32
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  • 1

    Q !Q !I I ! !

    BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY

    PAPER - 11 ISSUE - 238 FRIDAY 20 MARCH 2015

    FREE

    LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP

    (Terms & Conditions Apply)

    Driver / Passenger within last 3 years

    3 F MO

    Call Free:0800 032 6798 | Tel: 020 8665 7667

    MMMinni cabb PCOCO

    M? P?

    Web: www.lacl.co.uk | Mail: [email protected]

    NO WIN

    NO FEE

    * Other Insurance charges may apply

    ***

    UK

    044 4261 3698Poul & Minnaa

    UK Immigration Specialist

    !"

    F

    ML

    UK M

    c Q c Al? F v GK M?

    c M H k? M. Q K

    F W M MH

    020 8215 1205

    Paul John & Co.Solicitorswebsite - www.pauljohnandco.co.uk

    115a, The Grove, Stratford, E15 1EN

    M M H .

    M

    F WWW.ORUMANAM.COM

    We will help you to find theright place

    WANT TO BE A DOCTOR?Didnt get a place?Dont worry you havent missed out

    d the

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    HSFC offers comprehensive services in the areas of assistedreproduction (including IVF, ICSI,egg donation and egg sharing),gynaecology, and male infertility.

    We have a flexible schedule, including appointments in the evenings and weekends.

    A 20 FF

    06-06-2015 QA 10.00 E

    M J 14 O F ! !

    P ! I F I 2015

    I 1 I 12 ...

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  • 2

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  • 3khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 2015

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    BILINGUAL FORTNIGHTLY

    PAPER - 11 ISSUE - 237 FRIDAY 06 MARCH 2015

    FREE

    LONDON ACCIDENT CLAIMS LIMITED70 Windmill Road, Croydon, CR0 2XP

    (Terms & Conditions Apply)

    Driver / Passenger within last 3 years

    3 F MO

    Call Free:0800 032 6798 | Tel: 020 8665 7667

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  • khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 20154

    pg

    The very fact that no Indian Prime Minister before Mr Modi hitherto cared to visit Jaffna

    shows the long-offensive foreign

    policy attitude of New Delhi towards

    the nation of Eezham Tamils, located

    at the closest proximity to India. This

    should be read along with another

    foreign policy fact that it was in the

    case of Eezham Tamils India for the

    first time in its history was involved

    in the crime of genocide outside

    of its country. Both stemmed from

    an adamantly practised policy of

    New Delhi viewing Eezham Tamils

    through the prism of Sri Lanka

    and the establishment in Colombo.

    Whether China or the USA, or both

    whatever may be the ultimate foreign

    policy concern of India, the times are

    such that New Delhi should learn to

    approach Eezham Tamils as a nation

    of its own right.

    Mr Narendra Modis current visit

    to Jaffna and Trincomalee through

    Colombo is part of a larger Indian

    Ocean agenda of countering Chinese

    influence rather than showing justice

    to Eezham Tamils affected by the

    long injustices of New Delhi.

    It is time for New

    Delhi to think of an

    alternative foreign

    policy that recognises

    the nation of natural

    ally in the island

    and patch up with it,

    before deeply offended

    sentiments of this nation

    in the internationalised

    atmosphere of today

    count India out for

    generations.

    It is obvious what would be the

    priority in the bargain and shopping

    list. It wont be the removal of the

    occupying genocidal military or

    allowing international justice to reach

    Tamils, or it wont even be Tamils

    getting their international airport

    back at Palaali for their worldwide

    diaspora to directly interact, but

    Trincomalee to become a petroleum

    hub. Tamils have no say, even on

    what hub Trincomalee should be.

    Colomos cabinet minister

    Champika Ranawaka has already

    spoken to The Hindu on Tuesday,

    that Dont look at Sri Lanka through

    Tamil prism, and that we have

    created a unique, organic culture

    here. Probably he was referring to the

    genocidal culture and its preservation

    for the usual, blackmailing bargain of

    the Sinhala States China policy.

