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Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP)

On Emotions in Early Muslim Administration The Chancery of Qurra ibn Šarīk, Governor of Egypt

Version 01

March 2012

Lucian Reinfandt (University of Vienna, Department of Oriental Studies) Abstract: The following is an analysis of the emotional content of the language in Arabic administrative letters. For this purpose the letters sent in the early 8th c AD from the governor of Egypt, Qurra ibn Šarīk, to his subordinate pagarch of Aphroditō, are examined. First those elements will be worked out that either were destined to express emotions on the part of the sender, or to evoke emotions on the part of the addressee. Thereupon patterns of use of these emotional elements in the letters will be reconstructed, until some final conclusions will be drawn about the rational-bureaucratic character of emotional epistolography in an environment of largely traditional rule and patrimonial relationship between governor and pagarch.

© Lucian Reinfandt 2012

[email protected]

1 Lucian Reinfandt

NFN Imperium and Officium. Comparative Studies in Ancient Bureaucracy and Officialdom

On Emotions in Early Muslim Administration

The Chancery of Qurra ibn Šarīk, Governor of Egypt

Since the governor Qurra bin Šarīk al-ʿAbsī (r. 709–715 CE) is a well known figure not only in

Arabic, but also in Greek and Coptic Papyrology, it might be of some interest to take up once again his

letters to the pagarch of Aphroditō, here from the Arabist’s point of view. In view of the common

undertaking this book, which is the role of emotions in Ancient social history, Qurra’s Arabic letters

shall be examined as to whether emotions in any regard played a role in the administrative procedures

of this particular governor and in official epistolography in general. It is my sincere hope that the

following remarks on the texts may be of some use also for the colleagues of Greek and Coptic

Papyrology and thus help to pave the way for more interdisciplinary research on the Near East in Late

Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages.1

1. The emotional factor in administrative practice

One should not expect emotions to play a role in the complex and highly formalised procedures of

administration in Byzantine and Early Islamic Egypt. Official writings on papyrus certainly create an

impression of a down-to-earth machinery with a centuries-old experience of compartmentalized day-

to-day business. One needed expert knowledge (Fachwissen as Max Weber would have called it, the

German term being semantically related to compartmentalization) and appropriate model documents

to produce a writing that accomplished the desired administrative concern.2 Accordingly one should

expect a task-oriented communication between members of the bureaucracy at least on middle and

low levels, and with letters showing a clear tendency of reducing personal commitment in favour of

concise matter-of-fact treatment. However, this was not the case.

Research for this article was conducted under the auspices of the project “The Language of Power II: Official

Epistolography in Islamic Egypt (642–969)” funded by the FWF Austrian Science Fund. The project is part of the National

Research Network (NFN) “Imperium and Officium: Comparative Studies in Ancient Bureaucracy and Officialdom”

http://imperiumofficium.univie.ac.at. ‒ Papyrus editions are cited according to the Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin,

Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets (http://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/scriptorium/papyrus/texts/clist.html),

the Checklist of Arabic Documents (http://www.ori.uzh.ch/isap/isapchecklist.html), and, for reasons of convenience, the

Arabic Papyrology Bibliography (http://www.ori.uzh.ch/research/papyrology/bibliography.html) [all 29 February 2012]. ‒ I

am once more indebted to Andreas Kaplony (Munich) and his team of the Arabic Papyrology Database

(www.ori.uzh.ch/apd) for making available this incredibly helpful tool. 1 This sort of indtroduction is undoubtedly plagiarized from Bell 1928:278. It is not meant as an insolence, though, but as an

expression of veneration for this pioneer of transdisciplinary papyrology. 2 Weber 51980:128‒29.

On Emotions in Early Muslim Administration 2


The letters sent from Qurra ibn Šarīk to his subordinate head of district (pagarch) Basileios of

Aphroditō (Kaw Išqawh) are famous for their ‘strong language’, their narratio being loaded with

outspoken threats and insults.3 Their discovery in Egypt in the late 19th century has even brought about

an entire reassessment of Qurra’s role in history: while Arabic literary sources traditionally depict an

incompetent and corrupt example of Umayyad misrule over Egypt,4 the original letters in contrast

show an administrator willing to take care for the upkeep of public order, the control of local

productivity and the protection of the country population against abuses by their own indigenous

elites.5 The authoritarian language of the letters was even taken as indicaton of centralizing tendencies

already during the first 150 years of Muslim rule over Egypt.6 This interpretation of Qurra ibn Šarīk’s

rule as one of both willingness and ability to tighten control has recently been raised to question by

Arietta Papaconstantinou. By a careful analysis of the Greek letters sent by Qurra to his pagarch

Basileios in Aphroditō, she came to the disturbing result that the ‘strong language’ of the letters is by

no means an evidence of actual power but rather a mere rhetoric of a Muslim ruler struggling without

success against powerful local Christian elites personified by the pagarch of Aphroditō.7 Since the

interplay between the governor in al-Fusṭāṭ and his circa 60 pagarchs in the hinterland formed the

backbone of the Umayyad administration of Egypt,8 such a reassessment of the governor’s actual

power, if correct, would have considerable consequences for our understanding of early Muslim rule

in general. Once more becomes apparent how central the language of the letters is for an appropriate

understanding of social settings of power, conflict, and conflict resolution in the concrete case.

We have already mentioned the discrepancy between the largely formalized administrative procedures

of the heirs of Byzantine administration on the one hand and the very personal and harsh tone of the

letters sent from the state chancellery in al-Fusṭāṭ on the other. It seems at least in the case of the

pagarch of Aphroditō that emotionality, on the level of language use, had been part and parcel of

official epistolography in that period.9 It might therefore be useful to evaluate the language of Qurra’s

letters in regards of elements expressing or evoking emotionality and their patterns of use.

3 Qurra ibn Šarīk became governor of Egypt on 3 or 13 Rabīʿ I 90 / 10 or 20 January 709 or shortly afterwards and remained

in office until Ṣafar 96 / October–November 714 or 23 Rabīʿ I 96 / 6 December 714, when he died of the plague (Becker

1906:17–18 discusses the discrepancies of chronology on the basis of literary sources). Sketches of Qurra’s biography are

Abbott 1938:57‒69; Becker 1906:15‒19; Cadell 1967:138–159; Bosworth 1981. Qurra ibn Šarīk as a historical personallity

is extensively treated, in Arabic, by Abū Ṣafiyya 1425/2004. 4 A detailed overview over the literary sources is Becker 1906:15‒19. 5 Becker 1906:18‒19; Bell 1910:xxiv‒xxv; Bell 1928:280‒81; Abbott 1938:65‒69. 6 Ibid. Cf., however, Sijpesteijn 2009 with strong arguments for a longer survival in power of indigenous Christian

landholding élites during the 8th c CE. 7 Papaconstantinou 2012. 8 Richter 2010:193. 9 Not taken into regard here are other communicative aspects of letters, like the choice of material and script, or the ways of

delivering and reading out, that surely deserve a treatment on their own.

3 Lucian Reinfandt


Emotions in Arabic administrative documents have never been a topic of research so far. This is

similar to the situation in other historical disciplines and is due to the ‘soft’ nature of the term, its

idealist smack, and its hitherto lack of conceptual stringency.10 The letters of Qurra ibn Šarīk to his

pagarch Basileios, however, are a convenient starting point for any research on emotionality because

of their ‘strong language’. And there is good reason for the suitability of research on emotionality as a

tool for a better understanding of Muslim rule in the emerging Caliphal empire. One important aspect

is the more or less unexpected occurrence of emotionality in administrative procedures, which opens

up a set of Weberian questions as to whether emotionality can be taken as an indicator of

patrimonialism in early Muslim dominion. Another argument is the fact that it is a sort of indirect, or

second hand, emotionality that becomes perceivable in Qurra’s letters.

Both aspects need clarification. There are, as a rule, two kinds of emotionality to be distinguished in

Qurra’s letters as are in many other Arabic and Greek official letters from that period. The first one is

a sort of affective emotionality displayed on the side of the authors (or scribes) of letters, thus

allowing a glance into the inner disposition of human beings that stood behind the letters as well as

into the nature of the matters treated. In this case one might expect sentiments of joy, relief,

contentment, pride, and even amusement as well as, on the other hand, negative emotions like anger,

wrath, frustration. The other kind of emotionality is of a very different nature and appeals to the

emotions among the addressee’s side. Here one could expect mutual affection with the sender as well

as feelings of shame and guilt and even open fear. Likewise, one could expect appeals to the

addressee’s sense of responsibility, in other words, reminders to the underlying references frame of

authority and value: this can be an appeal to mundane authorities (“I am your superior; you have to

obey!”) or alternatively, and supposable in an Islamic context, the appeal to the transcendent power

(“God shall be merciful to you; God will be unhappy with you!”).

