means either of building up or of maintaining the political class in a democracy because as

Akintunde (1967:10) pointed out; “Most Nigerian politicians were poor before entering politics”.

It is the desire to get rich quickly that keep on luring Nigerians into politics. This is not far from

the practice of the politicians in the Nigerian State as the Upper House (the Senate) was turned

into a theatre of award of dubious contracts. According to Ugbolue (2000) noted that, many

revelations in the press indicating that many of the contracts were awarded at highly inflated

prices. This did not go down well with other Senators who insisted that a probe be carried out

and that the Senate President and his Deputy should step down while the probe lasted. This gave

birth to Senator Idris Kuta panel. Senator Idris Kuta’s panel came out with some findings. The

panel set up terms of reference that would make it easier for the panel to thoroughly look into the

case. These terms of reference were:

• To determine the numbers of contracts awarded by the Senate in the past one year

from 4th June 1999 to 17th July 2000.

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• To identify the officers of the Senate and other Senators that participated in the

exercise of contract awards.

1. To identify to whom the contracts were awarded, for what and the amounts involved.

2. To determine whether laid down rules and procedure were complied with in the award of

contracts.

3. To determine the position of the contracts whether satisfactorily completed,

4. Accounting Officer of Senate referred to in the Treasury Inspection Report of the

Accountant-General of the Federal forwarded to the Senate under cover of letter Ref No.

BRES/134 of 29th June 2000, signed by the President of Federal Republic of Nigeria,

Commander-in-Chief, to comment on the allegation.

5. To determine the role of Principal Officers of the Senate in all these contracts awards,

6. To examine any other issue relevant or incidental to the investigation.

According to Adesina (2008) noted that, the term of reference number one, it was

discovered that a total number of about 91 contracts were awarded by the Senate during the

period under consideration. Finding also revealed that the following Senators participated in the

award of contracts between the 4th June, 1999 and 17th July, 2000.

I. Senate President (ex) – Senate Evan Enwerem

II. Senate President (current) - Senate Chuba Okadigbo.

III. Deputy Senate President- Senator Haruna Abubakar.

IV. Senator A.T Ahmed- former Chairman, Senate Services Committee.

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V. Senator Gbenga Aluko.

VI. All Principal Officers at the meeting of 21st June 2000 which comprised.

a. Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa AD leader

b. Senator Abubakar H.Girei- Chairman, Senate Services Committee

c. Alhaji Ibrahim Salim CON-Clerk to the National Assembly

d. Alhaji N.I Arab- Deputy Clerk to the National Assembly.

e. Mr E.O Ozubele- Clerk, Senate

f. Dr. A.A Eigbefoh, OFR- Director Personnel Management.

g. Alhaji Suleiman Kabri

h. Alhaji M.A Sani-Omolori- Head, Legal Services.

i. Mr. O Arunsi

j. Alhaji Sani

(Adesina, 2008).(Table 6 showing the corruption surgery by the National Assembly).

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Information on term of reference number 3 is contained in table 1

Table 1

Contractor

Senator

Amount (#)

Nature of Contract

Amount paid as at 21/6/2000

1.

Independent Strategies Ltd.

Senator Gbenga Aluko

13,528,400 15 Nos. Xerox 5815,31 Nos Xerox Fax/work Centre.

Fully Paid

2. Associated Logistics Ltd.

Senator Gbenga Aluko 14,880,000 24Nos. Xerox 5815

Fully Paid Document 2, Page6 paragraph 9.

3. Labonil Nig

Ltd. Senator F. Ita Giwa 4,506,000 5 Nos Xerox

5815 19 Nos Shredder Rexel 250

Fully Paid

4. Labonil Nig

Ltd. Senator F. Ita Giwa 1,062,593.40 Fencing of Senator F. Ita

Giwa’s residence

Fully Paid

5. Exclusive Int’l

Ltd Ararumel (His wife and

Children) 3,738,525 Furnishing of Senate President’s

Office Annex. Fully Paid

6. Tiksa Nig Ltd Senator Othman Idi Guda 1,070,000 General Stationery Fully Paid

7. Zibagbo Nig Ltd

Senator Roland Owie 17,000,000 Cleaning and Gardening

Fully Paid

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8. Tee Jay

Associates Senator Roland Owie 18,602,942.74 Consultancy on the Street Light 50% Paid

Source: (The News14 August 2000 p.22, in Adesina, 2008).

According to Ugbolue (2000) points out that, on term reference number 4, there were laid

down rules and procedure for the award of contracts which had been in existence in the National

Assembly since the Second Republic. The rules and procedure were reproduced and sent to all

the Principal Officers, Senators and Honourable members by the Clerk of the National

Assembly. On term of reference number 5, it was discovered by the panel that some of the

contracts awarded and which were fully paid for were not executed or were abandoned

completely. Also that, the management of the National Assembly did nothing to the contractors

to complete their projects (Ugbolue (2000); Umukoro (2008);Jimoh (2010); Diamond (1991);

and Adesina, 2008).With respect to term of reference number 7 that is, the determination of the

role of Principal Officers of the Senate in all the contracts, the findings of the panel showed that,

the former Senate President (Senator Evan Enwerem) from 4th June 1999 to 18th November

1999 awarded 3 contracts.

The first one was on 31st August 1999 to a Peak Design Associates which was to

supply 10no. IBM Typewriters, 5 No T200 Refrigerator and 5 Nos.Shredding machine for Senate

which amounted to #2,064,800. The second contract was awarded on the same day as above to a

contractor Task System Ltd which was to supply 3 Nos. Computer set for the office of the Senate

President which amounted to #1,650,000. The third contract was also awarded in the same date

as above to a contractor Smart Science Ltd which was to supply 1 No. computer set, 1 No.