    It is time for New Delhi to think

    of an alternative foreign policy that

    recognises the nation of natural ally

    in the island and patch up with it,

    before deeply offended sentiments

    of this nation in the internationalised

    atmosphere of today count India out

    for generations.

    So far New Delhis foreign policy

    attitude towards Eezham Tamils was

    either that of a dog that missed the

    squirrel (A'nil ea'ravidda naay) or

    that of a dog in the manger (Vaikkal

    paddadai naay).

    New Delhi should no more block or

    hijack any international justice coming

    to Eezham Tamils for the international

    crimes committed on them.

    There should be an end to the

    policy that committed war crimes

    in the country of Eezham Tamils

    and built memorial for the IPKF in

    Colombo.

    Mr Narendra Modis

    current visit to Jaffna

    and Trincomalee

    through Colombo is part

    of a larger Indian Ocean

    agenda of countering

    Chinese influence rather

    than showing justice to

    Eezham Tamils affected

    by the long injustices of

    New Delhi.

    The current Foreign Secretary of

    New Delhi was in Colombo as political

    work diplomat of the IPKF in the late

    1980s, and he should know.

    Tamil polity should never abandon

    internationalising the process of

    justice, until the justice is delivered

    to its righteous satisfaction and to the

    benefit of entire humanity.

    F R I D AY, M A R C H 2 0 , 2 0 1 5 , I S S U E 2 3 8

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    New Delhi should stop looking at Eezham Tamils through Colombo

    Courtsy: Tamilnet

  • 5MARCH 20 - APRIL 02, 2015

    pg

    O G . . .

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    What is the difference between a changing context and a paradigm shift?

    The anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa spanned most of the last century. A paradigm shift, enabled by a vast political process of struggle, was required to make the radical change from minority white oppressive rule, to the majority, black people, being included in government. The repressive mechanisms that had tried to crush activists, human rights defenders and all who struggled for civil rights and justice were notorious. The methods included systematic violence, torture and killings. I remember clearly that fateful day when Ruth First was killedby a parcel bomb in 1982. Her daughterspoke on BBC Radio recently.

    Many factors eventually led to those in power, who maintained an unjust oppressive system for decades, accepting a completely transformed situation where they no longer held the power alone but shared it with all citizens. Many had asserted that change was impossible. They lacked vision, compassion and political will. But the movement of peoples and systems which favoured change, in the end succeeded in overturning the Nothing-can-ever-change brigade.

    In South Africa, the change was stark and liberating. A friend of mine, in his 30s, doing post-graduate study in the UK, returned to his country, South Africa, in 1994 to vote for the first time in his life. It was a moving experience a sense of being liberated from shackles of oppression.

    A crucial component of the change process was the country facing up to the violent deeds and effects of the past. Truth had long been a casualty and victim and while the real facts were buried, there could be no reconciliation. There has to be a sense of collective remorse for violations committed for the healing power of reconciliation to work.

    It is at best laughable, as worst cruel and calculating, to say reconciliation can happen while the oppressed are continually exploited and down-trodden and when there has been

    no meaningful change.

    Of course promise of change can go

    on and on without ever materialising

    in anything worth the paper it is

    written on.

    Unfortunately this is the case in Sri

    Lanka. There has been a change of

    government, but the real underlying

    injustices are still as firmly in place

    as ever. Messages and speeches for

    international consumption are cleverly

    constructed to give a cosmetic image

    of real change. But nothing could

    be further from the truth. It was the

    Tamils in the North and East firmly

    supporting the new President, who

    were the kingmakers ensuring his

    success. Without them he couldnt

    have become President. They were

    hoping for real change. Yet there was

    nothing in Sirisenas election pledges

    about their future at all. Despite Sri

    Lanka saying in international forums

    for decades that the government is

    working on a political solution for

    the Tamils no fruit has ever been

    produced.