What makes the Qurra letters so relevant for the study of emotions is the fact that the ‘strong

language’ used in the letters, the temper looming up, is at first sight a manifestation of the emotions

among the letter writer himself. It looks as if the governor expresses his own feelings of anger and

frustration towards the addressee. Given the fact, however, that the letters were not written by the

governor himself but by his secretarial staff, this impression becomes unfounded. We do not know

much about the procedures of letter production in early Islamic chancelleries, but we have to reckon

with delegations, with time shifts between dictation, conceptualisation and clean copy in different

rooms and with different specialists involved. Official letters from the governor were a product of

team-work, their words nurtured as much by the governor’s concern as by general constraints of the

matter at hand and, not least, bureaucratic habitus and procedural rules. They were official documents

10 A pioneering study, however, being Febvre 1941.



rather than personal communication and thus filtered by and adjusted to the needs of convention and

rationality.

This consideration brings us very close to the concept pursued by this book. The study of emotions in

administrative writings opens a window to even the functioning of dominion. Far away from being

mere expressions of individuality, emotions are also culture-bound phenomena ‒ and thus reflections

of social constructs. Individuals reacted in conformity with the expectations of their environment.

Accordingly, the language of official letters, with all facets of emotionality or non-emotionality, is not

so much the language of their originators (here: the governor of Egypt) but to a greater degree the

language of a supra-individual setting into which the single individual was bound and in which the

individual was acting according to set norms. Writings had to be formulated, shaped, and presented in

a way that achieved a maximum of impact on the addressees. This was ensured by rhetoric and reason

on the one hand, and by consideration for the addressees’ affectivity and expectations on the other.

Language phenomena, like the use of emtional or non-emotional speech, are therefore representatives

of social and cultural milieus and underly a culture-bound logic. They can be understood as

manifestations of social relations within which the protagonists pursued their strategies.

Given these circumstances, the search for emotions in administrative letters has a significant action-

oriented if not micro-historical dimension. According to this perspective, social formations and

bureaucratic institutions were not given conditions, but were constantly to be negotiated and shaped by

all individuals involved, be they of high or low rank.11 This was accomplished by politics of everyday

life, the essence of which being the strategic use of social principles.12 Crucial in this regard is the

strategic component, by which all social interaction appears, with Pierre Bourdieu, as samples of

strategic choice among various offers at disposal.13 Under these premises, a reconstruction of the

specific language use in Arabic official letters should lay open the interactions of individual social

strategies among members of the bureaucracy. By this becomes possible an understanding of the

functioning of the larger body, in our case the early Muslim administration in Egypt, also at a higher,

precisely macro-historical, level.14 The evaluation of emotions therewith leaves behind the tentative

everyday history and evades the notorious stigma of practicing a mere anecdotal history of events. 11 Cf. Schlumbohm 2000:22: “Sie sozialen Gruppen und Institutionen treten den Menschen – selbst den Bauern in einem

entlegenen Dorf – nicht als objektive Gegebenheiten gegenüber, sondern sie werden von den ‚kleinen Leuten’ mitgestaltet in

Verhandlungen und Konflikten.“ 12 Ibid., quoting Giovanni Levi, Das immaterielle Erbe. Eine bäuerliche Welt an der Schwelle zur Moderne, Berlin 1986 (ital.

Torino 1985), p. 9. 13 Bourdieu 1986:119: “… groups, and particularly units with a genealogical basis, existed both in the objective reality of

instituted regularities and constraints, and in their representations and all the strategies of bargaining, negotiation, bluff, etc.,

whose purpose is to modify reality by modifying the representations.” 14 Schlumbohm 2000:22 with reference to Carlo Ginzburg, Mikro-Historie. Zwei oder drei Dinge, die ich von ihr weiß,

Historische Anthropologie 1 (1993), p. 191.

5 Lucian Reinfandt


Rather, it evolves into an appropriate approach to trace more structural peculiarities of early Muslim

rule.

The following is an analysis of the emotional content of the language in Arabic administrative letters.

First those elements will be worked out that either were destined to express emotions on the part of the

sender, or to evoke emotions on the part of the addressee (part 2). Thereupon patterns of use of these

emotional elements in the letters will be reconstructed (part 3), until some final conclusions will be

drawn (part 4). The letters of Qurra ibn Šarīk to his pagarch Basileios of Aphroditō are well-suited for

our purpose, since they deal with different matters between the same correspondents over an extended

period, in other words: they have a ‘story to tell’. They belong to one of the few preserved archives

from early Muslim Egypt and thus benefit from the added value inherent in this kind of corpora when

compared to the largely atomized documentation in the very scattered majority of papyri.15 Moreover,

they are part of a larger documentary corpus written in no less than three languages (Arabic, Coptic,

and Greek) and thus exhibit a considerable comparative potential concerning epistolary practice and

language use in different language traditions.16 The majority of the letters, Arabic and Greek alike,

addresses the payment of taxes and the provision of manpower and material by the pagarch in

Aphroditō. Other subjects are the return of tax fugitives to their original residences and the settlement

of legal conflicts. All in all the letters construct, within the relatively narrow time frame of 24 months,

a little drama between two protagonists representing the central power in al-Fusṭāṭ on the one hand

and the local elites in the periphery on the other.17 The Qurra correspondence has been scrutinized by

generations of scholarship as a source for the institutional history of Early Islamic Egypt. However,

evaluating the share of emotions on an action-oriented basis seems new and promising and shall be

undertaken in the following.

2. Emotions in administrative letters of Qurra ibn Šarīk

A typical example of the grand pattern of Qurra’s Arabic letters is P.Cair.Arab. III 151r (with

emendations by Diem 1984:258). It was written between April 6 and May 4, 710 CE and contains an

order to the pagarch of Aphroditō, Basileios, to return some tax fugitives that had been found living in

Aphroditō, to their natural pagarchy:

15 On archives and dossiers from Egypt in the Muslim period cf. now in detail Sijpesteijn 2010. 16 The pioneering studies of language use in the Arabic Qurra letters are Becker 1906:27‒35 and Abbott 1938:39‒41. The

subject has only recently been tackeled again by Abū Ṣafiyya 1425/2004 and Richter 2010. 17 Most of the datable Greek, Arabic, or Coptic letters come from the years 90–91 H / 709–710 CE; cf. Richter 2010:196.

Comprehensive overviews of the editions of the Greek, Coptic and Arabic papyri from the dossier of Basileios are Cadell

1967; Diem 1984; Richter 2010.



[1] In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful! [2] From Qorra b. Sharīk to

Basil, [3] administrator of Ishqawh. I praise [4] God, besides [whom] there is no [5] god.

[6] As to the matter at hand:

Hishām b. ʿUmar [7] has written to me mentioning [8] fugitives of his in thy district [9]

And I had already given order to [10] the administrators and had written to them (to tell

them) [11] not to give refuge to a fugitive. Therefore, when [12] this my letter reaches

thee [13] give back to him what [14] fugitives are his in thy district, [15] and I do not

wish to hear again that thou sendest back [16] his messengers, or that he write [17] his

complaints about thee to me.

And hail [18] to him who follows the guidance. And Yazīd [19] has written (it) in Jumādā

II [20] of the year ninety-one.

The letter consists of the following main parts: (1) a prescript [lines 1–6], containing the basmala (“in

the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful” bi-smi llāhi r-raḥmāni r-raḥīmi), the salutatio

(“from Qurra ibn Sharīk to Basil, administrator of Ishqawh” min qurrata bni šarīka ʾilā basīla ṣāḥibi

ʾišqawha), a religious formula (“I praise God, than whom there is no other god” fa-ʾinnī ʾaḥmadu

llāha llaḏī lā ʾilāha ʾillā huwa), and a transitional marker (“now to proceed” ʾammā baʿdu); (2) the

narratio or body of the letter [lines 6–17], containing a mutable text conforming to the occasion at

hand; (3) the finishing part [17–20], containing a religious final clause (“peace be with those who

follow the guidance” wa-s-salāmu ʿalā mani ttabaʿa l-hudā), the name of the scribe and the date of

issue (“Yazīd has written (it) in the month of Rabīʿ I of the year 90” wa-kataba yazīdu fī šahri rabīʿa

l-ʾawwali min sanati tisʿīna).