Scanner, 1 No.IBM typewriter, 2. Nos. T200 Refrigerator, 3 Nos.Shredding Machine, 3

Nos. Radio, 1 No.Sharp Copier for the office of the Senate President totalling #1,285,200.

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For Senate Chuba Okadigbo, the panel found out that he granted many anticipatory

approvals to many contracts and that such anticipatory approvals were accompanied by

approvals for payment of between 50 percent and 100% of the contract sum before seeking

ratifications which prescribed a maximum of 25% payment in such cases. The Deputy Senate

President, Senator Haruna Abubakar approved Welfare Packages of #16,950,000 for himself

and #22.95m for the Senate President. Senator Gbenga Aluko acted as the Sole Administrator of

the Senate Service Committee between 30th November 1999 and 15th February 2000. He was

also responsible to the Senate President in the awards of contracts. Other Principal Officers who

attended the meeting of the 21st June 2000 leading to the ratification of the contracts included

Senators Okadigbo, Haruna Abubakar , Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa and Abubakar Girei.

The findings of the panel also revealed that laid down procedures and rules were not

complied with in the award of all the recognised contracts in the National Assembly. The panel

also investigated other related issues and in this case, it was the purchase of 117 cars bought for

the National Assembly. Investigation revealed that, 117 cars were bought in two phases – 51

Peugeot (505) and 66 Peugeot (505) but the defunct Senate Services Committee contravened the

Federal Government directives that official cars should be purchased directly from the

manufacturer (PAN) and not from elsewhere and because of this contravention, cost differences

of #2,615,250 and #18,394,098 were incurred in the first and second batches of vehicle

procurement respectively. Beyond these, there were other revelations which were not contained

in table 1 above. Senator Chuba Okadigbo the erstwhile Senate President was alleged to have

received the sum of #22.95 million for Sallah and Christmas without questioning. He was also

found guilty by the Kuta panel of inflating #173million street light project which he did not deny

before the panel. Again, he received the sum of #32million for the purchase of 8 additional cars

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bringing to 32 cars earmarked to his office. He received the sum of #37,211,570 for furnishing of

the Senate President’s residence which was above the Senate approved #25million, over

#5million for security gadgets in the Senate President’s residence without authorisation and

lastly, the installation and commissioning of 100KVA generator for the Senate President’s

residence at an inflated rate price of #15million without authorisation. Senator Haruna Abubakar

the then Deputy Senate President was indicted along with the Senate President for receiving the

welfare package of #22.95million (Ugbolue, 2000:16).

More so Ugbolue(2000) noted that, Senator Bala Adamu was found guilty of not being able

to account properly for #10million released by the Senate for the purchase of relief materials to

riot victims in Kaduna. Senator Abubakar Girei was found guilty of collecting #6.2million to

purchase Sallah gifts for the Senators in which most of the items were overpriced. Aside, those

civil servants who were involved in corrupt practices had their cases referred to the Head of the

Federal Civil Service while Senators found guilty were told to refund some amount of money. In

all, these punishments did not commensurate with the gravity of the various offences committed

(Ugbolue, 2000).More so,Mojeed and Joseph, (2010) pointed out that, the arraignment of the

Chairman, Senate committee on power, Senator Nicolas Yahaya Ugbane and Chairman, House

committee on power, Honourable Ndudi Elumelu in a Federal High Court in May 2009 over

misappropriation of about $5.2 billion appropriated for power sector under the 2008 amended

budget lends credence to the fact that most members of the Nigerian legislature are self-serving.

By this, the legislature, largely concerned with private gain, pay little or no attention to the fight

against corruption in the executive arm.

• Judicial Challenges

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In every historical epoch from ancient period to the modern society there are rules and

regulations that govern the conduct of human activities. This rules and regulations are necessary

to keep human society moving in a desired direction. Essentially this is what makes human

society differ from animal kingdom. It is expected that those rules and regulations either formal

or informal must be broken by certain individuals in the society. For this reasons punishment are

designed to keep the society intact. Those who deviate are punished. It is essential to serve as a

punishment for their offence and as a deterrent to others. The Judiciary is the organ responsible

for policing human behaviour in every society. The legal structure is like a pillar that holds the

society together; once it collapses every segment of the entire society will collapse as well

(Yahaya, 2012).

In every society, human activities are organized in groups in other to make the world

meaningful. These group activities can be formal or informal. There are social structures that

govern and regulate the behaviour of people within the group. This is essential because without

this form of regulative mechanism, life becomes nasty and brutal just as it is in the animal

kingdom. This is one of the fundamental reasons why the rule of law exists in the first place.

Those who deviate are held accountable for their abnormal behaviour, in other words they are

punished (Umukoro, 2008). This is done so that appropriate measures can be applied to

discourage such behaviours. Corruption is not an exception to such abnormal behaviour.

According to Umukoro, (2008) pointed out that, in other to maintain this rule and regulation, the

judiciary's foremost role as the third arm of government is to defend and uphold the Nigeria

Constitution and assure that the rule of law prevails. Under that general duty and mandate, the

everyday work of the judiciary reflects to some extent the level of a court's or judge's jurisdiction

(Yahaya, 2012). However, a pervasive element in the judiciary's role at every level is the

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protection of each person's Constitutional, human, civil and legal rights. The judiciary also has

an essential role in protecting the people from the wrong-doing of others, protecting the weak

from the strong, and the powerless from the powerful as well as protecting individuals from the

unwarranted or unlawful exercise of power by the State.

