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pg

Right from the Indo-Lanka

agreement of 1987 to Oslo

Declaration of 2002 and to hitherto

unrevealed Singapore Principles of

2013 that brought the Sampanthan

polity into a conceptual framework

for the recent regime change in

Colombo, the external forces seeking

to influence the affairs of the island

have taken the Eezham Tamils for a

ride to confine the Tamil polity into

the unitary State of genocidal Sri

Lanka without securing any concrete

and descriptive guarantee from the

Sinhala polity. By its latest move,

the ITAK has pushed the Tamils

back into the past, Tamil political

observers in Jaffna said citing the

so-called Singapore Principles from

2013. TamilNet brings out the text of

the so-called Singapore Principles for

the edification of global Tamils.

All the clauses of the so-called

Singapore principles are non-

descriptive with regards to a

principled approach in resolving the

national question.

Mr M.A. Sumanthiran, the

non-elected national list ITAK

parliamentarian and Mr V.T.

Thamilmaran, the dean of the Faculty

of Law at the University of Colombo

were the Tamil representatives from

the island while representatives of the

so-called Global Tamil Forum (GTF)

were representing the Diaspora Tamils

at a meeting in Singapore in 2013

when Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne

came with his proposal points to

agree upon a conceptual framework

aimed at regime change, the

removal of Executive Presidency

and other arrangements targeting

good governance. Dr Jayampathy

Wickramaratne was an adviser to Sri

Lankas past two Presidents.

Mangala Samaraweera came as

a beggar urging Tamil support for

regime change and abolition of the

executive presidency. It was 2013,

said one of the participants, reflecting

on the Singapore meeting.

When Tamil aspirations came

for discussion, M.A. Sumanthiran

wanted to avoid the mentioning of

terms such as Nation and Right to

Self Determination in the document.

Only the voice of a human rights

defender, a Sinhalese, representing

the civil society, was in favour of a

formula based on the recognition of

nationhood to Tamil people with their

traditional homeland in the North-

East.

V.T. Thamilmaran, who was once

respected for his principles on Tamil

sovereignty, was silent and was

talking only about good governance.

Tamil aspirations went missing in

the proposal. Instead, the document

was drafted with the intention of

being non-descript. But, a consensus

was achieved on winning Tamil

voters through the TNA for the

regime change.

When Tamil aspirations

came for discussion,

M.A. Sumanthiran

wanted to avoid

the mentioning of

terms such as Nation

and Right to Self

Determination in the

document.

A lawyer from Sri Lanka Muslim

Congress was also represented at

the meeting apart from several other

representatives.

The meeting was organised by

South Africa and was funded by two

European countries.

The directors of South African

In Transformation Initiative Roelf

Meyer, Ivor Jenkins and Mohammed

Bhabha organised the meeting.

Ironically, the approach of the

South African outfit, according

to its website is premised on the

philosophy that any solution to

differences or even conflict must be

designed, must evolve, and must be

developed and settled domestically;

solutions cannot be prescribed from

external actors.

The Singapore principles was

giving secondary status to religions

other than the Buddhism.

The 10-points agreed between

the Sampanthan polity and the

regime changers including the

new SL Foreign Minister, Mangala

Samaraweera, at Singapore in 2013

follow:

Singapore Principles

In describing the nature of the State what is important is the

substance; the labels are

secondary.

The Constitution shall be based on basic constitutional principles

and values including sovereignty

of the people, participatory

democracy and supremacy of the

Constitution which shall form an

unalterable basic structure.

Power sharing shall be on the basis of self-rule and shared-rule

within an undivided Sri Lanka.

The Executive Presidency shallbe abolished and the form of

government shall be

Parliamentary.

The pluralist character of Sri Lankan society as well as

identities and aspirations of the

constituent peoples of Sri Lanka

shall be constitutionally

recognised.

There shall be a strong and enforceable Bill of Rights

consistent with universally

accepted norms and standards.

There shall be a separation of powers and an independence

of judiciary which includes a

Constitutional Court.

Important institutions shall be independent and accountable.

Appointments to these and High

Posts shall be through a transparent

mechanism that provides for a

national consensus, example

Constitutional Council.

Institutions of the State shall reflect the pluralist character of

Sri Lankan society.

The Republic of Sri Lanka shall be a secular state. The Foremost place

to Buddhism and equal status to

other religions shall be assured.

