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Organizational identification and commitment of members of a human development organization Sow Hup Chan Faculty of Business Administration, University of Macau, Macall, SAR China Abstract Purpose – To understand how identification and commitment can be sustained among members of a development organization where high performance is of paramount importance and success has important human consequences. This study examined members’ identification and commitment within a development organization patterned after the Grameen model. This organization is based on a set of values by which the members can work hard to overcome their situation caused by poverty. Design/methodology/approach – Members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) were interviewed to analyze the characteristics that make AIM special, to gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics of members’ interactions, and to explore how members influence and control one another. Findings – The approach used in the study yields interesting insights into members’ identification and commitment in a human development organization; and how this identification and commitment are linked to the members’ success as well as the organization’s success. Practical implications – The insights to organizational identification and commitment should assist the field of management development to sustain and improve identification and commitment towards the organization and towards other organizational members. Female organizational members can also achieve economic success when they are given an opportunity in their rural villages. Originality/value – This study applies western theories in a non-western environment. The findings contribute to the conceptual understanding of the subject. Areas for future research were also suggested. Keywords Job satisfaction, Control systems, Human resource development, Communication Paper type Case study Introduction Human development organization needs strong identification and commitment from its members to achieve its goal, whether it is poverty alleviation, or enhancement in any facet related to quality of life. The fact that grassroots participants remain in human development organization despite their membership costs may be explained by the concept of organizational identification and commitment. Therefore, understanding the nature of identification and commitment and factors that influence members’ identification and commitment to human development organization is critical to assure the continual existence of the organization. Purpose of the study In the present study, the researcher examine members’ identification and commitment within a development organization patterned after the Grameen model that utilizes The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/0262-1711.htm The author is grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Organizational identification 249 Received September 2004 Revised April 2005 Accepted April 2005 Journal of Management Development Vol. 25 No. 3, 2006 pp. 249-268 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 0262-1711 DOI 10.1108/02621710610648178

Organizational identification and commitment of members of a human development organization

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Organizational identification andcommitment of members of a

human development organizationSow Hup Chan

Faculty of Business Administration, University of Macau, Macall, SAR China

Abstract

Purpose – To understand how identification and commitment can be sustained among members of adevelopment organization where high performance is of paramount importance and success hasimportant human consequences. This study examined members’ identification and commitmentwithin a development organization patterned after the Grameen model. This organization is based on aset of values by which the members can work hard to overcome their situation caused by poverty.

Design/methodology/approach – Members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) were interviewedto analyze the characteristics that make AIM special, to gain a deeper understanding of the dynamicsof members’ interactions, and to explore how members influence and control one another.

Findings – The approach used in the study yields interesting insights into members’ identificationand commitment in a human development organization; and how this identification and commitmentare linked to the members’ success as well as the organization’s success.

Practical implications – The insights to organizational identification and commitment shouldassist the field of management development to sustain and improve identification and commitmenttowards the organization and towards other organizational members. Female organizational memberscan also achieve economic success when they are given an opportunity in their rural villages.

Originality/value – This study applies western theories in a non-western environment. The findingscontribute to the conceptual understanding of the subject. Areas for future research were also suggested.

Keywords Job satisfaction, Control systems, Human resource development, Communication

Paper type Case study

IntroductionHuman development organization needs strong identification and commitment fromits members to achieve its goal, whether it is poverty alleviation, or enhancement inany facet related to quality of life. The fact that grassroots participants remain inhuman development organization despite their membership costs may be explained bythe concept of organizational identification and commitment. Therefore, understandingthe nature of identification and commitment and factors that influence members’identification and commitment to human development organization is critical to assurethe continual existence of the organization.

Purpose of the studyIn the present study, the researcher examine members’ identification and commitmentwithin a development organization patterned after the Grameen model that utilizes

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at

www.emeraldinsight.com/0262-1711.htm

The author is grateful to the anonymous reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of thispaper.

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Received September 2004Revised April 2005

Accepted April 2005

Journal of Management DevelopmentVol. 25 No. 3, 2006

pp. 249-268q Emerald Group Publishing Limited

0262-1711DOI 10.1108/02621710610648178

some form of concertive control system. Since the backbone of developmentorganizations is the individual members themselves, it is particularly important tofocus on members’ identification and commitment.

This study also seeks to increase the usefulness of concertive control theory toexplain the workings of a development organization that relies on peer pressure andpeer support as advanced during the mid 1990s. The secondary purpose is to determineif there are any similarities or differences in terms of identification, commitment andconcertive control found between the Grameen Bank and Amanah Ikhtiar in Malaysia.Examining these differences provides insight into the effectiveness of each program aswell as raise questions about the difficulties of sustaining development organizations.In addition, there is limitation of generalizability due to the context where thisqualitative study is carried out. Comparing the results with previous studies in similarorganizations will allow the researcher to gain further confidence regarding thevalidity of making such generalizations about organizational identification,commitment, and concertive control in development organizations. The researcherwill also be able to gain a deeper understanding of how development organizationsfunction and build on the existing theory of communication in organizations.

Specifically, a certain level of organizational identification and commitment isnecessary for a human development organization to survive. Organizationalidentification and commitment are also important factors in concertive controlsystems as organizational members are continuously subjected to the rules systems,discipline structures and processes of the organization. Furthermore, there are varioustypes and levels of identification and commitment in concertive control systems.

Research questionsThe research questions in this study are:

RQ1. How do members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia display their organizational,task, and interpersonal identification through stories, accounts, andmetaphors?