As Langseth and Bryane (2003) posits that, since the birth of the Fourth Republic, a

dramatic variation was said to have existed across the country over citizens’ perception of the

presence of corruption in the judicial arm of government, a vey institution entrusted with

upholding the rule of law. The various cases of corrupt practices in the Nigerian Judiciary which

mainly centered on bribery involves the acceptance of financial or material gain and non-

material gain, with the sole aim of influencing judicial proceedings or administration of justice

(Langseth and Bryane, 2003). Corruption in the judiciary can be placed under two major

categories as viewed by Langseth and Bryane (2003) which are, administrative corruption and

operational corruption. While administrative corruption according to them occurs when court

administrative employees violate formal administrative procedures for their private benefit,

operational corruption takes place in grand corruption schemes where political and or

considerable economic interests are at stake (Langseth and Bryane, 2003: 21).

Our major concentration in this discourse is that kind of corruption that occurs when

judges in the courts (Tribunals, Court of Appeal & Supreme court) are exposed to various

political cases that invariably resulted in some of them taking bribe in order to pervert the course

of justice. While it might be expected that this brand of corruption involves only the transfer of

financial incentives to secure a favourable judicial decision, this is by no means the only way in

which judicial corruption can happen. These kind of corrupt activities were very prevalent in the

Fourth Republic which almost tore the Nigerian Judiciary apart. The International Commission

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of Jurists on Nigeria stated that “judicial corruption remains a major concern, and between 2002

and 2005, no fewer than Six Superior Court Judges, including Two Justices of the Court of

Appeal, were removed from their posts on charges of corruption, while a number of other judges

are under investigation” (Langseth and Bryane, 2003: 22).

In addition, Ugochukwu (2009) lamented that, the tide of Judicial Corruption changed

dramatically in the 2003 election cycle, along with the heightening of political stakes. The

elections themselves produced more than the usual share of absurd outcomes. This led to the

setting up of Judicial Tribunals across the country to examine cases of electoral frauds. Thus, the

judicial tribunals were brimmed with angry politicians. A number of angry politicians submitted

that judges had been corrupted following the outcome of some judgment on disputed elections.

This submission could be supported with some judges who were caught with their hands in the

cookie jar. Four judges namely, M. M. Adamu, T. Ahura, James Isede, and A. M. Elelegwu, who

participated in the tribunal that examined the governorship election petition in Akwa Ibom State,

were dismissed from their posts for bribery in 2004. The fifth judge, David Idiong, who was the

state chief judge at that time, was said to have allegedly distributed the bribes (Ugochukwu,

2009). As Ugochukwu (2009) noted that, in 2005, arising from their handling of the appeal in a

Senatorial contest in Anambra State, Okwuchukwu Opene and David Adeniji, both of the

Nigerian Court of Appeal, were removed from their posts for well-proven acts of corruption. In

fact, their judgment ended in a bizarre drama when members of the audience, in an expression of

anger when the judgment was being read, forced the judges to flee in different directions. A

committee set up under the auspices of the National Judicial Council and chaired by a retired

judge of the Court of Appeal established that Opene took 15 million naira (US$100,000) in

bribes while Adeniji accepted 12 million naira (US$80,000). The third judge, Kumai Bayang

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Akaahs, was said to have rejected the amount which was offered him and thus, instead delivered

a dissenting judgment (Ugochukwu, 2009:39).

This trend of financial corruption in the judiciary continued in 2007 following the

outcome of general election which was termed to be the worst election ever conducted since the

post-colonial Nigeria. The result of the general election spawned the largest amount of election

cases in the country’s history. In Anambra State, as Ugochukwu(2009) avers that, a member of

one of the State Tribunals resigned as its chair, citing pressure from unnamed sources to transfer

cases on three different occasions to another tribunal for no given reason (Ugochukwu,

2009:103). The chairman of the tribunal that first examined the 2007 Presidential Election

Petition, James Ogebe, was promoted to the Supreme Court just days before the judgment of the

tribunal he chaired was due (Ugochukwu, 2009:102). Apparently reacting to public outrage at

this development, he stayed away from the tribunal on the day judgment was given. The

government had no explanation for why the promotion could not at least be delayed until the job

of the tribunal was completed.

According to Adegbamigbe(2008) posits that, in Osun state incontrovertible evidence

existed that the chairperson of the Tribunal, Thomas Narons, had informal phone contact forty-

six times with the lawyer for one of the Parties in the State Governorship Petition while it was

pending. Several text messages also passed between them (Adegbamigbe, 2008:2). The lawyer in

question offered no defense to this allegation other than a letter from the telephone company

indicating that they did not authorize the release of the call records. Similarly, in Ondo State, the

chairperson of the Tribunal, Joseph Ikyegh, alleged an attempt by unidentified persons to bribe

the tribunal members to the tune of 100 million naira (Ugochukwu, 2009:100).

130

Corruption was also noticeable in the outcome of the Court of Appeal judgment over the

2007 Governorship Election in Kebbi state. At the Tribunal established in the state, the election

of Governor Usman Saidu Dakingari (PDP candidate) was nullified. Meanwhile, at the Court of

Appeal, strange thing happened to the earlier verdict given at the Tribunal. The court upturned

the judgment of the lower court in favour of the PDP candidate. Ordinarily, it is expected of the

Court of Appeal to uphold the decision of the Lower Tribunal, especially where the Lower

Tribunal is not bias in its judgment. There was a similarJudgment of the Tribunal and Court of

Appeal in the 2007 Governorship Elections in Ondo, Ekiti and Edo States. The case of Kebbi

State was a different one. Not so amazing was that a more favourable verdict went to the party in

the case of Kebbi State whose Governorship candidate of the PDP married to the daughter of late

President Umaru Yar’Adua. The dilemma was made more real given that the Court of Appeal

did not indicate that it was departing from the earlier judgment, as required by the principles of

precedent. It however became clearer that the Court of Appeal that upturned the Tribunal

judgment of the 2007 Governorship Election in Kebbi State was corrupt following the judgment

of the Supreme Court. The Apex court on Friday 24, February, 2012, set aside the judgment of

the Court of Appeal and in its stead upheld the judgment of the Kebbi State Tribunal which had

earlier nullified the governor’s election and ordered a fresh one (Samson and John2012).