F R I D AY, J A N U A RY 2 3 , 2 0 1 5 , I S S U E 2 3 4

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Singapore Principles of 2013:Tamil polity taken for ride from Oslo to SingaporeTamilNet

5JANUARY 23, - FEBRUARY 05, 2015

pg

O G . . .

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Name: ORU PAPER LtdBank: HSBCA/C: 02211556S/C: 40-07-04

P

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.

Maithripala Sirisenas recent

victory in Sri Lankas presidential

election has raised hopes that the

islands long-standing and ever-

deepening ethnic conflict might

move towards some form of political

resolution. The conflict escalated

dramatically during the tenure of his

predecessor, Mahinda Rajapakse,

who directed a successful military

campaign to defeat the LTTE,

securing huge popularity among the

majority Sinhalese. The war itself

came to a brutal end in May 2009

amidst mass atrocities and was

followed by the militarisation of

the Tamil speaking regions by the

almost exclusively Sinhala armed

forces which continues to this day.

Although Sirisenas past performance

and campaign commitments suggest

he is as much a committed Sinhala

Buddhist nationalist as Rajapakse,

ongoing international pressure may

inject a powerful check that could

move Sinhala leaders and society

more broadly towards a just and

lasting political solution to the Tamil

question.

The new administration takes

power at a time when Sri Lanka faces

unprecedented levels of international

pressure centred largely on

accountability for war time abuses,

demilitarisation and reconciliation

through an inclusive political

settlement that addresses Tamil

demands for autonomy and equality.

In March this year, a UN investigation

into war crimes, crimes against

humanity and human rights abuses

since 2002 will report its findings to

the UN Human Rights Commission.

The UN probe was mandated

after the repeated refusal of Rajapakse

governments to acknowledge, let

alone credibly investigate, allegations

of war crimes and crimes against

humanity. Rajapaksas decision not to

recognise or cooperate with the

UNHRC-mandated investigation

intensified his governments

international isolation. More generally,

Rajapakses uncompromising defence

of Sri Lankas Sinhala Buddhist state

order, manifest in the governments

refusal to seek a political solution to

the ethnic crisis or demilitarise the

Tamil areas, also fuelled tensions

with former allies, principally

Western states and India.

Unsurprisingly, international

demands for both accountability and

reconciliation have already begun to

press upon the new government. Indian

Prime Minister Modi, the first to

congratulate Sirisena, called for

genuine and effective reconciliation.

US secretary of state John Kerry,while

welcoming the new government, also

cautioned that real challenges

remained, stressing issues of human

rights and the problems of inclusivity.

Likewise the UN Secretary

General, the Canadian Foreign Affairs

Minister and the British Prime Minister

all stressed the need for accountability

and reconciliation in their congra

tulatory messages; the latter explicitly

calling on the new President to

co-operate with the UN investigation.

While Sirisenas stance on

accountability for wartime atrocities

and reconciliation through a political

solution has thus far been

indistinguishable from Rajapakses, it

is clear that the new government is keen

to reverse Sri Lankas growing

international isolation. In a recent

public address from Kandythe

historical seat of Sinhala Buddhist

power Sirisena emphasised his

intention to normalise Sri Lankas

strained international ties. Further

more, his government is closely linked

to political figuresformer president

Chandrika Kumaratunga and newly

appointed Prime Minister Ranil

Wickramasinghewho are keen to

mend ties with both the West and

India. Indeed it is clear international

pressure is already having an effect. In

response to the renewed international

calls for Sri Lanka to cooperate with

the UN inquiry which accompanied

congratulatory messages, Sirisenas

stance on accountability has started

to move, with promise of a domestic

investigation and prosecution.

In the months before defecting

from the Rajapakse government in

November, Sirisena attacked the

UN investigation as an international

conspiracy organised at the behest

of the LTTE and vowed to protect

Sri Lankan political and military

leaders from prosecution, including

Rajapakse and his family. Indeed,

in his election campaign he boasted

of his own role as Acting Defence

Minister during the final stages of

the warwhen many of the worst

atrocities occurred. However, in the

days after Sirisena assumed office,

a spokesperson for the president has

suggested that mistakes may well

have been made and if individuals had

broken the UN mandated laws of war,

they would have to be prosecuted.

The governments insistence on a

domestic rather than international

mechanism remains unacceptable

given the deeply politicised and

compromised nature of the judiciary

and criminal justice system. For these

reasons, and Sri Lankas long history

of sham domestic investigations into

human rights abuses, this is still a

long way off meeting international,

let alone Tamil expectations. Never

theless, the shift in position is notable

and suggests a dawning realisation of

international realities.