While the first and last parts of the letter determined the outer administrative setting (hierarchy,

correspondence partners, person and time of drafting), it is the middle passage with its narratio that

contains scribal skills and the craft of letting the often complex administrative issue curdle into words.

How to write it down in order to ensure success – in other words, to convince the addressee to obey

the sender’s requests? Apart from regular bureaucratic accuracy on the one hand and the knowledge of

epistolographic conventions on the other, the scribe, or rather his superior, the secretary, had to have

knowledge of additional devices depending on the circumstances and urgency of the case at hand.

Albeit being to a certain extent standardized formulae and therefore likewise conventional in nature,

these additional devices made their impact by their timing and choice according to particular

occasions. Whereas the phrases of the letter’s prescript and final clause transported a religious

discrimination (its humiliating character perhaps only being manifest to modern perception) that was

habitual and depersonalised in character and perhaps was not even perceived by Basileios,18 the

18 Cf. the phrases ʾaḥmadu llāha “I praise God” that was the rule in letters to Christians (instead of ʾaḥmadu ʾilayka llāha “I

praise to you God” reserved for Muslims only) and wa-s-salāmu ʿalā mani ttabaʿa l-hudā “peace be with those who follow

7 Lucian Reinfandt


middle part surely attracted his attention due to its mutability. In this way they were different from

such standardised formulae as the religious phrases mentioned. The narratio was the object of the

secretary’s and scribe’s handling of the particular occasion and the delicate part of the letter. Its

composition was the quality feature of the letter in terms of functionality and effectiveness.

The narratio of Qurra’s letters contained a number of standardized yet variably applicable elements

that were destined, as it seems, to evoke certain emotions among the addressee. They shall be

explained in the following.

2.1 Elements evoking fear, nervousness, or uneasiness

Imperatives [1A]

As a rule, imperative forms [1A] dominate all letters. Like a central theme, they spread an ambiance of

uneasiness that must have been suitable for the governor to remind his subaltern to his duties.

Apparently, the addressee was supposed to be intimidated by an authoritative tone, be it part of the

hierarchic convention or as a strategic device to bring the addressee to do what the sender wanted him

to do. Even more since this is the same wording as was used in the regular governor’s requests (Greek

entagia) to the villagers to pay the taxes. Thus it seems that the pagarch himself was addressed in the

same way as was the peasant population – as a non-Arab subject and as a tax paying object. This may

have been understood as a clear if not intended humiliation of a then proud local elite. Nowhere in

Qurra’s letters, in contrast, is the polite request formula used that is to be found in later Arabic papyri:

“be so kind to do”, sometimes also translated as “if it is your (kind) opinion, then do”.19 Moreover, the

orders and requests may come like a whole chain of imperatives: “collect … and rush”.20

the guidance” (instead of wa-s-salāmu ʿalayka wa-raḥmatu llāhi “peace be upon you and the mercy of God” reserved for

Muslims). Cf. Diem 1983:254. 19 ʾin raʾayta … faʿalta respectively ʾin raʾyuka … faʿalta; cf. Diem 1991:15. Examples of the use of this formula in other

Arabic papyri are the following (all from Egypt): P.Berl.Arab. II 23, r9 (7th c CE); P.Heid.Arab. II 1, r4 = Chrest.Khoury I 96

(8th c CE); P.David-WeillLouvre 23, r8 (8th c CE); P.Jahn 10, 10 (8th c CE); P.SijpesteijnTravel l. 12 (735 CE); P.Jahn 4, 1

(745 CE); CPR XVI 5, b19 (9th c CE); 10, 2 (9th c CE); 15, 4 and 9 and 10 (9th c CE); 23, 11 (9th c CE); 24, 8 (9th c CE);

P.Prag.Arab. IV 59, 2 (9th c CE); P.SijpesteijnArchivalMind 2, 2 (9th c CE); P.GrohmannWirtsch. 1, 3–4 (9th c CE);

P.Marchands V/1 10, r6 (9th c CE); P.RagibLettres 16, 5 (9th c CE); P.Hamb.Arab. II 7, 13 (9th c CE); P.David-WeillLouvre

19, 7 (9th c CE); 28, r5 (7th–10th c CE); P.Heid.Arab. II 10, 14 (9th–10th c CE); 63, 8 (11th c CE); 65, 3 (11th c CE) 20 E. g. P.Qurra 1, 10: wa-lummi … fa-ʿaǧǧil.



Forms of energicus [1B]

In almost all cases, this set of orders in imperative form is finally rounded off by closing formulae of

(negative) engergicus constructions [1B] that unmistakably expresses the dead earnest of the situation:

“and do not delay any of that balance”.21 The same energicus forms are to be found in other contexts

that tend, by their wording, to stereotype phraseology and thus build certain thematic groups. An

important and repeated one is Qurra’s order to Basileios to treat the villagers well, since they are not

only the latter’s subjects but also the governor’s taxpayers: “and do not oppress your slave”22, or, in a

slightly different reading by the editors, “and to thy servant must no wrong be done”.23 Similar in

intention is the phrase “do not bother any of them”.24

There arises the question whether the energicus form had maintained its emotional effect on the

addressee, or whether it had become a mere text marker that was easily found, or noticed (in case of

audition), in the letter, indicating that the particular passage was something to obey.25 In other words,

energicus forms might have served purely technical demands of text structuring. In this regard it is

meaningful to look on the time schedule of the letters (cf. fig. 1 below in part 3). By this becomes

apparent that energicus forms have been used in most of Qurra’s Arabic letters, even in the most early

ones.26 It seems that they indeed had lost their emotional effect and served as mere text markers.

Jussive constructions [1C]

Also, the use of (positive) jussive constructions “he shall do” [1C] can be found that might have

spread an ambiance of pressure and uneasiness among the addressee27: “dass sie (sc. the village

inhabitants) eilends abliefern sollen (sc. of the grain tax), was ihnen obliegt, und dass sie sich aus ihrer 21 wa-lā tuʾaḫḫiranna min tilka l-baqiyyati (P.Qurra 1, 12–13). The Arabic grammatical form of energicus expresses the

definite announcement of an imminent event. Cf. Fischer 42006:§ 198. 22 wa-lā taẓlimanna ʿabdaka (P.BeckerPAF 1, 10; 2, 11; P.Qurra 3, 13). 23 wa-lā yuẓlamanna ʿabduka (P.Cair.Arab. III 154, 14; 155, 11; P.Heid.Arab. I 11, 6–7). 24 fa-lā taʿtariḍanna ʾaḥadan minhum (P.Cair.Arab. III 153, 9–10). Other examples from the Qurra corpus of the use of

energicus-forms are the following: P.BeckerPAF 3, 12–13; 4, 12–13; 5, 7–8; 6, 3; P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 10–11; 148, 25; 149,

20–21; 150, 13; 151, 15–17; 156, 3 with addition by the present author; 158, 6 with emendation by Diem 1984:258;

P.DietrichTopkapi 1, 8–11; P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 14 and 20–22; 2, 40; 3, 12–13 and 73–74 and 82–83; 17, 2; P.Qurra 1, 12–13;

2, 12–13; 4, 27–28. The greater part of the passages deals with Qurra’s enhancement of Basileios to deliver the taxes to the

capital – an apple of discord that stood persistently between the two protagonists. 25 Cf. the thorough research on letter structuring boundary markers undertaken for Arabic private letters by Grob 2010, here

especially Grob 2010:31; 124. 26 Letters abstaining from the use of energicus-forms are P.Cair.Arab. III 147; P.RagibQurra 1; 3; P.Heid.Arab. I 4. The

following letters cannot be assessed with certainty due to their fragmentary state: P.Qurra 5; P.RagibQurra 2; P.Cair.Arab. III

152; 159; P.BeckerPAF 11; P.Heid.Arab. I 13; 16; 18‒19; 21. 27 fal(i)-yafʿal. For this construction cf. Fischer 42006:§ 195.