The recent rift between the then President of Court of Appeal, Ayo Isa Salami and the

then Chief Judge of Nigeria, Aloysius Kastina-Alu, which led to the suspension of the President

of Court of Appeal was hinged on corrupt practices. The National Judicial Council (NJC) in

accord with its statutory and legal duties in 2011 set up a special investigative panel to determine

the culpability or otherwise of certain Judicial Officers with respect to allegations of financial

corruption that rocked the Judicial Arm of Government over several cases of election petitions

131

across the country. As Samsonand John(2012) noted that, the NJC Probe Panel was initially

headed by Justice Umaru Abdullahi. Justice Dahiru Musdapher, former Chief Judge of Nigeria

testified before NJC Probe Panel that Kastina-Alu never told Salami in his presence to give

judgment in favour of any party in the Sokoto Governorship Election Appeal in which Salami

was currently receiving the sticks on issues regarding election petition (Samsonand

John2012:11). Though the NJC had lifted the suspension of Ayo Salami, the fact remains that

allegation of financial corruption was leveled on the Judiciary. A corrupt judiciary means also

that the legal and institutional mechanism designed tocurb corruption generally will be

handicapped. The judiciary is the public institution that ismandated to provide essential checks

on other public institutions. A fair and efficient judiciary isthe key to anti-corruption initiatives.

Good governance is a relatively emerging conceptthat seeks to achieve societal balance and

justice in its broader sense. Transparency and accountability in publicadministration are the

principal indicators of good governance (Ogbeidi, 2012).

132

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY/CONCLUSION

The study analyzed the Platonic Republic and the challenges of the Nigerian State. Indeed, we

strived to provide plausible answers to the following questions:

a) To what extent can Platonic philosophy in the Republic influence political change in Nigerian

State?

b) Does the accumulation of Private Property undermine the realization of a Platonian State in

Nigeria?

The questions adduced to give focus and direction to the study helped us to formulate the

following hypothesis:

a) Plato’s ideas, reflected in the Republic, had enhanced change in democratic leadership in

Nigeria Sate.

b) The accumulation of wealth by the political leadership in Nigeria had been minimized when

practiced Plato’s ideas on democratic governance in Nigeria.

133

However, the study has four chapters, chapter one focused on the introduction of Plato’s

Republic. Therein also, we analysed Platonic ideal State and Political change in Nigeria state in

relation within the period of study, while other objectives of the study were:

a) To examine Plato’s ideas reflected in the Republic in relation to democratic leadership in

Nigeria.

b) To determine if the accumulation of wealth by the political leadership in Nigeria undermine

the realization of Plato’s ideas on democratic governance in Nigeria.

In the course of the study, the available data we presented validated both hypotheses.

Attempt was also made in this study to examine the structure, governance, politics and pragmatic

prowess of both Platonic Republic and Political challenges in Nigerian State.The governance and

politics in Nigeria as shown in this study, covered different facets of corrupt practices in Nigeria

state that, According to Adeola (2012) avers that over N 5 trillion in government funds have

been stolen through fraud embezzlement and theft since president assumed office on May 6,

2010 as the acting president. In the findings, the study noted that both Military and Civilian

regimes in the country is no doubt involved in corrupt practices in one way or the other. In the

area of military, notable corrupt practices took places which led to the various military coups in

the country. the civilian regime which the country look forward to follow due process in ensuring

the rule of law equally turn the constitution upside down and rule with impunity. According to

Oluwole (2003), note that democratic principles include those of justice, equity, freedom, liberty,

accountability, openness and transparency in government. No transparency, abandon the rule of

law and started all kinds of corrupt practices in the country. The Constitutional democracy is

almost equivalent to the Military regime that rule with decree.

134

It is worrisome however that democratization has not produced the expected result. According to

Toyo (1994), democracy in Nigeria is lamed and in turns of its conceptual outcome has failed to

meet the expectations of the people (Toyo, 1994).

In conclusion, the leadership Nigeria State have been involved in different facets of

corrupt practices in the both military and civilian regimes. In the Military era, the first coup was

a directed response to the corruption of the first Republic, headed by Nnamdi Azikwe and the

popular support of the military showed that Nigeria were lay expecting such a wind of change to

bail them out from the claws of the politicians of that era. General Aguiyi Thomas Ironsi that

replaced the sacked civilian regime because of corrupt practices were involves in

Misappropriation of funds. According to Okonkwo (2007) note that, they were found guilty of

misappropriate of funds as well as disregarding laid down procedures in the award of contracts

by parastatals under then ministry (Okonkwo, 2007). There were series coups upon coups, one

replacing the other with allegation of corruption practices in the leadership until the second

Republic headed by Alhaji Shehu Shagari. Even in the second Republic, corruption was also

rated high. According to Dash (1983) avers that, corruption among the Political leadership was

amplified due to greater availability of funds, it was claimed that over $16 billion in oil revenue

were lost between 1979 and 1983 during the reign of President Shehu Shagari (Dash, 1983).