Although Sinhala Buddhist

nationalism is a dominant and

pervasive force in Sri Lanka, the threat

of international isolation is a potent

reality check. Indeed, the growing

sense that the Rajapakse government

had mishandled its foreign relations

and had alienated western states

as well as India fed his declining

popularity, particularly amongst Sri

Lankas political elite. Even former

Rajapakse officials and acolytes have

argued that foreign policy has gone

badly wrong. Rajapakse himself was

clearly not immune to international

pressure; a spokesperson for Sirisena

told reporters that it was diplomatic

pressure that deterred Rajapaksa

fromstaging a coup so as to hold onto

power after his electoral defeat.

Beyond the narrow circles of the

political elite, international pressure

can also be effective in shifting wider

Sinhala societys determination to

maintain Sinhala Buddhist nationalist

dominance. It is important to note that

while Rajapakse lost the elections

overall, he won a slight plurality

of the Sinhala vote. Conversely,

although Sirisenas victory relied

heavily on Tamil and Muslim

revulsion at the Rajapakse regime,

his campaign focussed exclusively

on Sinhala concerns, and he

repeatedly committed to maintaining

the militarys tight control of the

Tamil speaking regions andrejected

Tamil demands for autonomy. But

this position makes rapprochement

with the international community

difficult; the latters frustration

has already prompted mention of

sanctions in the event of Sri Lankas

continued non-compliance with the

UN investigation.

Such an escalation is not something

that could be lightly dismissed and

weighs heavily on the economic as

well as social orientations of Sinhala

society. Sri Lankas primary export

markets are in the West and India is

Sri Lankas largest overall trading

partner. Likewiseand despite all

the talk of the turn to China

middle class and upwardly mobile

Sinhalese, as well as Tamils, aspire

to an English education and, where

possible, higher education in the West.

Furthermore cricket, that key badge

of Sri Lankan national identity and

pride, links the country to the English

speaking Commonwealth. In short,

while majority Sinhala opinion is

opposed to international demands on

accountability for wartime atrocities

and political reconciliation with the

Tamils, it is nevertheless linked by

enduring cultural and economic ties

to the very states and societies from

which these demands emanate.

The new governments stated

eagerness to rebuild strained

international ties and restore Sri

Lankas tarnished international image

is key leverage that can be used to shift

Sinhala leaders and society towards

accepting international realities and

the need for a just and lasting solution

to the ethnic conflict. The broad

international coalitionincluding

states, international human rights

groups, Tamil diaspora groups and

political groups in Tamil Naduthat

has sustained the momentum for

accountability and reconciliation

should now press for concrete measures

that will start to change ground

realities.

In short, while

majority Sinhala

opinion is opposed to

international demands

on accountability for

wartime atrocities and

political reconciliation

with the Tamils

Civil society groups in the northeast

have already demanded

demilitarisation, the return of

confiscated land and the repeal of the

Prevention of Terrorism Act as urgent

concerns. They have also called for

the thousands detained without charge

sometimes for yearsby the Sri

Lankan authorities to be either charged

or released. Another important step

would be to remove the proscription

of prominent Tamil diaspora

organisations that the Rajapakse

government listed as terrorists soon

after the March 2014 UN resolution.

This would allow the large Tamil

diaspora to contribute its much

needed and substantial skills as well

as financial resources to the urgent

tasks of rehabilitation in the war-

shattered northeast.

The governments

insistence on a domestic

rather than international

mechanism remains

unacceptable

The end of the Rajapakse government

certainly represents an opportunity for

change but this does not mean that

change is inevitable. In broad terms the

election merely saw the replacement of

one avowed Sinhala nationalist leader

with another equally committed to

maintaining a unitary and majoritarian

Sinhala Buddhist order. It is this

dynamic that has fed the ethnic

conflict over the past several decades,

and continues to drive the militarised

repression and exclusion that

characterises relations between the

state and the Tamils. What is different

about this election is the context of

unprecedented international pressure.

Only the continuation of this pressure

can sustain the reality check that

produced last weeks election outcome

and make its legacy different from

those of previous ones.