RQ2. How do members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia display their organizationalcommitment through stories, accounts, and metaphors?

Implication of the studyThis is one of the first (if not the first) studies on a Grameen replication from acommunication perspective. In a development organization such as the Grameen Bank,the core technologies are simple and easily implemented, and group formation is theonly means for members’ participation and empowerment. For instance, the GrameenBank is based on a set of values: that people basically have the capacity to solve theirproblems, to work hard, and to be honest (Holcombe, 1995), while group formation (intogroups of five people) is the first step in becoming a Grameen Bank member. Given theenormous success of the Grameen Bank, it is time to examine replication efforts so thatwe can determine whether or not the Grameen model can work outside of Bangladesh.This is perhaps, the most important value of this research. To understand howidentification and commitment can be sustained among members of a developmentorganization who have to work so hard to succeed is of paramount importance whensuccess has such important human consequences.

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Replicating a study often leads to validation of previous research results. Althoughthe present study is not solely a replication effort, parts of this study which examinethe identification and commitment of members in a development organization aresimilar to Papa et al.’s (1995, 1997) research. This examination can serve asreinforcement, revision, and perhaps help to bring about a greater understanding ofsocial and economic development through human communication.

From a heuristic perspective, this investigation may motivate the continuedexamination of identification, commitment and concertive control in otherorganizations. While this descriptive study is important in itself, a more significantissue is providing organizational scholars and experts with an insight to organizationalidentification and commitment of members in a human development organization. Thefindings may be useful for Malaysian scholars and critics particularly, in light of thebarrage of sharp criticism against non-governmental organizations and theireffectiveness in Malaysia (see also Balasegaram, 1997). The findings from thisqualitative research may also be useful for generating hypotheses that can be testedquantitatively (Barton and Lazarfeld, 1961). The study of a human developmentorganization using the perspectives of identification, commitment and concertivecontrol is thus justified.

Concepts and theories usedTheoretical backgroundThe insights of this study are drawn from the concepts and theories of identification,commitment and concertive control. Numerous studies have indicated thatidentification in an organization is multi-faceted, while commitment is closely linkedto identification. For instance, Tompkins and Cheney (1987, p. 209) indicated that thereis significant overlap between identification and commitment. They contend that theterm identification is more “descriptive and embracing” than commitment, but alsosuggested that there is great value in studying commitment along with identification.In fact, they argue that both terms fit together as do form and substance. Concertivecontrol theory (Tompkins and Cheney, 1985) an unobtrusive form of control, alsocontains elements of identification because organizational members must be able toidentify with one another to act together. Thus, concertive control theory can also helpprovide insights into identification and commitment among members and workers inan organization.

Organizational identificationScholars study organizational identification because it is an important concept whichhelps us to “make sense of our experience, in organizing our thoughts, in achievingdecisions, and in anchoring the self” (Cheney, 1983a, p. 342). Organizational identificationhas also been linked either theoretically or empirically to a variety of work attitudes,behaviors, and outcomes (Cheney, 1983a; Van Dick et al., 2004; Van Dick and Wagner,2002).

For example, organizational identification was not positively related to intentionto remain within the organization (Wan-Huggins et al., 1998), job satisfaction andorganizational identification related positively to assimilation (Myers and Oetzel,2003) while work-group identification was a stronger correlate of job satisfaction,turnover intention, job involvement, and job motivation than organizational

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identification (Van Knippenberg and Van Schie, 2000). The literature also revealedthat organizational identification is a multidimensional construct consisting ofdifferent foci and dimensions (Van Dick et al., 2004) and there were suggestions thatother foci of identification may be more important in day-to-day organizational lifethan the organization as a whole (Van Knippenberg and Van Schie, 2000).Furthermore, identification was found to be distinguishable from four relatedcommitment concepts (i.e. affective, continuance, normative, and attitudinalcommitment) (Gautam et al., 2004). Therefore, studying identification can provideinsight into why individuals link themselves to contemporary organizations.

Studying organizational identification can help to explain the impact of a variety oforganizational policies and activities; understand better the basis of “referent power” inorganization settings; and give a better answer for the ethical questions of whetherparticipation in modern organizations is destructive of “individuality”, personalvalues, and strivings (Cheney, 1983a). Besides, the practices in human developmentorganizations are highly communicative. For instance, in the Grameen Bank, bringingthe poor into an organizational framework, providing them with necessary training,and motivating them to sustain their membership involves a substantial amount ofinterpersonal communication. The communicative practices and organizationalpatterns of the Grameen Bank provided “evidence of meaningful empowerment fororganizational members who recognize that they have the ability and opportunity toreach desired goals by acting together” (Papa et al., 1997, p. 26). In addition, whenmembers act together, they will experience peer pressure to be loyal to their group. Thepressure to identify can increase the intensity of member’s identification to the group,and the strength of identification will increase the longer the members work together(Barker and Tompkins, 1994). As such, it is very natural for a high degree ofidentification to surface in development organizations.

Barker and Tompkins (1993, p. 224) indicated that identification “directs ourattention to the intricate process by which an individual becomes a functioningmember of an organization” and “allows us to cope with the demands the organizationplaces on us and, on the other hand, pushes us to act” (Barker and Tompkins, 1994,p. 225). They also indicated that the team environment is “a highly intensive arena foridentification” (Barker and Tompkins, 1994, p. 226). Thus, group members must bewilling to risk their dignity or be made to feel unworthy when they resist the team’scontrol (Barker, 1993). This suggests that for development organizations to succeed,the members of the organization have to assume their appropriate roles, exhibit theiridentification, and display their commitment.