Another coup ended the second Republic with allegation of corrupt practices by the

leaders of Shagari regime. The coup General Muhammadu Buhari as the Head of State and

promised to bring corrupt officials and their agents to book; and actually convicted state

governors and commissioners that were formed guilty. His regime ended with another on 198 by

General Ibrahim Babangida in allegation of lapsed ethnical judgement and scarcely showed

respect for human rights in its bid to entrench discipline and sanity in public life. General

135

Ibrahim Babangida did not fight corruption but rather institutionalized corruption in Nigerian

State. His regime refused to give account of the Gulf war windfall, which is estimated to be

$12.4billion. According to Maduagwu: Not only did the regime encourage corruption by

pardoning corrupt officials convicted by his predecessors and returning their seized properties,

the regime officially sanctioned corruption in the country and made it difficult to apply the only

potential measures (Maduagwu in Gboyega, 1996:5). General Babangida left office and wind

over to non-elected military- civilian interim nationalist government after the annulment of the

June 12, 1993 Presidential election, when seeing that the country cannot move forward Abacha

took over power from the Interim National Government by November 1993. Abacha’s regime

furthered the deep seated corrupt practices which already characterized public life since the

inception of Babangida regime. It was estimated that the embezzlement of public funds and

corruption proceeds Abacha and his family amounted to using 4 billion. The assumption of

office as the Head of State by General Babangida signalled a qualitative transformation of the

Nigeria State into a fully criminalized and indeed rogued State. The dictator, General Sani

Abacha died suddenly from a heart attack in June 1998. He was replaced by General

Abdulsalami Abubaka who subsequently handed over the reign of government to a

democratically elected civilian government in May 1999, having spent eleven months in power.

The third republic was sandwiched within the 13 yrs Military rule of General Babangida and

Sani Abacha. In Abubaka’s regime, According to Asia (2001) notes that, the government drained

the Countries External Reserves at that time $2.7 billion between 1998 and the end of March

1999.

The fourth Republic Started with President Olusegun Obasanjo in May 29, 1999. In fact,

the Military era from the fall of the 2nd Republic in 1983 and the Restoration of Democracy in

136

1999 represent an era in the history of the state when corruption was practically institutionalized

as the foundation and essence of leadership. However both the civilian and military leadership

reveals that corruption are positively corrected. The leadership class of Obasanjo regime from

the top to the grass root was almost entrapped in the snare of corruption. According to Adekeye

(2003) lamented that, obasanjo was fully in charge of the Petroleum Ministry, where high-level

corrrupt practices took place with impunity during his period. Over $400 million invested on the

Turn-around maintenance (TAM) and repairs of the refineries failed to yield any positive result,

and the contractors awarded the contractors were never brought to book (Adekeye, 2003:30).

The president handed over power after his second tenure to Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua on

May 29, 2007.

President Yar’ Adua takes the reign of affairs and started his government. In Yar’ Adua’s

leadership, corruption persisted. The entire administrations become riddle with corrupt practices.

According to Agbana (2007) avers that contracts were awarded for the renovation and furniture

of official residences of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker as well as the purchase of 12 Vehicles

for principal officers at N 579 million (Jimoh, Ogbodo and Agbana, 2009:1-2). President Yar’

Adua ended his regime with death and his Vice President take over government as Acting-

President on the 6th of May, 2010. Till date, the Vice President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan is still

on seat. Goodluck Jonathan’s administration has a long way to fight against corruption. This is

because according to Adeola (2012) pointed out that, over N 5 trillion in government funds have

been stolen through fraud embezzlement and theft since President Jonathan assumed office on

May 6th 2010, as a an Acting President (Adeola, 2012).

Regrettably, since Independence, a notable surviving legacy of the successive political

leadership both civilian and military that have managed the affairs of the country at different

137

times has been the institutionalization of corruption in all agencies of the public service, which,

like a deadly virus, has subsequently spread to the private sector of the country.In all, political

power has alternated between the civilian and the military since Independence and neither of the

two categories that ruled the country has done better in terms of corruption ratings (Storey,

1953).

RECOMMENDATION

With regards to Plato’s Republic and Political Change in Nigeria, there exist numerous

recommendations proffered by different scholars and researchers to improve the governance in

Nigeria State. Some of these cases as noted by Plato, (1992); Achebe, (1988); Ochulor, (2011);

Madhav, (2007); etc. are as follows:

• That society has to be governed by people who have thorough careful training, attained

the proper knowledge of human life and know the meaning of goodness in all its Forms.

Such knowledge makes a proper understanding of the purpose of government possible

(Plato, 1992).

• That our Leadership failures arises largely from the leaders themselves, from their

intellectual incapability, lack of discipline and political inexperience, no so much from

the political institutions, not so much from the system (Achebe, 1988).

• That the quality of leadership in Nigeria is lack of intellectual training and discipline. It

was recently we could have an academic doctor as President in Nigeria. This does not,

138

however, mean that adequate intellectual training is necessarily a guarantee for good

leadership, but it does help in this regard(Ochulor, 2011).

• That public accountability and transparency are as relevant for the one as for the other. It

is only when all these and various other sections of society, conduct their affairs in a

socially responsible manner that the objective of achieving large good of the largest

number of people in society can be achieved (Madhav, 2007). On this regard, the

following recommendations are made by the researcher;

With the aforementioned facts, the study admits that Nigeria to have good governance,

the National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives) should be scrapped and has a

philosophical body to make law in the country for the President to implement. This body should

stand independently like the Judiciary that has no election.The President should have his

ministers to work with and retire the accounts to the philosophical body yearly to checkmate the

account how they were expended and report to the Anti-corruption institutions when there is

fraud to take necessary action.

Moreso, the immunity clause in the constitution that granted the President or Governors

not to be investigated during his or her tenure in office should be withdrawn from the

constitution in chapter VIII, Part II, number 308 (1) (a) (b) (c) and (3). This says that no civil or

criminal proceedings shall be instituted against the President or Governor during his period of

office. That he shall not be arrested or imprisoned during his period of office. That, no process of

any court requiring or compelling the appearance of the President or Governor in court. It should

at least be minimal to enable the anti-corruption institutions to investigate and give the report to

the Judiciary to be called upon when necessary.