Courtesy: Tamil Guardian

Reality Check: Sri Lanka's New Government

By : Madura Rasaratnam

[dtup 23 ngg;utup 05, 20156

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sarasasSouth Indian Restaurant

* Outdoor catering * Function hall * Party orders

Opening Times 12.00 noon to 11.00pm (7 days a week)

SARASAS CATERING , , C , C AP O

630-634 Uxbridge Road, Hayes, Middlesex, UB4 0RYTEL : 020 8561 8188 for further enquiries please contact : 07939 246 552Email: [email protected] www.sarasasrestaurant.com

We make 30 different Types of Dosa

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Sri Lankas new President

Maithripala Sirisena greets his

supporters as he arrives to address the

nation outside the Temple of Tooth in

Kandy, Sri Lanka, Sunday. Pic: AP.

Sri Lankas new President

Maithripala Sirisena greets his

supporters as he arrives to address the

nation outside the Temple of Tooth in

Kandy, Sri Lanka, Sunday. Pic: AP.

The election victory of Sri Lankas

new president Maithripala Sirisena

has been hailed by the Wests media

and opinion-makers as a rejection

of his predecessors violent past,

including the coldblooded killing of

Tamil civilians. But Sirisena was the

countrys acting minister of defence

when some of the worst atrocities

occurred during the civil war. Is the

West willing to subject Sirisena too

to the same scrutiny for possible war

crimes, or let him off because it can

do business with him?

Defeated President Mahinda

Rajapaksa enjoyed an ambivalent

relationship with the international

community especially India and

the Western democracies. When his

government was willing to take on the

military might of the rebel Liberation

Tigers of Tamil (LTTE), which his

predecessors either had and failed

to do, or were pussyfooting about it,

the West and India supported him.

Rajapaksas willingness to take on the

LTTE with huge costs to civilian life

and property inevitably triggered

protests. At the tail end of the war

Tamils victimised by the onslaught,

Sri Lankan and international human

rights organisations expressed outrage

at the atrocities committed by both

Sri Lankan troops and the LTTE.

As pressure mounted India and the

West curtailed (although they never

stopped entirely) arms supplies to Sri

Lanka and applied token diplomatic

pressure on the Rajapaksa government

to desist killing civilians as it pursued

the rebels.

The Rajapaksa regime found

itself in trouble. While it was not

particularly worried about diplomatic

pressure, an uninterrupted supply of

ordinances and weapons were needed

for a military victory over the LTTE.

So Colombo turned to the only other

source of military supplies it could

rely on China.

The move proved fruitful. The

LTTE was militarily defeated on 18

May 2009. The final few months

of fighting had seen at least 40,000

deaths, most of them Tamil civilians.

With the war over and details

emerging on mass atrocities

perpetrated by government troops and

the LTTE, pressure mounted on India

and the West from their own citizens

that they hold Rajapakasa and his

government accountable. So India

and the West pushed for political

reforms and a halt to post-war human

rights abuses. Western democracies

also demanded an investigation

into alleged war crimes and crimes

committed during the civil war.

Rajapaksa refused to comply and

grew closer to China from where he

could obtain economic assistance in

the form of loans without political

censure. What began as relationship

to provide military supplies evolved

into encompass vital commercial and

diplomatic ties. Chinas investment in

Sri Lanka grew so rapidly from 2009

that it became the biggest investor

in the country (US$ 4 billion) by

2014. Investments include a coal-fired

electricity generation plant, highways

and a mega city project, known as

the Colombo Port city. But what

was most alarming to the West and

India was a harbour Beijing helped

construct on Sri Lankas southern

coast near the East-West ship route.

Not only was the harbour constructed,

its military potential stood revealed

when a Chinese submarine berthed

there. India expressed its displeasure

in no uncertain terms.

Faced with Rajapaksas

intransigence, and convinced after

many false starts that a credible

tribunal to investigate war crimes

would not be set up in Sri Lanka

as long as Rajapaksa remained in

office, a section of the international

community moved a resolution in

the Geneva-based UN Human Rights

Council (UNHRC) for an international

investigation. The investigation panel

is to present its report to the UNHRC

in March this year, despite Rajapaksa

not allowing the investigators to visit

the country.

Allegations of the abuse of power

and war crimes, and Indian and

Western discontent with presidents

close relationship with China all

figured in the presidential election

campaign that began in December.

On the campaign trail Sirisena

was firm that illegal actions of his

predecessor would be dealt with firmly.

But there was one thing over which he

steadfastly refused to take action. That

was handing over Rajapaksa to the

international community to be tried

on charges of war crimes. He said

he would resist international forces

or the Tamil diaspora to drag incumbent

President Mahinda Rajapaksa, his

family or anyone in the security forces

to an International War Crimes Court.