Organizational commitmentOrganizational commitment is linked to identification. For example, a person’scommitment towards the organization is “an affective response (attitude) resultingfrom an evaluation of the work situation which links or attaches the individual to theorganization” (Mottaz, 1988, p. 468). When a person has favorable attitudes toward anorganization he or she is likely to be attached to the organization. This suggests arelationship between identification and commitment although the two concepts are“distinct” (Cheney and Tompkins, 1987, p. 9).

Commitment involves a willingness to exert considerable effort on behalf of theorganization, and acceptance of the values and goals the organization portrays (Ingersollet al., 2000). Organizational commitment is influenced by such factors as individual and

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organizational characteristics (Angle and Perry, 1983; Mottaz, 1988). For example,organizational members continued commitment towards an organization could beinfluenced by such factors as benefits, status, monetary and/or interpersonal rewards.For instance, affective organizational commitment has been linked to positive employeebehaviors such as organizational citizenship behaviors and helping behaviors (Meyeret al., 2002). There is also association between lateness and commitment (Koslowsky andDishon-Berkovits, 2001; Dishon-Berkovits and Koslowsky, 2002), collaboration,organization commitment, and teamwork (Tschannen, 2004), high sacrifice, lowalternatives and turnover intentions (Meyer et al., 2002), climate and organizationalcommitment (Ingersoll et. al., 2000), levels of commitment and team-orientation ofemployees (Gossett, 2002), and levels of organizational commitment and conflict withsuperiors (Frone, 2000). The positive relationship between empowerment andorganizational commitment however, disappears when employees experience higherlevels of conflict with superiors (Janssen, 2004).

Studies have indicated that there may not always be a positive correlation betweenidentification and commitment (Bullis and Bach, 1989a; Cheney and Tompkins, 1987).For example, a person may identify with the organization but not be committed to it(such as identifying oneself as a loyal employee but not attending any companyfunction) and conversely, a person may be committed to an organization but notidentify strongly with it (such as a person who works as a coupier but does not approveof gambling) (Cheney and Tompkins, 1987). There are also indications thatorganizational commitment seems to lead to behaviors that exceed formal ornormative expectations (Mowday et al., 1974). As such, the present focus onidentification and commitment in a development context is particularly important toexamine in order to understand the dynamics of organizational membership.

Concertive control systemsConcertive control systems are part of the Grameen model. In developmentorganizations patterned after this model, empowerment represents the sharing ofcontrol, entitlement and the ability to participate, or influence decisions on resourceallocation. This form of sharing of control is unobtrusive, and is often referred to asconcertive control. Grameen Bank for example relies on concertive control byempowering members and establishing a system in which they monitor and controleach other’s behavior (Papa et al., 1997).

Concertive control occurs when members use their identification to act “in concertwith each other to control their own behaviors” (Barker and Tompkins, 1994, p. 226).This suggests that the extent to which members in development organizations identifywith the organization can influence how they control each other. For instance, whenmembers are empowered to create their own norms and rules for the execution ofeconomic and social development programs, they will also determine ways to handleproblems such as loan defaulters. So, control may include pressuring one another torepay loans.

For concertive control systems to work however, varying types and levels ofidentification are required. For example, members may:

. identify with the organization because the organization provides them with theloans;

. identify with the tasks that serve their economic goals;

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. identify with other group members to feel a sense of belonging; or

. identify with the cause of the organization through their continued membership.

In other words, the concept of identification is clearly linked to concertive controlsystems (Papa et al., 1997). Barker and Tompkins (1994) also asserted thatidentification plays a pivotal role in concertive control systems.

Furthermore, concertive control characterizes grassroots organizational interaction(Papa et al., 1995). In these systems, the locus of control shifts from management tomembers who collaborate to create the rules and norms that govern their behavior(Papa et al., 1995, 1997). The Grameen Bank, for example, uses unobtrusive concertivecontrol systems which empower the members (Papa et al., 1995). To achieve this, adelicate balance is created between “peer pressure” – such as investing their loanswisely, making timely repayment; and “peer support” – such as having concern formembers and their projects. These systems are empowering since members can decideby themselves who should receive the loans first or the kind of projects they shouldwork on. On the other hand, these systems are controlling in that members have toobserve the discipline imposed by other members. As such, members are subjected to adisciplinary system that both punishes and rewards them.

As a member-sustained system, development organizations such as the GrameenBank in fact depend on the powerful effect of concertive control systems. By givingmembers opportunities to empower themselves through their own decisions anddetermining their own courses of actions (Papa et al., 1997), members are able to useskills and knowledge they already possess. Even though loans are given to theindividual, the group is held accountable for the repayment. Furthermore, theChairman of a group is responsible for the discipline in the group while the center chief(an elected member) conducts the weekly meetings, recommends loans proposals,supervises loan activities, and assists bank workers in their work (Gibbons, 1992).

The aforementioned indicates that group members use identification to control eachother’s activity. When members use such control, instead of being freed from Weber’siron cage of rational control, group members will draw the iron cage tighter andconstrain the members more powerfully (Barker, 1993). For example, themicro-techniques of discipline to regulate and normalize the members and theircollective actions (Papa et al., 1997) become more powerful, less apparent, and moredifficult to resist (Barker, 1993). Research also suggests that members in concertivecontrol systems often give in to the group demands even though the group demandsmore loyalty than the organization (Barker and Tompkins, 1994).