139

Furthermore, the Anti-corruption institutions in the country should be made Independent

of government interference for them to perfect their job.

Conclusively, punishment for corruption should be made higher than the gains in all

political institutions and other high places.

When these principles are been put to practice, Nigeria corruption will be eroded

gradually become a Good Society like Plato’s Republic of a just state. The just state is the Good

Society where intellects make good decision for the benefit of all. The harmony of the three

organs of government working together will effectuate a just state (Plato, 1992).

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(Lagos) June 24 Mbamalu, M. (2010) “EFCC Report Indicts House Principal Officers” The Guardian (Lagos)

June 27. Oloja, M. (2009), “Yar’Adua speaks, vows to break corruption, power jinx” The Guardian

(Lagos): April 27. Storey, B. (1953).Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Administration of Lagos Town Council.Lagos: Government Printer. Ugbolue, H. (2000) “The fall of Okadigbo” The News August 14. Umukoro, M. (2008) “The anatomy of corruption” The Guardian (Lagos): September 29. Internet Materials

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Human Rights Watch, (2007).Criminal Politics.Godfather and corruption in Nigeria.Retrieved on 11th April 2013 from www.hrw.org.

Kofarmata, D.A. State Governors and Nigeria’s Anti-corruption War, Herndon (USA), 2005.

Retrieved on August 12, 2012 from http://www.dawodu.com/kofarmata2.htm. Madhav G (2007). Report of the one man Committee on Good Governance, July Human Right

Watch (2007) “Election or “Selection”? Human Rights Abuse and Threats to Free and Fair Elections in Nigeria” Retrieved on April 11th, 2013 from http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/nigeria0407/index.ht.

Ochulor, C. L. (2011) Failure of leadership in Nigeria. American Journal of Social and

Management Sciences.Retrieved on May 6th, 2013 from www.scihub.org/AJSMS Okonkwo, R. (2007). Corruption in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective (1947 – 2002). In African

Unchained.Retrieved on June 14th, 2013 from http://africaunchained.blogspot.com/2007/09/corruption-in-nigeriahistorical.html.

Shettima, A.G. (2009). Presidential media chat: Matters arising. Retrieved on May 13th, 2013

from http://www.amanaonline.com/Articles/ Shettima/ Shettima 15.htm. UNESCO (2005). Good Governance. Retrieved on June 13th, 2013 from

http://portal.unesco.org/ci/en/ev.php.

148

APPENDIX

STRUCTURE OF NIGERIAN STATE

STRUCTURE OF PLATO’S REPUBLIC

NATIONAL ASSEMBLY: UPPER AND LOWER HOUSE

EXECUTIVE ARM OF

GOVERNMENT

LEGISLATIVE ARM OF

GOVERNMENT

JUDICIAL ARM OF GOVERNMENT

SUPREME COURT APPEAL COURT

HIGH COURT CUSTOMARY COURT

PRESIDENT, VICE PRESIDENT AND MINISTERS

149

PARTS OF THE SOUL

This Excel-sheet provides the 2004 Corruption Perceptions Index, compiled at the University of Passau on behalf of Transparency International. For information on data

and methodology please consult the press release and the framework document at www.transparency.org or ICGG.ORG

love

desire

sorrow

satisfaction

aversion

hate fear

daring

despair

anger

hope

Rational

Emotions

Appetite Spirit

Emotions

150

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2004

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1 Finland 9.7 9 0.3 9.2 - 10.0 9.5 - 9.8