    Sri Lanka managed to garner

    support from many countries when

    the informal discussions on the UN

    resolution took place in Geneva in

    March 2014 during the Human Rights

    Council HRC. Attempts were made

    to water it down, to remove mention

    of the 13th Amendment, remove any

    reference to demilitarisation in the

    North and East, and so on. Fortunately

    these efforts were not successful.

    It has long been established that

    militarisation of society leads to

    increased human rights violations

    and increased persecution of human

    rights defenders. But Sri Lanka

    has strong paid lobby to support its

    dissemination of its perspective.

    It is very important to realise that

    when a government is committing

    genocide, it will do anything it

    possibly can, including violent

    repression, torture and victimisation,

    to ensure that no other State interferes

    in its genocidal programme. This is

    critical. No one can justify or accept

    genocide. So at all cost the reality has

    to be kept from the understanding of

    the international community.

    In reality, Tamils in Sri Lanka have

    been, and are, victims of genocide. I

    do not have space here to go through

    the well-established arguments. But

    they are crystal clear and indisputable.

    The Tamils are a people. The Sri

    Lankan state has, over decades,

    calculatedly used state apparatus

    to conduct systematic massacres of

    genocidal proportions. This has been

    well documented by the highest and

    most objective of international human

    rights organisations. Representations

    have been made to UN human

    rights mechanisms since 1987, our

    organisation has been working on this

    since 1990.

    Genocide has eight stages. The

    final one is denial. A book could be

    written on each of these stages with

    regard to the suffering of the Tamils

    of Sri Lanka.

    Do not let the fact that the Tamils

    rose up in a liberation movement to

    defend themselves having been put

    in a position where they were forced

    to wage an armed struggle as last

    resort cloud your understanding of

    cause and effect. Yes, once war was

    all-out, there were killings on both

    sides.

    However we must never forget that

    the armed forces of the state were

    responsible for the vast majority of

    the killings of Sinhalese civilians

    through the actions of homeguards

    and paramilitary forces. As said

    earlier, the Sri Lankan armed and

    security forces wielded a horrific

    level of persecution against the

    Tamil people. Victims were tortured,

    disappeared, killed, women were

    gang-raped and murdered, the

    whole population starved by a cruel

    economic embargo for years, mass

    displacements of civilians who

    languish in IDP camps for decades,

    continuing even now, bombing and

    artillery shelling of Tamil areas since

    the 1980s the list goes on.

    We all know the culmination

    of the killings in 2009. The war

    crimes committed by the Sri

    Lanka government since the 1980s

    grotesquely became a heinous final

    solution and the rest is history. See

    the Channel 4 documentary Killing

    Fields, Read the report of the Panel

    of UN Experts and many other

    documents available.

    All this, the Sri Lankan governments

    (previous and present) would like the

    international community to ignore,

    sweep under the carpet. They would

    like the world to think that all the

    past problems can be resolved by

    a domestic process of inquiry and

    reconciliation. But that is impossible.

    The same authorities believing in the

    justified oppression and killing of

    Tamils, will be in charge, and create

    yet another smokescreen to try to

    hide the brutal reality.

    Foreign Minister Mangala

    Samaraweeras statement to the

    HRC was excellent for consumption

    by the international community.

    The commitment to the LLRC

    which lacks by far the rigour and

    vision needed in the situation, his

    reference to the re-introduction of

    17th amendment and repeal of the

    18th are all intended to make

    the international community feel

    the government is committed to

    positive change to human rights,

    reconciliation, accountability and

    co-operation.

    But he should, and could, have

    spoken about commitment to real

    political change, to the devolution

    of political authority, to the 13th

    amendment, long referred to in

    speeches to foreign audiences. But it is

    put on and off the government agenda

    like a hot potato. Such devolution is

    integral to reconciliation and the full

    enjoyment of human rights by all the

    population, as the UNHRC resolution

    articulates.