Control theorists have suggested that organizational control in a concertive orparticipatory system will actually be more powerful than in bureaucratic systems(Edwards, 1981; Tannenbaum, 1986; Tompkins and Cheney, 1985; Papa et al., 1995,1997). Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia, which is based on the Grameen Bank model, relies onconcertive control. Therefore, the study of human development organizations using thetheory of concertive control is particularly relevant since organizations areincreasingly turning to control systems that are less obtrusive and demand higherlevels of identification from members.

In sum, for concertive control systems to be effective, members must identify with theindividual and collective outcomes, and realize that what a person does can make adifference to other group members. For instance, how a member feels about the

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organization can have a contagious effect upon the feelings of other members. A memberwho refuses to repay his or her loans can also jeopardize the other group members’ futureapplication for loans. Thus, the interplay among emotional experiences of members, theiridentification and commitment cannot be underestimated.

How organizational members identify with their organization, the kind ofcommitment they have towards the organization, how they change or shape eachother’s behavior, how emotional attachment to the group affects interaction, and whatis expected from fellow members in a concertive control system is worth investigating.Thus, studying the various types and levels of identification, commitment andconcertive control in a human development organization can help us to gain a deeperunderstanding of how development organizations function.

Limitation of previous workStudies on organizational identification have largely focused on the administration ofthe Organizational Identification Questionnaire (OIQ) developed by Cheney (1982)(Barker and Tompkins, 1994; Bullis and Bach, 1989a, b, 1991; Bullis and Tompkins,1989; Cheney, 1983a, b; Cheney and Tompkins, 1987; Tompkins and Cheney, 1983).These studies do not focus on interpersonal identification and task identificationalthough Cheney (1983a) looked at how individual’s identification influences on-the-jobdecision making. By using the Likert-type scale questionnaire, these studies normallymeasure the level of identification with one target, which is the organization (Barkerand Tompkins, 1994).

Besides, the studies on organizational identification have largely been conducted inindustrial organizations, and individual graduate departments within universities(Bullis and Bach, 1989a, b, 1991; Bullis and Tompkins, 1989; Cheney, 1983a, b; Cheneyand Tompkins, 1987; Tompkins and Cheney, 1985). These scholars have largelyignored development organizations. Identification in grassroots developmentorganizations has not been examined until recently by Papa et al. (1995, 1997). Thisclearly shows that organizational communication scholars have neglected animportant context in which to conduct their research.

Few researchers have addressed the issue of identification and commitment in adevelopment context. Although Papa et al. (1995, 1997) looked at various forms ofidentification in a human development organization, they did not address the members’and workers’ commitment directly. There is limited literature on concertive controlother than studies conducted by Papa et al. (1995, 1997). As indicated by Barker andTompkins (1994) a comparative approach to understanding examples of concertivecontrol holds much usefulness for future research.

Furthermore, the results presented by Papa et al. (1995, 1997) also raised someserious questions for future research. For example, can the results achieved by theGrameen Bank be replicated in another nation? And if the answer is yes, then, whatfactors lead to identification and commitment with this organization? It is too early toconclude the general replicability of the Grameen Bank approach in the absence of athorough understanding of how organizational members identify and remaincommitted to their organization. This study then, may have some practicalapplications for other replication efforts in the international arena and fororganizations that rely upon some form of concertive control systems to sustainmember commitment.

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MethodSubjects and sites selectionThe 70 subjects in this study were participants in the Ikhtiar Loan Scheme (ILS) inPeninsula Malaysia. The subjects consist of members from two branch offices coveringfive villages in the State of Selangor and Penang. A total of 27 subjects participated inthe individual interviews and 43 subjects participated in the focus groups interviews.

Both random and purposive sampling was used in the selection of the sites whereinterviews were conducted. The villages in Penang were randomly chosen, while thosein Selangor were purposive due to the fact that Selangor is the only state in thePeninsula with male members. The selection of sites was made following discussionwith the branch managers in the respective states. Discussions were held with fieldworkers in the absence of the branch manager.

Sampling of respondentsThe nature of the study made it impractical to use a random sample of respondents.Instead, non-random sampling was used. This procedure does not ensure that eachrespondent has an equal chance of being selected due to the cost constraints involvedin conducting the interviews and the nature of the study.

Network sampling, also called the “snowball technique”, was used to locaterespondents to participate in the personal interviews. This method requires therespondents to refer the researchers to other people who could serve as respondents forthis study. For example, the first respondent interviewed was asked to identify anothertwo suitable interviewees. Following this procedure, the “list of respondents grows, or‘snowballs’, as they go along” (Frey et al., 1991, p. 243). The next respondent to beinterviewed by the researcher was chosen from the list of names identified by previousinterviewees. Directions to these respondents’ homes were also obtained.

InterviewThe respondents were asked questions concerning their membership, including thesignificance of their membership and their perceptions about their group membership.The questions in the nondirective survey followed the funnel format whereby broad,open questions were used to introduce the interview, followed by narrower, closedquestions that seek more specific information (Frey et al., 1991). The interviewinstrument, designed for the study was used to guide the intensive interviews. It is a25-item nondirective survey interview instrument.

Multiple methods of data collection were employed, specifically personal interviews,focus group interviews, participant observation and unobtrusive methods. Thepersonal interviews were the key method of data collection in this study. All theinterviews were conducted during a face-to-face meeting. The researcher took thestance that the interviewees were truthful and attempts were also made to establishedrapport with the interviewees to allow fuller and more honest answers (Frey et al.,1991). The interviews were tape-recorded and subsequently transcribed for contentanalysis.