9 Lucian Reinfandt


Mitte einen Qabbāl (sc. tax-collector) wählen sollen”28; “so gib ihnen den Befehl, ihr Getreide zu

verkaufen, und befiehl jedem Kaufmann, er solle bringen die Hälfte seines Vorrates an Getreide …

dann befiehl ihnen, es zu verkaufen … dann wende Deine Aufmerksamkeit der restierenden Hälfte zu,

und sie sollen sie unter den Leuten des Landes verkaufen. Bringt er sie nicht im Lande an den Mann,

so soll er sie nach el-Fusṭāṭ bringen.”29; “ordonne aux gens de ton district d’entreprendre la fabrication

du pain, et qu’ils soignent sa fabrication”30. The positive jussive construction in Qurra’s letters may

follow the phrase fa-ʾiḏā ǧāʾaka kitābī hāḏā fa-, but does not necessarily so.31 Instead, and much more

frequent, the mentioned phrase fa-ʾiḏā ǧāʾaka kitābī hāḏā fa- (a text marker on its own) is followed by

conventional imperatives instead of the positive jussive construction.32

Lexical expressions [1F]

Another device is the use of specific expressions [1F] that transport a meaning of pressure and

uneasiness. Striking is the frequent use of verbs and nouns built out of the Arabic root ʿǧl I and II and

X “to hasten, hurry; to make hasten, hurry”. They all tell the addressee to take the matter at hand

seriously: “hasten to send me what is imposed on your land”33; or: “sie sollen eilends abliefern, was

ihnen obliegt (sc. of tax-money)”34; or: “commanding that you sendest to us with all speed that thou

hast already gathered in, of the gold-tax in thy district”35; or: “und es sollen sich Deine Beamten

beeilen”36; or: “fürwahr Du sollst eilends das Geld zu ihm schicken”37; or: “ich hatte Dir geschrieben,

die Ablieferung des Getreides für den Staatsspeicher zu beschleunigen”38. Eye-catching is also the

occasional doubling of words in order to give point to them, like: “hasten to send me what has been

28 fal-yuʿaǧǧilū ḥamla llaḏī ʿalayhim wal-yaḫtārū qabbālan minhum (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 24–25). 29 fa-murhum fa-lyabīʿū ṭaʿāmahum wa-mur kulla tāǧirin fa-lyaḥmil niṣfa mā ʿindahu mina ṭ-ṭaʿāmi … ṯumma murhum fal-

yabīʿūhu … wa-nẓuri n-niṣfa l-bāqiya fal-yabīʿūhu fī ʾahli l-ʾarḍi fa-ʾin lam yunfiq fī l-ʾarḍi fal-yaḥmilhu ilā l-fusṭāṭi

(P.Heid.Arab. I 2, 15–18 and 22 and 29–33). 30 fa-mur ʾahla ʾarḍika fal-yataqaddamū fī ṣanʿati l-ḫubzi wal-yuḥsinū ṣanʿatahu (P.RagibQurra 1, 12–14). 31 This is the case in P.RagibQurra 1 (only evidence I have found), whereas not in P.Heid.Arab. I 2 and 3. 32 The evidence is P.BeckerPAF 1, 8‒9; 2, 8; 3, 3‒4; 4, 9; 5, 3‒5; P.BeckerNPAF 5, 11‒13; 8, 11‒12; 9, 8‒11; P.Cair.Arab.

III 151, r12–13; P.David-WeillLouvre 12‒13, 11 right side; P.Heid.Arab. I 4, 3‒4; 13, 2‒3; P.Qurra 3, 10‒12; 5, 14;

P.RagibLettres 9a, r7; 12, r4; P.RagibQurra 3, 5‒6; and from contexts other than the Qurra letters:

P.RagibPlusAncienneLettre l. 2; P.Berl.Arab. II 50, 6‒7; P.Ryl.Arab. I XV 59, 3 = P.DiemGouverneur l. 3;

P.DiemFrüheUrkunden 10, 1. 33 fa-ʿaǧǧili llaḏī ʿalā ʾarḍika min ḏālika (P.BeckerPAF 4, 10–11). The remainder evidence of the use of ʿaǧǧil (imperative

ʿǧl I) is: P.BeckerPAF 5, 5–6; P.Cair.Arab. III 147, 4 and 9; 148, 13 and 22; 159, 13–14; P.DietrichTopkapi 1, 10–11;

P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 12; 3, 81–82; 13, 3–4; P.Qurra 1, 10. 34 fa-l-yuʿaǧǧilū ḥamla llaḏī ʿalayhim (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 24). 35 ʾāmuruka ʾan tuʿaǧǧila ʾilaynā bi-mā qad ǧamaʿta min ǧizyati kūratika (P.Cair.Arab. III 149, 8–10). 36 wa-yastaʿǧil man ʿindaka (P.BeckerPAF 3, 7). 37 [wa-]llāhi tastaʿǧilanna bi-ḥamli l-māli ʾilayhi (P.Heid.Arab. I 17, 2). 38 qad kuntu katabtu ʾilayka fī taʿǧīli ḥamli ṭaʿāmi l-huryi (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 6–8).



gathered of the tax-money in thy part remittance upon remittance”39; or: “und schicke eilends Sendung

auf Sendung von dem, was Du zusammengebracht hast”40; or: “now send with all speed what has been

gathered”.41

Oaths [1G]

Yet another device is the use of oaths [1G]. Surprisingly, at least to the present author, their

occurrence is not frequent in Qurra’s letters and exhibits only the following types: “by my life”42; and

“by God”43.

Threats of indirect nature [1D]

Another important feature of emotional influence is the frequent use of threats in Qurra’s letters – be

they of an indirect or even outspoken nature. Threats of an indirect nature [1D] tend to remind

Basileios not to give reason for reproach by his unsatisfying behaviour: “und gib ja keinen Anlass,

Dich zu tadeln!”44; “and I do not wish to have to reproach thee about that!”45; “I should not whish that

anybody should see in thy administration anything of which he disapproves”46; “do not burden thyself

with ignominy nor corrupt thy administration”47. The following two examples are of a more concrete

however still indirect nature: “if any finance officer delays beyond the term which I appointed, or

appears before me having left behind him aught of the revenue, truly, he is but a self-deceiving fool

who has light regard for his life”48; and: “for indeed, by God, there is in my service not one who has

delayed this revenue without being disgraced. Let there be no withholding of what is with you. And

beware of excuses, for I am not of those who believe in excuses or accept them”49. A whole group of

indirect threats even follows the same wording, all using a construction of “I do not wish to learn that

39 ʿaǧǧil ʾilayya bi-mā ǧtamaʿa ʿindaka mina l-māli bi-l-ʾawwali fa-l-ʾawwali (P.Cair.Arab. III 148, 16). 40 wa-ʿaǧǧil bi-l-ʾawwali fa-l-ʾawwali mimmā ǧamaʿta (P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 12–13). 41 fa-ʿaǧǧil ʿaǧǧil bi-mā ǧtamaʿa (P.Cair.Arab. III 148, 22). 42 wa-lā-ʿamrī (P.Cair.Arab. III 149, 6; P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 20; P.Qurra 4, 6) and fa-lā-ʿamrī (P.Qurra 4, 18). 43 wa-llāhi (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 14 and 23; 158, 6; P.Qurra 4, 25). 44 wa-lā taǧʿalanna ʿalā nafsika sabīlan (P.BeckerPAF 4, 12–13). 45 wa-lā ʾalūmannaka fī ḏālika or wa-lā ʾalūmannaka fīhi (P.Cair.Arab. III 148, 25; P.BeckerPAF 6, 3; P.Heid.Arab. I 2, 40;

P.Qurra 2, 12–13). 46 lā ʾuḥibbu ʾan yarā ʾaḥadun fī ʿamalika šāy (sic) yakrahuhu (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 16–18). 47 lā tuʿayyibanna nafsaka wa-lā tusīʾanna ʿamalaka (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 27). 48 ʾinna ʿāmilan min ʿummālin taʾaḫḫara baʿda l-ʾaǧali llaḏī ʾaǧǧaltuhu ʾaw taqaddama ʿalayya wa-qad taraka ḫalfahu

mina l-māli šayʾan la-ʾaḥmaqu muġtarrun hayyinatun ʿalayhi nafsuhu (P.Qurra 4, 6–12). 49 wa-ʾinnahu wa-llāhi mā li-ʾaḥadin ʿindī ʾaḫḫara hāḏā l-māla ʾillā mā qabuḥa waǧhuhu wa-lā yakūnanna li-mā qibalaka

ḥabsun wa-ʾiyyāka wa-l-ʿilala fa-ʾinnī lastu mimman yuṣaddiqu bi-l-ʿilali wa-lā yaʿḏiru bihā (P.Qurra 4, 24–31).