2 New Zealand 9.6 9 0.2 9.2 - 9.7 9.4 - 9.6

3 Denmark 9.5 10 0.3 8.7 - 9.8 9.3 - 9.7

3 Iceland 9.5 8 0.2 9.2 - 9.8 9.4 - 9.7

5 Singapore 9.3 13 0.3 8.5 - 9.5 9.2 - 9.4

6 Sweden 9.2 11 0.2 8.7 - 9.5 9.1 - 9.3

7 Switzerland 9.1 10 0.3 8.6 - 9.4 8.9 - 9.2

8 Norway 8.9 9 0.5 8.0 - 9.5 8.6 - 9.1

9 Australia 8.8 15 0.8 6.7 - 9.5 8.4 - 9.1

10 Netherlands 8.7 10 0.4 8.3 - 9.4 8.5 - 8.9

11 United Kingdom 8.6 12 0.5 7.8 - 9.2 8.4 - 8.8

12 Canada 8.5 12 0.9 6.5 - 9.4 8.1 - 8.9

13 Austria 8.4 10 0.7 7.3 - 9.3 8.1 - 8.8

13 Luxembourg 8.4 7 0.8 7.3 - 9.6 8.0 - 8.9

15 Germany 8.2 11 0.6 7.5 - 9.2 8.0 - 8.5

16 Hong Kong 8.0 13 1.5 3.5 - 9.4 7.1 - 8.5

17 Belgium 7.5 10 0.8 6.6 - 9.1 7.1 - 8.0

17 Ireland 7.5 10 0.7 6.5 - 8.7 7.2 - 7.9

17 USA 7.5 14 1.1 5.0 - 8.7 6.9 - 8.0

20 Chile 7.4 11 0.7 6.3 - 8.7 7.0 - 7.8

21 Barbados 7.3 3 0.7 6.6 - 8.0 6.6 - 7.6

22 France 7.1 12 1.1 5.0 - 9.0 6.6 - 7.6

22 Spain 7.1 11 0.6 5.6 - 8.0 6.7 - 7.4

24 Japan 6.9 15 1.4 3.5 - 9.0 6.2 - 7.4

25 Malta 6.8 4 1.9 5.3 - 9.1 5.3 - 8.2

26 Israel 6.4 10 1.4 3.5 - 8.1 5.6 - 7.1

27 Portugal 6.3 9 0.9 5.0 - 7.3 5.8 - 6.8

28 Uruguay 6.2 6 0.6 5.6 - 7.3 5.9 - 6.7

29 Oman 6.1 5 1.2 4.2 - 7.3 5.1 - 6.8

29 United Arab Emirates 6.1 5 1.5 4.7 - 8.0 5.1 - 7.1

31 Botswana 6.0 7 1.3 4.4 - 8.0 5.3 - 6.8

31 Estonia 6.0 12 1.2 5.0 - 9.1 5.6 - 6.7

31 Slovenia 6.0 12 1.0 5.3 - 8.7 5.6 - 6.6

34 Bahrain 5.8 5 0.5 5.3 - 6.6 5.5 - 6.2

35 Taiwan 5.6 15 1.0 3.7 - 7.8 5.2 - 6.1

36 Cyprus 5.4 4 0.5 4.7 - 6.0 5.0 - 5.8

37 Jordan 5.3 9 1.2 3.7 - 6.8 4.6 - 5.9

38 Qatar 5.2 4 0.6 4.3 - 5.8 4.6 - 5.6

39 Malaysia 5.0 15 1.3 2.6 - 8.0 4.5 - 5.6

39 Tunisia 5.0 7 0.9 3.7 - 6.6 4.5 - 5.6

41 Costa Rica 4.9 8 1.3 3.6 - 7.8 4.2 - 5.8

42 Hungary 4.8 12 0.5 4.1 - 5.6 4.6 - 5.0

42 Italy 4.8 10 0.7 3.4 - 5.6 4.4 - 5.1

151

44 Kuwait 4.6 5 1.0 3.4 - 5.6 3.8 - 5.3

44 Lithuania 4.6 9 1.3 3.1 - 7.7 4.0 - 5.4

44 South Africa 4.6 11 0.7 3.4 - 5.8 4.2 - 5.0

47 South Korea 4.5 14 1.0 2.2 - 5.8 4.0 - 4.9

48 Seychelles 4.4 3 0.8 3.7 - 5.3 3.7 - 5.0

49 Greece 4.3 9 0.7 3.8 - 5.6 4.0 - 4.8

49 Suriname 4.3 3 2.2 2.1 - 6.6 2.1 - 5.8

51 Czech Republic 4.2 11 1.2 3.4 - 7.3 3.7 - 4.9

51 El Salvador 4.2 7 1.5 2.1 - 6.3 3.3 - 5.1

51 Trinidad and Tobago 4.2 6 1.2 3.3 - 6.6 3.6 - 5.2

54 Bulgaria 4.1 10 0.9 2.9 - 5.7 3.7 - 4.6

54 Mauritius 4.1 5 1.1 2.5 - 5.6 3.2 - 4.8

54 Namibia 4.1 7 0.9 2.6 - 5.3 3.5 - 4.6

57 Latvia 4.0 8 0.4 3.5 - 4.8 3.8 - 4.3

57 Slovakia 4.0 11 0.9 3.0 - 5.6 3.6 - 4.5

59 Brazil 3.9 11 0.4 3.5 - 4.8 3.7 - 4.1

60 Belize 3.8 3 0.5 3.4 - 4.3 3.4 - 4.1

60 Colombia 3.8 10 0.7 2.5 - 4.5 3.4 - 4.1

62 Cuba 3.7 4 1.7 1.6 - 5.6 2.2 - 4.7

62 Panama 3.7 7 0.7 3.0 - 5.1 3.4 - 4.2

64 Ghana 3.6 7 0.9 2.5 - 5.1 3.1 - 4.1

64 Mexico 3.6 11 0.5 2.6 - 4.5 3.3 - 3.8

64 Thailand 3.6 14 0.7 2.5 - 4.5 3.3 - 3.9

67 Croatia 3.5 9 0.4 2.7 - 4.2 3.3 - 3.8

67 Peru 3.5 8 0.4 2.6 - 4.0 3.3 - 3.7

67 Poland 3.5 13 0.9 2.4 - 5.3 3.1 - 3.9

67 Sri Lanka 3.5 8 0.8 2.5 - 4.5 3.1 - 3.9

71 China 3.4 16 1.0 2.1 - 5.6 3.0 - 3.8

71 Saudi Arabia 3.4 5 1.0 2.0 - 4.5 2.7 - 4.0

71 Syria 3.4 5 1.1 2.1 - 5.1 2.8 - 4.1

74 Belarus 3.3 5 1.9 1.6 - 5.8 1.9 - 4.8

74 Gabon 3.3 3 1.1 2.1 - 4.3 2.1 - 3.7

74 Jamaica 3.3 6 0.7 2.1 - 4.2 2.8 - 3.7