While handing over individuals right

now to the international court right now

might be debatable, Sirisenas drift

was clear: no international tribunal

would be permitted to try Rajapaksa

or the military. Sirisena reinforced

that message in his manifesto.

Rajapaksa refused to

comply and grew closer

to China from where he

could obtain economic

assistance in the form of

loans without political

censure.

While some interpreted Sirisenas

commitment not to give up Sri

Lankas military and political leaders

as patriotism, others felt it was an

astute political move to attract Sinhala

national political formations such as

the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU)

and its vote base to his coalition by

promising not to humiliate a man

many Sinhalese considered a hero.

But an interview with Sri Lankas

Daily Mirror on January 2 introduced

a new angle into the story a personal

one. Sirisena said, I was the Minister

in Charge of Defence during the last

two weeks of the war in which most

of the leaders of the LTTE were killed

with General Fonseka at the helm of

the Army. Prior to that I have acted

as the Minister of Defence five times

during the height of the war

General Sarath Fonseka, the

commander of the army at the end of the

war, has been accused of committing

war crimes, which he resolutely

denies. Will these accusations enfold

Sirisena too?

As details of Sirisenas possible

connection to war crimes emerge,

what is the international community

especially the Western democracies

that are pushing for an international

investigation going to do? Following

the presentation of the investigating

bodys report, the UNHRC has to

vote on its recommendations. If the

report says war crimes were indeed

committed and action should be taken

on the perpetrators, will the UNHRC

and the international community act?

Allegations of the

abuse of power and

war crimes, and Indian

and Western discontent

with presidents close

relationship with

China all figured in the

presidential election

campaign that began in

December.

The heart of the matter is whether

national interests and international

politics trump justice. While Western

democracies have been pushing for

an international investigation into war

crimes, they have also heaved a sigh

of relief at the passing of Rajapaksas

government and its pro-Beijing

policies. And they would have been

pleased by Sirisenas manifesto

announcing that his government would

be having cordial and fruitful relation

with all nations and organisations of

the world.

It is here that it becomes imperative

that India and the Western democracies

balance their short-term national

interest in doing business with the

Sirisena regime with the long-term

obligation of pursuing justice if

command responsibility implicates

him in war crimes.

If the international community

is not honest about it, Rajapaksas

oft repeated words will appear true:

Western democracies pin human

rights charges only on leaders and

regimes they want changed, but are

willing to look the other way with

those they favour.

Courtesy: asiancorrespondent.com

Will Sri Lankas new president be held to international standards of justice?

By J S Tissainayagam

JANUARY 23, - FEBRUARY 05, 2015 14

pg

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The outcome of the Sri Lankan

election last Thursday, with

Maithripala Sirisena ousting Mahinda

Rajapakse as president, has ominous

implications for the working class,

not only in Sri Lanka and South Asia

but throughout the world.

Firstly, it demonstrates the relentless

drive by US imperialism to draw every

country in Asia into its diplomatic,

economic and military confrontation

with China and preparations for war.

Secondly, it underscores the political

role of the pseudo-left tendencies

in directly facilitating the agenda

of the imperialist powers under the

fraudulent banners of democracy

and human rights.

What has unfolded since Sirisena

deserted Rajapakses government and

was endorsed as the joint opposition

candidate by the right-wing United

National Party (UNP) and a range of

other political tendencies is a

US-sponsored regime-change

operation. It was publicly

orchestrated in large part by former

President Chandrika Kumaratunga,

who has close ties with the Obama

administration and US foreign policy

establishment through the Clinton

Foundation.

Rajapakses crime from the

standpoint of Washington was not the

mass murder of Tamil civilians during the civil war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), but the relations his government developed with China. He took billions of dollars in investment from Chinese state corporations and, in defiance of US and Indian protests, began assisting Chinese ambitions to increase its naval presence in the Indian Ocean by granting its submarines and warships access to Sri Lankan ports.

The behind-the-scenes machinations by the US to oust Rajapakse were made apparent on election day. Secretary of State John Kerry called Rajapakse to instruct him to keep the voting free from violence and intimidation and ensure a peaceful handover of power if he lost. The message to the Sri Lankan state apparatus and military was unmistakable. Any attempt to prevent Sirisenas victory would be met with an imperialist intervention.

The last thing the Sri Lankan working class and oppressed will gain from Sirisenas installation is peace, democracy and prosperity. The country will be turned into another arena of US intrigue against China. Under conditions of worsening global economic slump, the repressive laws imposed during the 26-year civil war and expanded by Rajapakse will be retained and used to enforce ever-deeper attacks on living standards.