11 Lucian Reinfandt


…”50. This formula can be combined with different matters, as show the following examples: “and I

do not wish to hear again that thou sendest back his messengers, or that he write his complaints about

thee to me”51; “and I do not want to learn that thou art in arrear with that what thou owest”52; “und

wahrlich nicht will ich wissen, was Du wenig oder viel hiervon verzögerst!”53.

Threats of direct nature [1E]

Outspoken threats [1E] likewise appear, although much less in number. Two passages contain carrot-

and-stick-expressions, leaving the decision to the addressee as to whether he prefers prize or

punishment and sometimes packed into nifty constructions of rhetorical parallelism: “satisfy me in

this, and I will not blame you in the matter”54; and “If I find with thee what I should like to find

respecting regular remittance and satisfactory consignment, I shall do good unto thee and do thee

favour and strengthen for thee thy business and thy administration, and I hope – please God – that it

may be so. But if I find thy administration otherwise, then – as the man is only rewarded according to

his works – blame only thyself.”55. Undoubtedly brusque, on the other hand, are the following

passages that openly mention the consequences for Basileios if he should be keen enough to maintain

his unsatisfying behaviour: “[wisse, dass] Dich im Falle einer Verzögerung treffen wird, was Dir

selbst [und Deinem Eigentum Schaden bringen wird]”56; “sache que si tu expédies un pain qui n’est

pas bon, il ne sera pas accepté de toi, et t’atteindra pour cela ce que tu réprouves”57; “bei meinem

Leben, wer versagt, oder seine Pflicht verletzt, der möge von mir erwarten, was ihm nicht angenehm

ist”58; “und wisse: Finde ich, dass einer von den Qabbāls (sc. tax-collectors) das Maß überschreitet

gegenüber dem Landvolk, oder mehr von ihnen nimmt, als was Du ihm angewiesen hast, so soll Dich

von mir treffen, was Dir Dein Land eng werden lassen wird”59; “I will punish him with the severest

punishment and inflict upon him the heaviest fine. And I do not image that this has not come to thy 50 lā ʾaʿrifanna (mā) (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 11; 149, 20–21; 156, 3 with addition by myself; 158, 6 with emendation by Diem

1984:258). 51 wa-lā ʾaʿrifanna mā radadta rusulahu ʾaw kataba ʾilayya yaštakīka (P.Cair.Arab. III 151, 15–17). 52 wa-lā ʾaʿrifanna mā ʾaḫḫarta mā qibalaka (P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 14). 53 wa-lā ʾaʿrifanna mā ʾaḫḫarta minhā qalīlan wa-lā kaṯīran (P.BeckerPAF 3, 12–13). 54 fa-kfinī ḏālika wa-lā ʾalūmannaka fīhi (P.Qurra 2, 12–13). 55 ʾin ʾaǧid ʿindaka llaḏī ʿurīdu mina l-ʾiǧrāʾi wa-ḥusni l-ǧalbi ʾuḥsinu ʾilayka wa-ʾuṣībuka bi-maʿrūfin wa-ʾušaddidu laka

ʾamraka wa-ʿamalaka wa-ʾanā ʾarǧū ʾin šāʾa llāhu ʾan yakūna kaḏālika wa-ʾin ʾaǧid ʿamalaka ʿalā ġayri ḏālika fa-ʾinnamā

yuǧzā l-marʾu bi-ʿamalihi ṯumma lā talum ʾillā nafsaka (watch the clear parallelism!) (P.Cair.Arab. 146, 3–10). 56 [wa-ʿlam ʾan]nī la-ʾin ʾaḫḫarta minhā šayʾan lā yuṣībannaka minnī [mā yuḥzinuka] fī nafsika wa-[mālika] (P.BeckerPAF

5, 11–14). 57 wa-ʿlam ʾannaka ʾin tursil bi-ḫubzin ġayri ṭayyibin lā yuqbal minka wa-yuṣibka fīhi mā takrahu (P.RagibQurra 1, 16–18). 58 wa-la-ʿamrī la-man kāna ʿāǧizan muḍīʿan laqadi staḥalla minnī mā yakrahu (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 20–22). 59 wa-ʿlam ʾannī ʾin ʿaǧid ʿaḥadan mina l-qabbālīna ʿtadā ʿalā ʾahli l-ʾarḍi fī l-kayli ʾaw ʾaḫaḏa minhum fawqa llaḏī

ʾamarta lahu bihi yabluġka minnī mā yuḍayyiqu ʿalayka ʾarḍaka (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 56–62 with emendation by Diem

1984:254).



knowledge nor that it has come to the knowledge of the people of thy district.”60; “Und zwinge mich

nicht, Dir (nochmals) hierüber zu schreiben nach diesem meinem Brief. Denn dann müsste ich Dir

etwas mitteilen, was Dir den entsprechenden Lohn (sc. punishment) zukommen lässt.”61. Also a threat

against Basileios’ subjects, the tax-paying villagers, can be found in Qurra’s letters. This may have

been understood as a warning also against Basileios himself because of his responsibility for the

upkeep of taxes and public order: “denn keine Nachsicht gibt es bei mir für einen von dem Landvolk,

der plündert oder irgend etwas von Übertretungen sich zuschulden kommen lässt”.62

Not only the Arabic letters, however, but also the Greek letters show insults of Basileios and even

direct threats against him. Just see the following examples: “if at least you have any understanding and

are in your right mind!” (P.Lond. IV 1346); “if at least you have any good in you!” (P.Lond. IV 1370);

“For you will be aware that if we find any place burdened beyond its powers or on the other hand

assessed more lightly than is just for them (sic) to be rated, or again if a place is unable to pay in

accordance with the rating in the assessment now made by them, we will requite the assessors along

with the overseer with such a punishment as they are not able to bear…” (P.Lond. IV 1356); “And

God knows, we wished to requite you for such disobedience beyond what you expect. On receiving

the present letter, therefore, send with all speed to the Treasury the money assessed on you and the

officials of your district for the aforesaid fine, if at least you have any good in you and understand

what s written to you; for if you delay and we are compelled to write again there will come on you

along with the letter before you are aware such punishment as will destroy you. For indeed you have

no excuse in this matter, seeing that you have already finished the harvest, and the statutory time too

has gone by, and you have no pretext in anything. Therefore if you love your life do not disobey in

this matter.” (P.Lond. IV 1359); “And you will be aware that if, when you come down to us, there is

found even one single artaba of the said wheat in arrear in your district we shall seize you and bind

you until …. you collect and hand over this by God’s command.” (P.Lond. IV 1370).

Allusions to God’s anger (1H)

In order to put pressure, higher authorities had to be involved. God as the highest arbiter of human

behaviour plays a certain role in Qurra’s letters: not only allusions to God’s mercy [2D; see below]

can be found, but also allusions to God’s anger [1H] are used to influence the stubborn subordinate.

Surprisingly, however, only two instances of this device could be found in Qurra’s letters: “und

60 ʿuʿāqibuhu ʾašadda l-ʿuqūbati wa-ʾuġrimuhu ʾaṯqala l-ġarāmati wa-lā ʾaḫālu ḏālika ʾillā qad kāna balaġaka wa-balaġa

ʾahla kūratika (P.Cair.Arab. 149, 1–5). 61 wa-lā tulǧiʾannī ʾilā ʾan ʾaktuba ʾilayka fīhi baʿda kitābī hāḏā fa-ʾinnī ʾiḏan ʾaktubu ʾilayka bi-llaḏī yuǧzīka (with

emendation by Diem 1984:254) (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 82–86). 62 fa-ʾinnahu lā ruḫṣata ʿindī li-ʾaḥadin min ʾahli l-ʾarḍi ntahaka ʾaw ʿamila šayʾan mina l-maʿāṣī (P.Heid.Arab. I 4, 10–13).

13 Lucian Reinfandt


fürchte Gott in Deiner Regierung, denn sie ist ein Dir anvertrautes Gut und Deine religiöse Pflicht”63;

and “Gott lässt ihm diesbezüglich den entsprechenden Lohn (sc. punishment) zukommen”64.