    Predictably, he talked about

    South Africa and the government

    so-called commitment to a Truth and

    Reconciliation process. But South

    Africa must not be fooled. There is

    not even a whisper of a mention of

    a solution to the real deep-rooted

    problems and endemic injustice.

    There are many possible templates

    for a solution to the problem, the

    world over, where peoples in areas

    colonised have won recognised self-

    determination rights or autonomy.

    But even these possibilities have

    never been considered by the

    successive governments, let alone the

    recognition of the real aspirations of

    the Tamil people for self-rule, voted

    for overwhelmingly way back in

    1977, and again in 2004. In the latter

    election the Tamil people exercised

    their right to self- determination

    to take part in the then unfolding

    Peace Process of the early 2000s, as

    partners for peace.

    Consider this question: Would there

    have been a Truth and Reconciliation

    process set in motion by the UN

    in Indonesia if East Timor had not

    been on the pathway to becoming

    independent? Can you imagine the

    whole of the East Timorese liberation

    movement massacred, followed

    by the instigation of a Truth and

    Reconciliation Commission, working

    with Indonesians and the remaining

    East Timorese people insisting they

    be called Indonesians! This is pure

    fantasy.

    We need to look reality in the

    face. Call a spade a spade. Call

    genocide, genocide. This is the

    only way forward. Then stop the

    oppression. Solutions, internal

    self-determination, external self-

    determination, autonomous regions,

    cantons like in Switzerland, devolved

    power through regional states like in

    India, or USA, and these are just a

    few solutions. There are many more

    possibilities.

    But while the government is made

    up of a Sinhalese people the majority

    of whom have been fed since 1930s

    with a racist ideology of Sinhala

    chauvinism, in other words, ideas

    of superiority of the Sinhalese who

    can with impunity oppress Tamils,

    and any other non-Buddhist people

    there is no hope that the tweaks and

    cosmetic fixes that the new President

    and interim government speak about,

    will produce any meaningful change.

    A paradigm shift is needed.

    Constructive and genuine work

    for Human Rights both civil

    and political rights and economic,

    social and cultural rights, will lead

    to solutions. Blindfolds need to be

    removed, to enable clear vision, and

    real freedom must be sought for all

    the people of the island.

    ( The writer is the author of The Tamil Peoples Rights to self-Determination published in the Cambridge Review of International Affairs )

    Change But No Change In Sri Lanka

    By Deirdre McConnell

  • khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 20156

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    The Sri Lankan governments

    decision to review, and in effect

    suspend, the $US1.4 billion, Chinese-

    backed Colombo Port City (CPC)

    project has strained relations between

    Beijing and Colombo. The review

    was announced in January shortly

    after Maithripala Sirisena defeated

    President Mahinda Rajapakse in the

    presidential election and formed a

    new government led by the opposition

    United National Party (UNP).

    The agreement to build the port

    facility was signed when Chinese

    President Xi Jinping visited Sri

    Lanka last September. The plan was

    to construct a modern 500-acre (230

    hectare) city, with hotels, apartments

    and office buildings, on earth fill

    near the seafront of Colombo harbor.

    About 200 acres were to be held by

    China Communications Construction

    Company (CCCC), the main

    contractor, on a 99-year lease. Another

    50 acres were to be granted outright.

    The project, which was sealed with

    the Rajapakse government, is part of

    Xis ambitious plan for a Maritime

    Silk Route, involving substantial

    investment in Asia and Africa aimed

    at boosting trade and tourism. Beijing

    is pushing the scheme as a means of

    extending its influence in the Indo-

    Pacific region and securing shipping

    routes on which it relies for importing

    energy and raw materials from Africa

    and the Middle East.

    In the course of the campaign for

    the January presidential election,

    Maithripala Sirisena and his backers

    repeatedly criticised Chinese

    investments in the country and

    Rajapakses ties with Beijing, and

    indicated a shift in foreign policy

    towards the US and India.

    The US was hostile to the Rajapakse

    government and its ties with China.