Five focus group interviews were conducted to complement the personal interviewdata. The focus group interviews were conducted in four villages – Kampung Pelet,Kampung Baru, Kampung Tebuk Jawa and Kampung Bagan Nahoda Omar. The focusgroups vary in size, consisting of five to 17 respondents who were willing to participatein the interviews. The average size of the focus group was eight persons.

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The focus groups were assembled with the help of the field workers at therespective branch offices. The focus group interviews took place in an identified openarea, such as in the compound of the mosque or in the public halls in the village.

Altogether, the researcher accumulated approximately 28 hours of tape-recordedresponses that served as the primary data (Herndon, 1993) from both the in-depthinterviews and the focus group interviews.

ObservationsBoth obtrusive and unobtrusive observation was used in this study. The researcherobserved a total of five meetings: four local center meetings for the members (two malecenters and two female centers) and a staff meeting conducted in the branch office. Theresearcher was aided by hardware such as audiotapes and a camera since the methodsof observation included audiotaping of conversations and taking photographs.

Unobtrusive methods were chosen to supplement the data gathered through theinterviews, focus group discussion, and participant observation. The indirectobservation used in this study included the examination of communication artifacts.This includes the annual reports, unpublished reports prepared for managementmeetings, pamphlets and bulletin published by the organization, and local newspapersand periodical such as the Newsweek and Time Magazine. Reviews on minutes ofmeetings, announcements, formal policy statements, and letters were also found to beuseful to develop an understanding of the member perceptions and behaviors(Marshall and Rossman, 1995).

Data analysisThe recorded dialogue from the field interviews was transcribed from BahasaMalaysia (Malay language) directly into English; however, word for word transcriptionof all recordings was not made. The personal interviews and focus group interviewswere analyzed in the same manner. The researcher listened carefully and thoroughly tothe recorded interviews and took extensive notes. The particularly importantcomments were transcribed verbatim. The recordings were retained for reference.

The tapes were analyzed for recurring themes to find out exactly how membersdescribe their identification and commitment with Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia and howthey enact concertive control systems through their communication. This processrequired identifying specific themes, stories, and metaphors that were commonly usedby the respondents. Broad definitions of these three concepts were used to guide theidentification of the themes so that no account was missed.

After the interviews were transcribed, the researcher thoroughly examined eachtranscript to identify the direct and indirect statements that illuminate aspects ofcommitment, identification, and concertive control. The stories, themes, and metaphorsor comments providing insight into commitment, identification, and the enactment ofconcertive control systems were analyzed in order to interpret how the respondentsperceive their identification, commitment, and how they understood the concertivecontrol systems operative within their group.

Results and discussionThis study explored how organizational members of a human developmentorganization described their identification and commitment. By focusing onorganizational identification and commitment, two research questions were explored.

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Research question oneThe first research question addressed the organizational members’ identification withthe organization, group, and tasks they perform. Specifically, the research questionexplored how organizational members described their identification with each of thesetargets.

The organization stressed its values in the borrowers pledge and organization’sprinciple, and members use the organization’s philosophies and shared beliefs tointerpret their organizational life. The respondents reported a number of parallelsbetween their personal values and the organization’s values. This helped theorganizational members to build their commitment towards the organization, otherorganizational members, and the task they perform, and to maintain a sense ofsimilarity and belonging in their group and organization. This can be seen in the waythey use their loans, and their discipline to meet the obligation of repayment, savings,and to change their life.

The significant theme that arises from the analysis is the theme representing relieffrom shame, bondage, hunger and poverty itself. Generally, respondents felt that theywould not be able to make such significant changes within such a short period withoutthe assistance and support from the organization, field workers, and their fellow groupmembers. In other words, the organization helps to provide them a route to escape frompoverty.

The second theme represents the cooperation among members. This theme resultsfrom the close interpersonal relationship among the organizational members. Becausemembers feel thankful and indebted to the organization for the economic and socialempowerment, they cooperate with one another by giving each other their commitmentto endeavor. They advise and consult one another. Some have started to work on groupprojects. As one respondent said: “Previously I asked myself why we must attend themeeting every week. Now, I know we can meet every week because we can discussabout our project and have good projects to work together.”

All the respondents demonstrated high levels of organizational identification intheir stories because:

. through their membership, they are able to feel relief from living in poverty asrevealed in their stories of relief and life transformation; and

. they could also increase their household expenses on food and basic necessities,have a more positive view of their abilities and self-improvement throughhelping one another, being more self-reliant as well as sustaining their projects.

The members demonstrate high organizational identification when they revealed thatthey are proud to be a member of AIM; have warm feelings towards the organization;find it easy to identify with the organization’s values; have a lot in common with otherorganizational members (i.e. same ethnic group, social class, same sex, and sharesimilar ambition although they join at different time), and have personal friends intheir group; felt the organization cares for them; describe AIM as a large “family”; talkup AIM to non-members that AIM is a good organization to belong to; and encouragenon-members to join the organization so that they too can be more “successful”. Inaddition, they did not report any changes that should be made regarding the rules andregulations of the organization, or those of the centers to which they belong.

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A high level of task identification is necessary for organizational members to workhard in their chosen project and to increase their net income because they must meettheir obligations towards the organization and their group members. For instance,without an observable increase in their net income, organizational members will not beable to meet their weekly repayment, and hence become a financial burden to theirfellow group members.