Expression of Qurra’s anger (1J)

More often, on the contrary, is it the governor himself [1J] who is referred to as the higher authority

that was entitled to blame the pagarch’s administration. The following passages should not be

understood as an expression of Qurra’s own emotions, his rage and fervour, but also, and perhaps

primarily, as a device to influence Basileios’ emotions (badly here). Thus, in some phrases the

behaviour of Basileios’ subordinate officials is criticised. This however may have been also

understood as a critique on Basileios himself, since he was responsible for his administrative body:

“Deshalb hat niemand einen Entschuldigungsgrund in irgendetwas, sondern Schuld hat bloß das

Versagen oder die Pflichtverletzung des Beamten. Bei meinem Leben, wer versagt, oder seine Pflicht

verletzt, der möge von mir erwarten, was ihm nicht angenehm ist.”.65 Not only this passage alone, but

the whole letter P.Heid.Arab. I 3 has the character of a long bill of indictment against the misdoings of

Basileios’ local officials (qabbals = tax-collectors): they by their malpractice, raise discontent among

the villagers (P.Heid.Arab. I 3 line 26), they are susceptible to corruption (ibid. lines 26–30) and

request more grain from the villagers than they have to (ibid. lines 36–40) and tend to use the wrong

standards (ibid. lines 40–52) and generally oppress the villagers (ibid. lines 65–66). The whole letter

reads as an indictment against the officials’ omnipresent corruption and taking gift and bribe. The long

catalogue of things they should not do in fact is a confirmation that Basileios’ officials actually have

done all these misdoings.

More examples for an outspoken critique of Basileios’ administrative personnel [1J] is the following:

“trifft nun das Landvolk Bedrückung und Verderben vonseiten seiner eigenen Obrigkeit, so bedeutet

das seinen Ruin”66; “denn keine Nachsicht gibt es bei mir für einen von dem Landvolk, der plündert

oder irgend etwas von Übertretungen sich zuschulden kommen lässt”67; “by my life, if any finance

officer delays beyond the term which I appointed, or appears before me having left behind him aught

of the revenue, truly, he is but a self-deceiving fool who has light regard for his life”68. Thus, Qurra

63 wa-ttaqi llāha fī mā talī fa-ʾinnamā hiya ʾamānatuka wa-dīnuka (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 63–64). 64 allāhu muǧzīhi fīhi (P.Heid.Arab. I 4, 2 with emendation by Diem 1984:254). 65 fa-laysa li-ʾaḥadin ʿillatun fī šayʾin ʾillā ʾan yaʿǧizu l-ʿāmilu ʾaw yuḍīʿu wa-la-ʿamrī la-man kāna ʿāǧizan muḍīʿan la-qadi

staḥalla minnī mā yakrahu. (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 18–22). 66 wa-ʾiḏā ʾatā ʾahla l-ʾarḍi ẓ-ẓulmu wa-l-ʾiḍāʿatu min qibali man yalī ʾamrahum fa-ʾinna ḏālika ḫarābuhum (P.Heid.Arab. I

3, 68–72). 67 fa-ʾinnahu lā ruḫṣata ʿindī li-ʾaḥadin min ʾahli l-ʾarḍi ntahaka ʾaw ʿamila šayʾan mina l-maʿāṣī (P.Heid.Arab. I 4, 10–13). 68 wa-la-ʿamrī ʾinna ʿāmilan min ʿummālin taʾaḫḫara baʿda l-ʾaǧali llaḏī ʾaǧǧaltuhu ʾaw taqaddama ʿalayya wa-qad taraka

ḫalfahu mina l-māli šayʾan la-ʾaḥmaqu muġtarrun hayyinatun ʿalayhi nafsuhu (P.Qurra 4, 6–12).



clearly sees the oppressive potential that tax officials used to deploy against the simple man in the

villages. The latter, however, was by no means free of guilt. He was part of the world he lived in, and

why should he not have taken the same measures as the more powerful did? He thus repeatedly shows

the tendency to withhold the grain, or in case of delivery, to withhold at least the good grain, as is

Qurra forced to mention in one of his letters: “so befiehl den Leuten jeder Ortschaft Deines Kreises,

dass sie eilends abliefern sollen, was ihnen obliegt”69; and “Ferner befiehl Deinem Landvolk, dass sie

nach dem Staatsspeicher nur unverdorbenes Getreide abliefern; denn ich habe die Beamten des

Staatsspeichers angewiesen, dass sie von dem Landvolk nur solches nehmen dürfen.”70.

There is a number of impressive instances, however, where Basileios is personally attacked by Qurra

[1J]. Some of them do not even shy away from concrete personal insults. They seem to be the most

preponderant single device to influence the addressee’s emotions: “There has already passed of the

time what thou knowest whilst thou art in arrear with the tribute, although the allowance for the troops

is due”.71 The following example wants to say that Basileios has still not delivered the grain in spite of

Qurra’s repeated orders and has, moreover, shown irregularities respecting the measurement: “Ich

hatte Dir geschrieben, die Ablieferung des Getreides für den Staatsspeicher zu beschleunigen und es in

der Dir übermittelten Weise zu vermessen”.72 Another passage is taken from a letter that, as a whole,

reads as a single bill of indictment against Basileios’ misbehaviour (in Qurra’s perspective). We have

to take into account that all the misbehaving that Qurra mentions in the letter as possible actually had

happened in Basileios’ activities, otherwise would not have been the need for such a letter!): “Do not

remain in arrears after (the date) which I have named, and I do not wish to learn of thy insufficiency of

unpunctuality nor that thou comest to me leaving any part of the (tax-)money behind. For indeed, by

God, nobody acts thus without learning when he comes to me that what he has done is wrong, and

faulty the discharge of his official duties, and I should not wish that anybody should see in thy

administration anything of which he disapproves: any insufficiency, withholding or annulling. For

when I sent thee to thy post, it was with the expectation that thou shouldest show trustworthiness,

efficiency and promptness in thy office.”73 The next passage expresses, nota bene between the lines

only, the governor’s blatant doubts about his pagarch’s financial integrity regarding the balances:

69 fa-mur ʾahla kulli qaryatin min kūratika fa-l-yuʿaǧǧilū ḥamla llaḏī ʿalayhim (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 22–24). 70 ṯumma mur ʾahla ʾarḍika fa-lā yaḥmilū ʾilā l-huryi ʾillā ṭaʿāman ṭayyiban fa-ʾinnī qad ʾamartu ʾaṣḥāba l-huryi ʾallā

yaqbalū min ʾahli l-ʾarḍi ʾillā ḏālika (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 76–80). 71 fa-ʾinnahu qad ḏahaba mina z-zamāni mā qad ʿalimta wa-qadi staʾḫarta l-ǧizyata wa-ḥaḍara ʿaṭāʾu l-ǧundi (P.Heid.Arab.

I 1, 5–8). 72 fa-ʾinnī qad kuntu katabtu ʾilayka fī taʿǧīli ḥamli ṭaʿāmi l-huryi wa-fī kaylihi bi-mā qad balaġaka (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 6–9). 73 wa-lā tattaḫiranna baʿda llaḏī sammaytu laka mina l-ʾaǧali wa-lā ʾaʿrifanna mā ʿaǧazta wa-lā qaḍarta wa-lā qadimta

ʾilayya wa-ḫalfaka mina l-māli šayʾun fa-ʾinnahu wa-llāhi lā yafʿal ḏālika ʾaḥadun ʾillā ʿarafa ḥīna yaqdamu ʿalayya

ʾannahu biʾsa mā ṣanaʿa wa-biʾsa mā ʿamila wa-ʾinnī lā ʾuḥibbu ʾan yarā ʾaḥadun fī ʿamalika šayʾ (sic) yakrahuhu min

ʿaǧzin wa-lā taʾḫīrin wa-lā ʾibṭāʾin fa-ʾinnī qad baʿaṯtuka ḥīna baʿaṯtuka ʿalā ʿamalika wa-ʾanā ʾarǧū ʾan yakūna ʿindaka

ʾamānatun wa-ʾiǧrāʾun wa-tanfīḏan li-l-ʿamali (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 10–22 with emendations by Diem 1984:256).

15 Lucian Reinfandt


“then send me the (account) book on every dinar which you have paid (on your own) or whoever has

been in charge before you over your district”.74 The following example is of a fragmentary nature.