77 Benin 3.2 3 1.6 2.0 - 5.1 2.0 - 4.3

77 Egypt 3.2 8 1.0 2.1 - 5.1 2.7 - 3.8

77 Mali 3.2 5 1.5 1.5 - 5.1 2.2 - 4.2

77 Morocco 3.2 7 0.5 2.5 - 3.9 2.9 - 3.5

77 Turkey 3.2 13 0.9 1.9 - 5.4 2.8 - 3.7

82 Armenia 3.1 5 0.9 2.3 - 4.3 2.4 - 3.7

82 Bosnia and Herzegovina 3.1 7 0.6 2.3 - 4.0 2.7 - 3.5

82 Madagascar 3.1 4 1.7 1.7 - 5.3 1.8 - 4.4

85 Mongolia 3.0 3 0.4 2.6 - 3.4 2.6 - 3.2

85 Senegal 3.0 6 0.8 2.0 - 4.2 2.5 - 3.5

87 Dominican Republic 2.9 6 0.7 2.0 - 3.6 2.4 - 3.3

87 Iran 2.9 5 0.8 1.6 - 3.7 2.2 - 3.4

87 Romania 2.9 12 0.9 1.7 - 5.1 2.5 - 3.4

90 Gambia 2.8 5 0.9 1.6 - 3.8 2.2 - 3.4

90 India 2.8 15 0.5 2.2 - 3.7 2.6 - 3.0

90 Malawi 2.8 5 1.0 2.0 - 4.5 2.2 - 3.7

90 Mozambique 2.8 7 0.6 2.1 - 3.7 2.4 - 3.1

152

90 Nepal 2.8 3 1.0 1.6 - 3.5 1.6 - 3.4

90 Russia 2.8 15 0.8 2.0 - 5.0 2.5 - 3.1

90 Tanzania 2.8 7 0.6 2.0 - 3.7 2.4 - 3.2

97 Algeria 2.7 6 0.5 2.0 - 3.4 2.3 - 3.0

97 Lebanon 2.7 5 0.9 1.6 - 3.7 2.1 - 3.2

97 Macedonia 2.7 7 0.8 2.1 - 4.3 2.3 - 3.2

97 Nicaragua 2.7 7 0.4 2.1 - 3.5 2.5 - 3.0

97 Serbia and Montenegro 2.7 7 0.6 2.1 - 3.5 2.3 - 3.0

102 Eritrea 2.6 3 1.4 1.6 - 4.2 1.6 - 3.4

102 Papua New Guinea 2.6 4 1.2 1.6 - 4.3 1.9 - 3.4

102 Philippines 2.6 14 0.6 1.4 - 3.7 2.4 - 2.9

102 Uganda 2.6 7 0.8 2.0 - 3.7 2.1 - 3.1

102 Vietnam 2.6 11 0.6 1.6 - 3.7 2.3 - 2.9

102 Zambia 2.6 6 0.5 2.0 - 3.4 2.3 - 2.9

108 Albania 2.5 4 0.6 2.0 - 3.3 2.0 - 3.0

108 Argentina 2.5 11 0.6 1.7 - 3.7 2.2 - 2.8

108 Libya 2.5 4 0.7 1.8 - 3.5 1.9 - 3.0

108 Palestine 2.5 3 0.5 2.0 - 2.9 2.0 - 2.7

112 Ecuador 2.4 7 0.2 2.1 - 2.6 2.3 - 2.5

112 Yemen 2.4 5 0.7 1.6 - 3.5 1.9 - 2.9

114 Congo, Republic 2.3 4 0.4 2.0 - 2.9 2.0 - 2.7

114 Ethiopia 2.3 6 0.8 1.6 - 3.7 1.9 - 2.9

114 Honduras 2.3 7 0.4 1.5 - 2.9 2.0 - 2.6

114 Moldova 2.3 5 0.6 1.8 - 3.4 2.0 - 2.8

114 Sierra Leone 2.3 3 0.5 2.0 - 2.9 2.0 - 2.7

114 Uzbekistan 2.3 6 0.2 2.0 - 2.5 2.1 - 2.4

114 Venezuela 2.3 11 0.3 2.0 - 3.0 2.2 - 2.5

114 Zimbabwe 2.3 7 0.7 1.2 - 3.3 1.9 - 2.7

122 Bolivia 2.2 6 0.2 2.0 - 2.5 2.1 - 2.3

122 Guatemala 2.2 7 0.3 1.6 - 2.5 2.0 - 2.4

122 Kazakhstan 2.2 7 0.7 1.6 - 3.7 1.8 - 2.7

122 Kyrgyzstan 2.2 5 0.3 1.8 - 2.6 2.0 - 2.5

122 Niger 2.2 3 0.4 2.0 - 2.6 2.0 - 2.5

122 Sudan 2.2 5 0.2 2.0 - 2.5 2.0 - 2.3

122 Ukraine 2.2 10 0.4 1.6 - 2.9 2.0 - 2.4

129 Cameroon 2.1 5 0.3 1.7 - 2.6 1.9 - 2.3

129 Iraq 2.1 4 1.0 1.2 - 3.5 1.3 - 2.8

129 Kenya 2.1 7 0.5 1.6 - 3.1 1.9 - 2.4

129 Pakistan 2.1 7 0.8 1.2 - 3.3 1.6 - 2.6

133 Angola 2.0 5 0.3 1.5 - 2.1 1.7 - 2.1

133 Congo, Democratic Republic 2.0 3 0.5 1.5 - 2.5 1.5 - 2.2

133 Cote d´Ivoire 2.0 5 0.4 1.6 - 2.5 1.7 - 2.2

133 Georgia 2.0 7 0.6 1.0 - 2.6 1.6 - 2.3

133 Indonesia 2.0 14 0.6 0.8 - 3.2 1.7 - 2.2

133 Tajikistan 2.0 4 0.4 1.6 - 2.6 1.7 - 2.4

133 Turkmenistan 2.0 3 0.5 1.6 - 2.5 1.6 - 2.3

140 Azerbaijan 1.9 7 0.2 1.6 - 2.1 1.8 - 2.0

140 Paraguay 1.9 7 0.5 1.2 - 2.6 1.7 - 2.2

142 Chad 1.7 4 0.7 1.0 - 2.6 1.1 - 2.3

142 Myanmar 1.7 4 0.3 1.5 - 2.1 1.5 - 2.0

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The 2012 Corruption Index cannot

be pasted because it is a PDF material.

144 NIGERIA 1.6 9 0.4 0.9 - 2.1 1.4 - 1.8

145 Bangladesh 1.5 8 0.8 0.3 - 2.4 1.1 - 1.9

145 Haiti 1.5 5 0.6 0.8 - 2.4 1.2 - 1.9