    US efforts to undermine Chinese

    influence in Colombo are part of

    the Obama administrations broader

    pivot to Asiaa comprehensive

    diplomatic, economic and military

    strategy aimed at ensuring continued

    American dominance.

    Washington exploited the issue of

    Sri Lankan war crimes during the civil

    war against the separatist Liberation

    Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to put

    pressure on Rajapakse. When that

    failed, the US gave the green light for

    what amounted to a regime-change

    operation in the January election

    worked out months in advance

    with former president Chandrika

    Kumaratunga and opposition UNP

    leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

    Since coming to power, Sirisena

    and the UNP-led government have

    rapidly shifted foreign policy away

    from Beijing and towards Washington

    and New Delhi. High-level exchanges

    have already taken place between

    Sri Lanka and the US and India. The

    governments decision in January to

    review the port project was another

    clear signal that it was distancing

    itself from China.

    The Chinese government sent

    special envoy Liu Jianchao in early

    February to discuss the possible

    cancellation of the port project. After

    the visit, Liu said The project will

    continue only after being re-evaluated.

    We respect the decision by Colombo.

    His comments suggested that

    the government confronted legal

    problems in cancelling the contracts

    for the construction.

    The Sri Lankan government has based

    its review on environmental issues,

    alleged corruption and investment

    figures that were supposedly inflated

    by the Rajapakse government.

    Moreover, the decision on the huge

    project appears to have generated

    differences within the government

    over how to proceed.

    An article in

    mid-February in the

    US-based Foreign

    Policy noted that

    Sirisena had appeared

    to give approval

    for the port project

    so as to avoid a

    misunderstanding with

    China. That raised

    eyebrows, because his

    [Sirisenas] election

    was widely seen as a

    blow to Chinas budding

    friendship with Sri

    Lanka; former President

    Mahinda Rajapakse

    had steadily moved

    Sri Lanka closer to

    Beijing, it stated.

    An article in mid-February in

    the US-based Foreign Policy noted

    that Sirisena had appeared to give

    approval for the port project so as

    to avoid a misunderstanding

    with China. That raised eyebrows,

    because his [Sirisenas] election was

    widely seen as a blow to Chinas

    budding friendship with Sri Lanka;

    former President Mahinda Rajapakse

    had steadily moved Sri Lanka closer

    to Beijing, it stated.

    At the same time, Foreign Policy

    noted that Prime Minister

    Wickremesinghe attempted to walk

    back Sirisenas approval in comments

    to parliament. The fact that the fate of

    the project was being closely followed

    in the US makes clear that the Sri Lankan

    government was under considerable

    pressure from Washington and its allies.

    During a visit to Beijing in late

    February, Sri Lankan Foreign

    Minister Mangala Samaraweera made

    clear that the review was continuing

    and the future of the port project

    was not guaranteed. In response to

    a media question, Samaraweera also

    ruled out any repeat visit of a Chinese

    submarine, which docked last year in

    Colombo during the Japanese prime

    ministers visit. India in particular

    protested over the incident.

    The port project received a further

    blow when Sri Lankan Investment

    Promotion Minister Kabir Hashim

    threatened legal action against the

    Chinese contractor, CCCC, if it did

    not suspend construction work. He

    warned that the ministry of ports will

    take necessary action to halt the work

    until this inquiry is done.

    CCCC suspended the project from

    March 6. CHEC Port City Colombo,

    the private company carrying out work

    for CCCC, also issued a statement

    noting that it had been asked to

    produce all documents signed with

    the Colombo government. CCCC has

    complained that it is losing $380,000

    a day as a result of the suspension,

    which affects about 1,000 workers

    directly and another 4,000 indirectly.

    China has implicitly warned

    that Chinese investment could

    be compromised if the project

    is cancelled. Foreign Ministry

    spokeswoman Hua Chunying

    pointedly called for a resolution

    of the issue to preserve Chinese

    companies confidence to invest in

    Sri Lanka in the overall interests of

    China-Sri Lanka friendliness and the

    fundamental interests of Sri Lankas

    national development.