What it might have dealt with, we do not know anymore. However, its very form tells us that it must

have been something (misdemeanours) that the addressee, the pagarch, must have actually committed

– otherwise the governor would not have deemed it necessary to mention it in his official

correspondence. The phrase is typical for Qurra’s letters as it shows up in many of them: “then do

not…”.75 But things could have been even harsher. The following two passages are impressive

examples of how Qurra bit by bit lost his temper: “Upon my life, the term is now past by more than

two months, and I had written to thee before this my letter commanding that thou sendest to us with all

speed that thou hast already gathered in, of the gold-tax in thy district. And I would fain act leniently

towards them and treat them with indulgence in consideration of what thou hast already received from

them somewhat to the extent of what they usually render every year to the treasury. But I do not think

that, with this letter of mine before thee, thou – if there be any good in thee – wouldest not have

dispatched what thou hadst already gathered in of the gold-tax of thy district.”76; and “Now, by my

life, I really used to think your administration more successful and better than what I have seen. For

you have indeed done what not one of the finance officers has done in the delaying of what is due

from you and in the incompetence of your administration.”77.

2.2 Elements evoking joy or relief

Moral opinions [2A]

Moral opinions [2A], on the contrary, might have had a positive effect on the addressee in such a way

that the latter felt comfort when obeying to his superiors’ orders. There is a good number of moral

opinions to be found in the letters: “drum gib Dir Mühe, dass Du [meinen Befehl] zu meiner

Zufriedenheit erfüllst vor dem Aḍḥā-Fest”78; “for when the land is cultivated, it prospers, God causing

it to bring forth its due yield”79; “ferner ist Gott ihr Helfer in dem, was ihnen obliegt von dem

74 fa-ʾarsil ʾilayya bi-kitābi kulli d^nārin dafaʿtahu ʾanta nafsuka ʾaw man kāna qablaka ʿalā kūratika (P.Qurra 5, 15–18

with emendations by Diem 1984:260). 75 ṯumma lā… (P.Qurra 5, 29). 76 wa-la-ʿamrī ḥala l-ʾaǧalu munḏu ʾakṯara min šahrayni wa-qad katabtu ʾilayka qabla kitābī hāḏā ʾāmuruka ʾan tuʿaǧǧila

ʾilaynā bimā qad ǧamaʿta min ǧizyati kūratika wa-ʾaradtu ʾan ʾarfuqa bihim wa-ʾataǧāwaza ʿanhum bimā qad qabaḍta

minhum ʿalā naḥwi llaḏī kānū yuʾaddūna fī bayti l-māli kulla sanatin fa-lā ʾaẓunnu kitābī hāḏā qādiman ʿalayka ʾin kāna

fīka ḫayrun ʾillā wa-qad baʿaṯta bi-llaḏī qad ǧamaʿta min ǧizyati kūratika (P.Cair.Arab. III 149, 6–19). 77 fa-la-ʿamri laqad kuntu ʾaẓunnu ʾanna ʿamalaka huwa ʾanǧaḥu wa-ḫayran mimmā raʾaytu wa-qad faʿalta mā lam yafʿal

ʾaḥadun mina l-ʿummāli fī taʾḫīri llaḏī ʿalayka wa-fī ʿǧzika fī ʿamalika (P.Qurra 4, 18‒24). 78 wa-bḏil li-tuwaffiyanī mā ʾamartuka bihi qabla l-ʾaḍḥā (P.BeckerPAF 5, 14–15 with emendations by Diem 1984:255). 79 faʾinna l-ʾarḍa ʾiḏā zuriʿat ʿamurat wa-ʾaḫraǧa llāhu llaḏī ʿalayhā mina l-ḥaqqi (P.Qurra 2, 9–12).



Anspruch (ḥaqq) des Beherrschers der Gläubigen”80; “Denn keine Nachsicht gibt es bei mir für einen

von dem Landvolk, der plündert oder irgendetwas von Übertretungen sich zuschulden kommen

lässt”81; “Ferner segnete Gott die Ernte des Landvolkes in diesem Jahr. Deshalb hat niemand einen

Entschuldigungsgrund in irgendetwas, sondern Schuld hat bloß das Versagen oder die

Pflichtverletzung des Beamten.”82; “drum befriedige mich in der Dir obliegenden Angelegenheit und

fürchte Gott in Deiner Regierung, denn sie ist ein Dir anvertrautes Gut und Deine religiöse Pflicht”83;

“By God, that you actest well and honestly and art trustworthy and estimable, then I should prefer that,

and it would please me more than if thou wert otherwise. Do not burden thyself with ignominy nor

corrupt thy administration, and ask God’s aid.”84; “For, indeed, if the money has already come to me, I

should already have ordered, please God, that the troops be paid their allowance. But thou shouldest

not be the last of the administrators in respect to the sending of whatsoever is due from him”85.

Rational substantiations [2B]

Perhaps under the category of joy and relief can also be subsumed the many allusions to a higher

authority or simply the public benefit (maṣlaḥa). The addressee is evoked to share in the common

value system, thus feeling personal relief when doing the right and preventing the wrong for

community – and as a useful side effect, also fulfilling the letter writer’s desire. They all have the

character of a rational substantiation [2B] of the letter’s respective request: “Do this quickly for I fear

a rise in the price of corn in al-Fusṭāṭ. For if I do not exact the charges in favour of the merchants they

obtain a good profit. And, if it pleases God, the harvest will take place in forty nights or thereabouts.

Therefore dispatch with all speed what thou hast intended to send thereof and write me how thou hast

managed matters thereafter, and how many vendors in crn there are in thy district.”86; “[…] in ihren

Händen und nichts verkaufen wollen von ihm, weil sie auf die (Notlage der) Leute spekulieren und

eine Preissteigerung erwarten … denn Getreide ist leicht verkäuflich in al-Fusṭāṭ. Niemand bringt

80 ṯumma ʾinna llāha muʿīnuhum ʿalā mā kāna ʿalayhim min ḥaqqi ʾamīri l-muʾminīna (P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 18–20). 81 fa-ʾinnahu lā ruḫṣata ʿindī li-ʾaḥadin min ʾahli l-ʾarḍi ntahaka ʾaw ʿamila šayʾan mina l-maʿāṣī (P.Heid.Arab. I 4, 10–13). 82 ṯumma qad bāraka llāhu fī ġallati ʾahli l-ʾarḍi l-ʿāma fa-laysa li-ʾaḥadin ʿillatun fī šayʾin ʾillā ʾan yaʿǧizu l-ʿāmilu ʾaw

yuḍīʿu (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 16–20 with emendations by Diem 1984:254). 83 fa-kfinī ʾamra mā qibalaka wa-ttaqi llāha fī mā talī fa-ʾinnamā hiya ʾamānatuka wa-dīnuka (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 62–64). 84 fa-ʾinnī wa-llāhi li-ʾan takūna muḥsinan muǧmilan ʾamīnan muwaqqaran ʾaḥabbu ʾilayya wa-ʾaʿǧabu ʿindī min ʾan

takūna ʿalā ġayri ḏālika lā tuʿayyibanna nafsaka wa-lā tusīʾanna ʿamalaka wa-staʿin bi-llāhi (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 23–28

with emendations by Diem 1984:256). 85 fa-ʾinnahu law qad qadima ʾilayya l-mālu qad ʾamartu li-l-ǧundi bi-ʿaṭāʾihim ʾin šāʾa llāhu fa-lā takūnanna ʾāḫira l-

ʿummāli baʿṯan bimā qibalahu (P.Cair.Arab. III 148, 23–28). 86 wa-ʿaǧǧil ḏālika fa-ʾinnī qad ḫiftu ġalāʾa ṭ-ṭaʿāmi bi-l-fusṭāṭi wa-ʾinnī ʾiḏā waḍaʿtu li-t-tuǧǧāri maksahum ʾaṣābū ribḥan

ḥasanan wa-ʾinnamā l-ḥiṣādu ʾin šāʾa llāhu fī ʾarbaʿīna laylatan ʾaw qarīb min ḏālika fa-ʿaǧǧil mā kunta bāʿiṯ bihi min

ḏālika wa-ktub ʾilayya kayfa faʿalta fī ḏālika wa-mā bi-ʾarḍika mina t-tuǧǧāri llaḏīna yabīʿūna ṭ-ṭaʿāma (P.Cair.Arab. III

147, 4–14 with emendations by Diem 1984:257).