As he was sworn in as president, Sirisena indicated his readiness to align with Washingtons agenda. He vowed to change the foreign policy to build friendly relations with all countries of the world. In the context of the US pivot, this means a turn away from Beijing and toward Washington and its key allies in the regionJapan, Australia and India.

Last February, the US, with Germanys support, incited a fascist-led coup in Ukraine to install a pro-imperialist puppet government. The coup was aimed at provoking a conflict with Russia, with the ultimate aim of fashioning a compliant regime in Moscow as well. The drive to neutralise Russia, Chinas most obvious potential military ally, is inseparable from the pivot. The US will not allow even the possibility that China could develop alliances and geopolitical influences that would enable it to challenge American dominance over Asia, and undermine

Washingtons global hegemony.

The outcome of the Sri Lankan

election will only compound the

assessment of the Chinese government

and military that it is under siege on all

fronts, and heighten the danger that minor

incidents could spark all-out war.

The pseudo-left Nava Sama Samaja

Party (NSSP), the United Socialist

Party (USP) and the Frontline

Socialist Party (FSP) share political

responsibility for the US regime-

change operation. As in the Ukraine,

where the international pseudo-left

proclaimed an imperialist conspiracy

to be a democratic revolution, in

Sri Lanka they portrayed Sirisena as

the candidate of democracy against

Rajapakses dictatorship.

While all three parties stood their own

candidates for president, they remained

mute on Sirisenas pro-US agenda

and raised only mild criticisms of

his political history. No less than

Rajapakse, Sirisena is responsible

for the crimes committed during the

civil war and the brutal assault on

the social conditions and democratic

rights of the working class.

The pseudo-left groups nevertheless

joined with the Tamil and Muslim

elites to sow illusions that the

persecution suffered by the Tamil

and Muslim minorities would be

redressed under a Sirisena presidency.

Along with the unions, they promoted

false claims that action would be

taken to improve the living standards

of the working class and rural poor.

These petty-bourgeois forces helped

channel the genuine popular anger

against the Rajapakse government,

among working people, youth and the

oppressed masses, behind Sirisena

and the pro-imperialist right-wing

parties that backed him.

The extent to which the pseudo-

lefts are prepared to go in aligning

with US imperialism can be seen

in their characterisation of China

as an imperialist power seeking

to colonise Sri Lanka. Turning

reality inside out, they equate China,

which functions as a cheap labour

platform for international capital,

with the United States, the centre

of international finance, and then

denounce Chinese expansionism

and aggressionin line with

Washingtons agenda.

Herein lies the significance of the

election campaign of the Socialist

Equality Party (SEP), which ran its

own candidate Pani Wijesiriwardena

based on the perspective of

international socialism. The SEP

alone sought to alert the working

class and oppressed to the growing

dangers of war and advanced a

program to fight the social counter-

revolution being waged on living

standards and democratic rights. It

fought for the political independence

of the working class from all factions

of the bourgeoisie, including both the

Sirisena and Rajapakse camps and

the pseudo-left tendencies.

The critical question in the

period ahead is the development

of socialist and internationalist

consciousness in the

working class and the building of the

International Committee of the

Fourth International, the World

Party of Socialist Revolution, across

Asia and internationally. That is the

only basis upon which a powerful

international anti-war movement can

be developed to end the source of

war and imperialist oppression

capitalism and the nation-state

system in which it is rooted.

Courtesy: World Socialist Websirte (wsws.org)

The outcome of the Sri Lankanelection and its international implicationsBy Deepal Jayasekera

Colouring - 234

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facebook.com/orupaper @orupaper

9 GL

Dear Ammah

Its been nine years since youve left us. I never imagined I would lose you so early. I wish I had more time to appreciate all of the wonderful things you did for me. I was too young and immature to realise that you were the most valuable person in my life. I wish you could see me now and forgive me for not being a better son when you were with us. I love you so much. God bless you.

- Your loving son- Nimalan (Australia)

Our Dear Yalini Aunty,

We miss you every day, No matter how many years pass, you remain in our hearts and thoughts,

May you be in peace, always. - Ambi and Aarany (Australia)

Dearest Wife

Every year, this day (23 January) is special but, it does not need a special day to bring you to my mind

- Loges

In loving Memory of

Yalini LogeswaranWho left us on 23rd January, 2006.A wonderful wife, mother, and aunt.

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(Jaffna Urumpirai) : 16-11-1955 F: 23-01-2006

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