    Yi Xianling, Chinas ambassador in

    Colombo, urged the government and

    Chinese construction company last

    Tuesday to observe rule of law and

    mutual trust. He suggested that the

    current situation could lead China

    to reconsideration about its financial

    support and pointed out that China

    had helped Sri Lanka during the

    global financial crisis in 2008,

    [when] major donors reduced their

    preferential loans.

    The Xinhua news agency featured

    the remarks of former Sri Lankan

    president Rajapakse who declared

    that halting development projects

    means that the Sri Lankan workers

    and engineers working on them will

    lose their jobs and thereby the cash

    flowing to villagers will stop. Haiwai

    Net pointed out that India did not have

    the same capacity to help Sri Lanka

    economically and Colombo will still

    depend on Beijing for infrastructure

    investment in the long term.

    The port project

    received a further

    blow when Sri Lankan

    Investment Promotion

    Minister Kabir Hashim

    threatened legal action

    against the Chinese

    contractor, CCCC,

    if it did not suspend

    construction work.

    He warned that the

    ministry of ports will

    take necessary action to

    halt the work until this

    inquiry is done.

    The new Sri Lankan government is

    engaged in a difficult balancing act.

    China has invested around $5 billion

    in Sri Lanka and is the countrys

    largest aid donor. While integrating

    the country into Washingtons anti-

    China pivot, Sirisena, who is due

    to visit Beijing towards the end of

    March, no doubt is continuing to seek

    Chinese aid and investment.

    In the meantime the fate of the

    Colombo port city project remains

    undecided and no date has been set for

    finalizing the review.

    Sri Lanka-China tensionsrise over suspended port project

    By Manusha Fernando

    Courtesy: World Socialist Web (wsws.org)

  • MARCH 20 - APRIL 02, 2015 14

    pg

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    G11, Lombard House, PURLEY WAY, CROYDON, CR0 3JP G PUS A UP.

    NPC Chief Minister C.V.

    Wigneswaran on Saturday urged

    the visiting Indian PM to support

    a negotiation process without

    succumbing to the constraints of

    the Sri Lankan Constitution and

    the associated protocols. Such

    a negotiation process should

    involve the Indian Government,

    Sri Lankan Government and the

    Provincial Councils of North and

    East in the island to resolve the

    national question. The current 13th

    Amendment Framework and the

    existing Sri Lankan constitutional

    architecture had evolved since the

    first Republican Constitution of 1972

    without the consent and participation

    of Tamils of North and East of our

    Country, he said adding that both of

    them pose formidable challenges and

    hindrances in realizing the quantum

    of devolution required to fulfill the

    needs and aspirations of the Tamil

    Speaking People of North and East

    of Sri Lanka.

    Mr Wigneswaran was speaking at

    the foundation stone laying ceremony

    of Jaffna Cultural Centre, held at the

    Public Library in the presence of

    Indian Prime Minister Mr Narendra

    Modi.

    Further extracts from the speech by

    Mr Wigneswaran follow:

    Mr Narendra Modi and Mr C.V.

    Wigneswaran at the foundation stone

    laying ceremony for Jaffna Cultura

    Indian Constitution provides

    for the facilitation of sustainable

    development, internal security, law

    and order, policing and protection

    pertaining to lands and so on within

    the State. Our inability to function in

    our Province to the extent you were

    able to help Gujarat under the Indian

    Constitution needs to be understood.

    Especially the inadequacies of

    the Thirteenth Amendment. Even

    when the Indo-Lanka Accord of

    1987 was signed there was a historic

    communication by our leaders to the

    then Indian Prime Minister, late Shri

    Rajiv Gandhi on 28 October 1987,

    pointing out hollow and inadequate

    the 13th Amendment had been. They

    sought the then Indian Governments

    intervention on behalf of the Tamils

    of North East Province of Sri Lanka.