In this organization, a high level of task identification occurs because organizationalmembers were given assistance to develop more pride in their task as well as theopportunity for creativity to make their task meaningful. For example, all therespondents who are using the loans either by themselves or sharing it with ahousehold member identify strongly with their projects. Most respondents wanted toincrease the size of their projects, or buy a vehicle or electrical equipment for theirhouse. For example, one respondent revealed: “I used the first loan to sell laksa [noodle]from house to house. Now, I want to have a shop to sell fried banana crisp, laksa anddrinks.” They were able to demonstrate high task identification and commitmentbecause they select only activities or projects based on their skills, experience andknowledge. As several members reported, they have been doing their project for manyyears, even before they joined the organization.

Generally, the respondents reported their group and interpersonal identification as“there are no problems in the group”, “the feelings in the group is good”, “our group isfunctioning well”, “all our group members are very good”, “it is not breaking up”, andso forth. All the respondents are satisfied to be in their group because:

. they trust their fellow group members;

. they are satisfied with their group membership;

. they cooperate with one another, and follow the group norms such as notdelaying their repayment; and

. they are all very close and have high responsibility so that they “can repay, andcan qualify for more loans”.

Respondents also do not have any feeling of being rejected by their fellow groupmembers, felt a strong sense of being included in the activities, and have a great senseof belonging to their group and center. They know their responsibilities towards oneanother and further indicated that they try not to be a burden to their group membersby observing the rules and regulations.

A high level of group and interpersonal identification occur because:. the groups are purposefully formed;. the structure of the loans compels them to identify strongly with one another and

to monitor each other’s activities since group members are their own guarantor;. “everything [attendance and repayment] is recorded every week by the field

worker”; and. their willingness to learn from one another.

Furthermore, they are happy because they have gained collective strength since theyhave a group savings, and they could now borrow from their group savings at times ofemergency, instead of relying on external sources such as their relatives.

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Because the members identify with each other so strongly, when a member is notpresent for a meeting, other group members will automatically “pay first” on behalf ofthe absent member so that the group can have a good repayment record. They have aforum or hold discussion to analyze and reflect what is best for them to do wheneverthey have any problems. In addition, they use unified symbols such as “we”, “us”, and“ours” in all the interviews. Several respondents also used the metaphors of “beingrelated” to one another to describe their relationship such as: “we are like a family”, “weare like relatives”, “mother and child”, or “we are like siblings”.

The respondents revealed the organizational values help them to become moreidentified with their group. For example, the emphasis on regular attendance promotessolidarity and participation among the members at both the group and center level.This emphasis also promotes mutual support and peer pressure to ensure:

. that there is smooth processing of loan applications;

. that loans are properly utilized; and

. that repayments are made promptly.

The pressure for regular attendance also ensures their continuous access to theorganization’s facility.

In this organization, identification occurs as a result of organizational members:. understanding one another’s beliefs, attitudes, and values;. empathizing with one another;. sympathizing with one another’s problems, pleasure or pains;. working together to achieve a common goal; and. several other factors, including putting peer pressure on their peers or

supporting them when necessary.

Research question twoThe second research question explored how organizational members described theircommitment. Organizational commitment refers to the relative strength of member’sidentification with, and involvement in the organization (Mowday et al., 1979). AIMemphasizes the religious and spiritual obligations by incorporating some religiousvalues in the borrowers’ pledge and principle.

Members demonstrate their commitment towards each other and to theorganization in several ways, including reciting their pledge as a group in publicduring their meeting. Reciting the pledge serves to remind them of good work andbehavior at all times. They also reported that they must carry out their organizationalcommitment stated in their pledge or verbal contract because their subsequent loanapplication and disbursement will be affected if they do not follow the rules andregulations stipulated by the organization. Generally, at all the centers observed, thesahabats recite the borrowers pledge while the field worker recites the staff pledgebefore the meeting starts. The meetings also end with the borrower’s and staff’s pledge.Other rituals incorporated into the center’s meetings by the members to furtherreinforce their identification and commitment includes “singing” of nasyid [Islamicreligious songs], prayers, slogans, or reading certain passages from the Quran before orduring the meeting.

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The members depicted strong commitment, particularly when several respondentsreported that they have no other sources to rely on for loans for their project; that theirpresent state of life is a result of their membership; that their success is theorganization’s success; that they are satisfied with their project; that it is an honor to bea member in the organization; and having the fear of falling back to poverty like someof their sahabats who had left the organization.

Most respondents reported that the organization inspires the best in them. Theyadded that membership is a way of acquiring social status, and there are a lot ofbenefits for them to be a member. They also behave in a way consistent with the valuesof the organization such as borrowing according to their needs although they qualifiedfor bigger loan.

The respondents demonstrated high commitment to the organization’s goal byusing the loans to capitalize their skills, to increase income, and to become moreself-reliant. Most respondents reported or demonstrated high organizationalcommitment, group and interpersonal commitment, and high task commitment. Allthe respondents reported that they have no intention to leave their group or theirorganization. Most respondents said they will continue to take further loans to expandtheir existing projects.

The members were able to demonstrate high task commitment because they chosethe project by themselves. They are able to concentrate on specific tasks bycapitalizing on their skills to increase their productivity and efficiency. This approachfor task selection promotes responsibility and self-reliance as they could not blameanyone for their project failure. They are committed to their task because they may loseface among their peers if they fail in their project and become a defaulter. Therefore,they use their loans diligently to increase their productivity and to improve their livingconditions. Organizational members demonstrated their task commitment when theystated that they want to enlarge their projects, and they want to make their projectssuccessful.