    When Indo Lanka Accord was

    negotiated ostensibly as a solution to the

    Tamil Question, India whilst

    addressing Indian Security and

    Strategic concerns, stood as a guarantor

    on behalf of the Tamils of North-East.

    That situation prevails in North-East

    Provinces in Sri Lanka even today. We

    need the services of a guarantor and it is

    our considered view that the Government

    of India under your stewardship is

    best suited for this role!.

    The emaciated Thirteenth

    Amendment has not brought the

    required and expected devolution

    to the North and East. Even today

    parallel administrative structures

    exist one directed by the Centre and

    the other by the Province despite the

    appointment of an amiable Governor!

    Our former President in May

    2009 released a joint statement

    with the UN Secretary General

    during latters visit to Sri Lanka

    relating to the core issues and post

    war context and the causes of the

    conflict. Later in January 2010 he

    promised Mr.Manmohan Singh, your

    predecessor, that he will go beyond

    the Thirteenth Amendment. Hence,

    it is time that we take note of the

    commitment expressed by the then

    Sri Lankan Head of State, consider

    our post war context, needs, priorities

    and concerns and move forward with

    the active support of your friendly

    Country under your leadership.

    When Indo Lanka

    Accord was negotiated

    ostensibly as a solution

    to the Tamil Question,

    India whilst addressing

    Indian Security and

    Strategic concerns,

    stood as a guarantor

    on behalf of the Tamils

    of North-East. That

    situation prevails in

    North-East Provinces in

    Sri Lanka even today.

    We seek positive action to be

    taken to resolve our problems. May I

    suggest Sir, that there be talks among

    the Indian Government, Sri Lankan

    Government and the NPC and the

    EPC without taking refuge under the

    current constitutional provisions and

    protocols to find ways of resolving

    the central problem of the Tamil

    speaking people in an innovative

    and creative manner bearing in mind

    the root causes of our ethnic conflict

    and post war needs and priorities

    of the people of the Northern and

    Eastern Provinces? We seek justice

    and fair play to be established in the

    political arena and the constitutional

    framework in Sri Lanka to live with

    equity, equality and dignity.

    We have many requests to make.

    But it is not appropriate for me to

    present our want list when we are

    happily welcoming you into our

    midst. Suffice to say a concerted

    effort on the part of the Central

    and Provincial Administrations of

    our Country with yours would no

    doubt bring alleviation to the vast

    numbers of War affected families and

    individuals in our part of this Country.

    Even though security concerns should

    be left to the Central Administration

    in any Country it should not

    transgress the limits of protection of

    the Country to a protracted pursuit of

    purposeful military occupation with

    political undertones in place. I could

    give statistics of such purposeful

    occupations. But we are here to

    welcome you Sir, not to burden you

    with a testament of our trials and

    tribulations. Let us hand over to you

    today separately our humble requests

    to rebuild our post war Province.

    Courtesy: TamilNet

    Wigneswaran seeks extra-constitutional approach to resolve Tamil national question

    Web : www.vksilks.com Mob : 07828 444 306Like us on Facebook

    Lombard House, 2 Purley Way, Croydon,

    Surrey CR0 3JP KH F

    21st March 2015

    11.00 am to 5.00 pm

    CF Q L M!!

    V K silks

  • Colouring - 238

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    MY ADVENTUREOne sunny morning I goto explore

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    I K : [email protected]

    K : Oru Paper 'Kids Zone'

    G11 Lombard House, 2 Purley Way, Croydon, CR0 3JP

  • 16

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  • 17

  • khh;r; 20, Vg;uy; 02, 201518

    pg

    sarasasSouth Indian Restaurant

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    SARASAS CATERING , , C , C AP O

    630-634 Uxbridge Road, Hayes, Middlesex, UB4 0RYTEL : 020 8561 8188 for further enquiries please contact : 07939 246 552Email: [email protected] www.sarasasrestaurant.com

    We make 30 different Types of Dosa

    FREE CAR

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  • 19khh;r; 20 Vg;uy; 02, 2015

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