Commitments towards group members were reported by many members. Forinstance, observing the organization’s rules, regulations and group norms wasreported as very important. They are very cautious about their actions because they donot want their friendship of long duration to be shattered as a result of not adhering tobehavioral norms. The members also revealed they are making a great effort todemonstrate their commitment towards their group and organization by theirparticipation in the center’s meeting which seems to be just for the recording ofattendance, collecting loan repayment, submitting loan proposal, and loan approval ordisbursement if any. Examples include: “when I am sick I have to get up to attend themeeting. When I have a headache, I also come for the meeting,” “there is no one whopurposely want to test the other members. When they do not come, they also send theirmoney. For example, just now, after we have paid for the sahabat, her husband came tosend her money for the repayment before the meeting ends,” “I bring my daughters tothe meeting because she wanted to follow me. There is no one to look after my childrenat home,” and personal observation of another respondent who came early for hermeeting, prepared the sarong which hangs from a rope from the ceiling beside her seatin the center and “rock” her baby to sleep before the meeting started.

The respondents also demonstrated their commitment towards one another in theirgroups. They reported that they are cooperative, work as a team, look out for one

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another, will lose some self-respect if their group fails, that it could be their turn next toneed help or assistance, and they needed the peer support in all proposals. Theyrevealed that they felt it is their responsibility to help their peers because one of theorganizational values states that they should help one another. They further indicatedthat they have well understood but unwritten rules concerning their conduct, have nofear to express their opinions, and are subjected to strict discipline.

They know their attendance is important because one organizational value oncollective responsibility stated that there will be no approval or disbursement of loansin the absence of a complete group. They want to maintain a good record among theirpeers to prevent their access to future credit from being threatened. As such they cannot let down their group members by being absent. In fact, they put a lot of pressure onone another to attend weekly meetings and maintain the high repayment rate so thattheir performance record is perfect. Beside respondents who reported: “I do not want totrouble anyone,” the 100 percent repayment rate is so important to them that they willfind a solution to help members who could not make their repayment. Such highpressure in the group also ensures that their centers are view positively by the fieldworkers. These results support the earlier findings of Papa et al. (1997) in that therespondents are willing to place extraordinary pressure on their peers to maintain theircommitment towards the organization and one another.

The high commitment of the group members gives the group energy and motivatesthem towards positive personal and group outcomes. They are willing to accept eachother, learn from and listen to each other, participate in the group and center’sactivities, protect the group and increase each other’s organizational, task, andinterpersonal identification. They build fellow members commitment by developingstandards and codes of conduct to regulate the behavior of their members. Membersdeveloped their own rules to govern each other’s behavior and actions in order for themto achieve their personal motives and goals for joining the organization, and to dealwith members who are not adhering to the discipline such as whether to penalize themwith micro-techniques of discipline such as reading the pledge alone, or whether to“throw” them out of their group. They also develop norms, such as what they shoulddo when a member does not attend the meeting, or how to handle defaulters orabsenteeism by themselves, while other norms such as regular repayment andattendance are dictated by the organization.

In essence, the organizational members’ actions and behaviors are also restrictedalthough they reported that they do not mind such restriction. As a respondent said:“even if it is strict, it is good.” Members had to be punctual for meetings, and attain atleast an 80 percent attendance record even though numerous organizational membershave no one to watch over their young children when they attend their weekly meeting.Thus, members’ children, their feeding bottles and sometimes even a sarong (for theirbaby to sleep) are often part of the meeting.

The restrictions and constraints are similar to Papa et al.’s (1995, p. 203)observations that members of the Grameen Bank have to “surrender some individualfreedom in order to gain access to the resources of the collective”. This suggests thatpeer support and peer pressure is an effective way to ensure organizational membersactive participation, and their strong identification and commitment with their groupand collective goals.

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The strong identification coupled with strong commitment in terms of their loyaltytowards the group goals, organizational goals, and values is essential for theorganization’s continual existence. Such strong relationships between organizationalmembers and their organization are in fact expected as the organization had providedthem access and hope which no other organizations provides.

This study revealed that organizational members and the organization mutuallyinfluence each other’s existence, attitude and commitment. In fact, they areinterdependent on each other. For instance, AIM needs strong identification andcommitment from its members to achieve its goal, which in this case is povertyalleviation. However, in order for the continual existence of all the groups (currentlyconsisting of five members each) of organizational members, all members must be ableto derive some benefits from their membership.

The members are “functionally interdependent” (Marby and Barnes, 1980, p. 250).Members were found to be responsive to each other’s needs, share the fate of theirgroup and center members, and submit themselves to the systems that control them.Since any deviation of an unsatisfied member can destroy the group and center’s effort,organizational members have to remain identified, committed as well as being cohesiveand accepting each other’s influence. By being involved and interconnected in theirgroup, they are also able to overcome problems which can affect their futureapplication. Thus, the greater involvement and concern for each other’s activities helpthem to feel more identified with and committed to one another and their organization.

This study revealed that the organization influences the process of identificationthrough motivational talks which are followed by a one week compulsory training, andthat organizational members must identify with and be committed to the rules,regulations, and demands made on them by their group and center in order to continuetheir membership in the organization. AIM’s members are grateful for the economicand social empowerment. In return, they give their “complete commitment” to theirgroup and center members, and the organization by observing the norms, rules andregulations.

The study suggests that an organizational member’s behavior and performance ishighly related to their level of organizational identification and commitment. Thefindings provide support for the idea of helping organizational members to becomeidentified and committed with the organization through the socialization process whennew members join the organization (see Jablin (1986)). Studies by Sheldon (1971) andMoch (1980) show that the opportunities for social interaction at work increasesorganizational commitment. Similarly, Ikhtiar’s members’ close proximity in the samevillage allows them a lot of opportunities for social interaction which strengthens theirrelationship with one another.

High level of organizational commitment is associated with lower intention to leavethe organization or lower rate of turnover (Steers, 1977; Porter et al., 1974). Forexample, several members not taking loans still attend meetings while severalsuccessful organizational members also indicated that they “want to stay on to be anexample for other poor people” because “I feel thankful for Projek Ikhtiar because it isthrough this project that I can improve my living standard. If possible, I do not want toleave [the organization]. If I do not join now, I am alright, but I want to be an example toencourage the poorer people to join.” In other words, these members want to be “livingproof” of what Projek Ikhtiar and AIM have done to their lives.

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Consistent with earlier literature, organizational commitment was found to bestrongly related to members’ intention and desire to remain in the organization, theirattendance, and turnover. This suggests that an organizational member’s behavior andperformance is highly related to their level of organizational identification andcommitment. Further, member’s task satisfaction is found to be related to their task,group and organizational commitment. More specifically, task commitment has apositive effect on members’ organizational commitment, and is not associated withabsenteeism.

In addition, high organizational identification and commitment are negativelyrelated to organizational members’ intention to leave. Highly identified and committedmembers indicated that they will:

. retain their membership;

. attend their weekly meetings; and

. continue to contribute to their group funds, even when they have no intention toborrow.

Identification and commitment in this organization supports Cheney and Tompkins(1987) notion that organizational identification and commitment are interrelated. AsTompkins and Cheney (1983) suggested, the respondents do perceive theorganization’s values or interest as relevant in evaluating the alternatives of choicewhen they make their own decision in their group and center.

The results also support the notion that identification and commitment changesover time (Bullis and Bach, 1989b). Some new organizational members reported theiridentification and commitment increases over time while some members need to beasked to attend meetings. This could be due to their initial decrease in identificationand commitment towards the organization, or as a result of a “bad” experience, or aninability to meet their expectations, needs or motives, or due to project failure. Thefindings of this study, in general, provide support for the idea of helping organizationalmembers to become identified and committed with the organization through thesocialization process when new members join the organization.

The study showed that organizational members’ identification and commitmenttowards the organization is affected by how they identify with one another in theirgroup and their center, and how identified and committed they are interpersonally withone another. In addition, the organizational members identification with theorganization and their commitment towards the organization is closely related tohow they value the task they perform to achieve their economic goals. In other words,their fellow group members can help them to maintain their identification andcommitment with the organization by applying peer pressure and peer supportwhenever necessary.

Pragmatic implicationsThe study provides evidence that organizational socialization has an impact on howorganizational members increase their identification and become committed towardsthe organization, with one another, and with the task they perform. The feeling ofloyalty and pride also explains the high identification with and commitment to theorganization. It appears that organizational identification and commitment has a lot to

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do with the members’ motives. In this case, joining the organization to meet a specificpurpose – which is social and economic empowerment.

The findings suggest that AIM should also be concerned with minimizing theorganizational members cost of participation. Since members have to make varioussacrifices to maintain their membership, this study suggests that it is unlikely for ahuman development organization to meet all the needs of the members.

The female organizational members have also proven that they are not only good inthe kitchen or around the house but can achieve economic success when they are givenan opportunity in their rural villages.

Limitations and recommendationsThe limitations of the study include the difficulties in locating members whodropped-out of the organization’s program. Also, the specific findings cannot begeneralized to other human development organizations or organizations in a differentsocial-cultural context. Future studies should consider incorporating qualitative andquantitative methods to provide broader insight, and studying human developmentorganizations in a low context culture to determine the cross-cultural validity of thepresent findings. Furthermore, researchers should not expect similar treatment asthose in Bangladesh such as “bouncing over dirt roads on the back of a motorcycle orbicycle” (Holcombe, 1995, p. 181) but be very flexible with their itinerary, be familiarwith moving around the rural areas by themselves, and most importantly be familiarwith the local language.

Summary and conclusionThe identification the respondents described directs their attention to the intricateprocess through which they become a functioning member of the organization andhelps them to cope with the demands placed on them by the group and the organization(Barker and Tompkins, 1994). Their unwillingness to lose face or their dignity suggeststhat they further reinforce their identification with their tasks, their group membersand organization. It also suggests that their unwillingness to lose face ensures thatorganizational members will continue to play their designated and appropriate roles aswell as to continue displaying their commitment to each of the targets. Indeed, theidentification and commitment described by the respondents helps the organization’sefforts to succeed.

The respondents identify with AIM because the organization gave them anopportunity no other organization had provided. Since they want to escape frompoverty, they were prepared to work hard and become committed to the organizationthat provides them with the means to capitalize on their survival skills, and to meettheir personal objectives. Through the strict procedures employed by AIM, memberswere instilled with AIM’s values, rules and decision premises. This suggest thattraining serves as an initiation into the organization, builds interpersonal commitment,increases members’ motivation to work hard, and increases their identification with theorganization as well as sustaining their membership in the organization.

To conclude, the results of this research have shown that:. organizational identification and commitment in AIM is very high;. members regard the organizational rules and regulations as a means of guiding

and reinforcing appropriate behaviors;

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. members control one another by maintaining appropriate group behaviors andfocus on developing a compassionate, caring relationship with other members inthe group; and

. members share their commitment.

More importantly, this study suggest that orientation program, socializing activities,opportunities for participative decision-making, “psychological” and “religious”strategies, and a focus on the members’ culture and everyday life can help to improveidentification and commitment towards an organization.

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Corresponding authorSow Hup Chan can be contacted at: [email protected]

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