17 Lucian Reinfandt


Getreide, ohne es an den Mann zu bringen.”87; “Ordonne aux gens de ton district d’entreprendre la

fabrication du pain, et ils soignent le fabriquer bien, car seul le bon pain est bon aux troupes. Sache

que si tu expédies un pain qui n’est pas bon, il ne sera pas accepté de toi, et t’atteindra pour cela ce

que tu réprouves.”88; “Ich muss annehmen, dass Du dies (sc. the former letter requesting for the

payment of taxes) erhalten hast … denn wir haben Befehl gegeben, den Truppen ihre Verpflegung zu

erstatten.”89; “Ferner halte Deine Beamten und Dich selbst zurück von der Bedrückung des

Landvolkes; denn das Land kann Bedrückung weder aushalten noch (bei ihr) bestehen. Trifft nun das

Landvolk Bedrückung und Verderben vonseiten seiner eignen Obrigkeit, so bedeutet das seinen

Ruin.”90; “verily thou knowest already what I have written to thee about gathering in the (tax-)money

and (abouth that) which is impending in respect to allowance to the troops and their families and to the

sending off of the men to the campaign … for, indeed, the country folk have had a rest for months

now … for the country folk have already finished the tilling and know what is due from them and their

surplus (of corn) is suitable for sale in so far as they wish (to sell) thereof”91; “Wenn Du das tust, so

[erfüllst Du, was Du durch] Unterschrift [übernommen]. Und Du weißt, wieviel für die Rationen der

Leute nötig ist.”92; “- - - Anspruch des Beherrschers (sc. the caliph in Damascus) – Gott gebe ihm

Wohlsein und schütze ihn”93. In another case, it is neither moral considerations nor Qurra’s personal

interest that thrives him to demand the payment, but rather the interest of a third party: the military

forces. Thus it is a higher interest going beyond the mental state of the correspondents: “Denn die

Leute Deines Landes haben ihre Aussaat beendigt … Drum soll nicht vorkommen in Deiner Sache ein

Manko, noch eine Verzögerung noch eine Zurückhaltung dessen, was bei Dir ist. Wenn ich Geld zur

Hand gehabt hätte, so hätte ich den Truppen ihre Geldgratifikation ausgezahlt.”.94

87 bi-ʾaydīhim fa-lā yabīʿūna minhu šayʾan tarabbuṣan bi-n-nāsi wa-ntiẓāra ġalāʾi s-siʿri … fa-ʾinna ṭ-ṭaʿāma nāfiqun bi-l-

fusṭāṭi laysa yaqdamu ʾaḥadun bi-ṭaʿāmin ʾillā ʾanfaqahu (P.Heid.Arab. I 2, 6–8 and 26–29). 88 fa-mur ʾahlaka fa-l-yataqaddamū fī ṣanʿati l-ḫubzi wa-l-yuḥsinū ṣanʿatahu fa-ʾinnahu lā yuṣliḥu l-ǧuyūša ʾillā l-ḫubzu t-

tayyibu wa-ʿlam ʾannka ʾin tursil bi-ḫubzin ġayri ṭayyibin lā yuqbal minka wa-yuṣibka fīhi mā takrahu (P.RagibQurra 1, 12–

18 with emendations by Diem 1984:266). 89 wa-ʾinnī lam ʾuraka ʾillā qad ʾaḫaḏta ḏālika … fa-ʾinnā qad ʾamarnā li-l-ǧundi bi-ʾarzāqihim (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 10–11

and 13–14). 90 ṯumma ḥǧur ʿummālaka wa-nafsaka ʿan ẓulmi ʾahli l-ʾarḍi fa-ʾinna l-ʾarḍa lā ṣabra lahā ʿalā ḍ-ḍulmi wa-lā baqāʾun wa-

ʾiḏā ʾatā ʾahla l-ʾarḍi ẓ-ẓulmu wa-l-ʾiḍāʿatu min qibali man yalī ʾamrahum fa-ʾinna ḏālika ḫarābuhum (P.Heid.Arab. I 3,

64–72 with emendations by Diem 1983:246). 91 fa-ʾinnaka qad ʿalimta llaḏī katabtu ʾilayka bihi min ǧamʿi l-māli wa-llaḏī qad ḥaḍara min ʿatāʾi l-ǧundi wa-ʿiyālihim wa-

ġazwi n-nāsi … fa-ʾinna ʾahla l-ʾarḍi qad ǧammū munḏu ʾašhurin … fa-ʾinna ʾahla l-ʾarḍi qad faraġū mina l-ḥarṯati wa-

ʿalimū mā ʿalayhim wa-ṣalaḥat ʾafrāṭuhum li-bayʿi mā ʾarādū minhā (P.Cair.Arab. III 148, 5–10 and 12–13 and 18–21 with

emendation by Diem 1983:257). 92 ʾinnaka ḥīna tafʿalu ḏālika lʿ[…]ṭ li-ḫaṭṭika wa-qad ʿalimta mā li-ʾarzāqi n-nāsi (P.Heid.Arab. I 13, 5–7). 93 ḥaqqi ʾamīri l-muʾminīna ʾaṣlaḥahu wa-ḥafiẓahu llāhu (P.Heid.Arab. I 17, 1–2). 94 fa-ʾinna ʾahla ʾarḍika qad faraġū min zirāʿihim … fa-lā yakūnanna fī ʾamrika ʿaǧzun wa-lā taʾḫīrun wa-lā taḥabbusan bi-

mā qibalaka fa-yinnahu law qadi ǧtamaʿa ʿindī mālun qad ʾaʿṭaytu l-ǧunda ʿaṭāʾahum (P.Heid.Arab. I 1, 16–17 and 20–25).



Encouragements [2C]

Moreover, expressions of encouragment [2C] can be found in Qurra’s letters, even though they are not

numerous: “So erfülle sorgfältig Deine Pflicht und überlass das Dir anvertraute Gut und was Dir

untersteht niemandem außer Dir selber. Wer gut handelt, dem wird geholfen und seine Arbeit

unterstützt bei seinem Tun.”95; “but verily if I find with thee what I should like to find respecting

regular remittance and satisfactory consignement, I shall do good and doo thee favour strengthen for

thee thy business and thy administration”96; “…lieber … gib Dir Mühe”97.

Allusions to God’s mercy [2D]

Even less frequent are allusions to God’s mercy [2D]. I have found only one instance in the texts: “for

if anyone really cares for the well being (of affairs) and shows trustworthiness, God will also help him

and further his work.”98

3. Elements evoking affection or compassion

Expression of satisfaction [3A]

Rhetorical elements that alluded to the governors’ satisfaction [3A] might have evoked love, affection,

or compassion on the addressee’s side. By this, the mutual relation between sender and addressee

might have deepened and therefore the orders better obeyed by the addressee. A typical phrase in this

regard is the following: “Satisfy me in this, and I will not blame you in the matter. For cultivation by

the people of the land is their chief duty, afte their duty to God, and (constitutes) their prosperity and

their welfare.”99 This passage immediately follows the positive moral instruction of l. 9–12. This is no

simple repetition of moral words, however, but a decided graduation: while l. 9–12 was related to

God’s pleasure, the passage in l. 12–16 is devoted to the governor. The pagarch’s well-doing thus

95 wa-taʿahhad ʾamra mā qibalaka wa-lā takilanna ʾamānataka wa-mā talī ʾilā ʾaḥadin siwā nafsika fa-ʾinna l-muḥsina

muʿānun mubārakun fī ʿamalihi (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 72–76 with emendations by Diem 1984:254). 96 fa-ʾinnī ʾin ʾaǧid ʿindaka llaḏī ʾurīdu mina l-ʾiǧāʾi wa-ḥusni l-ǧalbi ʾuḥsinu ʾilayka wa-ʾuṣībuka bi-maʿrūfin wa-ʾušaddidu

laka ʾamraka wa-ʿamalaka (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 2–6). 97 … ʾḥbb … […] laka ´guhd - - - (P.Heid.Arab. I 13, 8–9). 98 fa-ʾinnahu man yutqinu l-ʾiṣlāḥa wa-yuʾaddī l-ʾamānata yuʿinhu llāhu wa-yuṣliḥ lahu ʿamalahu (P.Cair.Arab. III 146, 28–

30 with emendations by Diem 1984:257). 99 fa-kfīnī ḏālika wa-lā ʾalūmannaka fīhi fa-ʾinna zirāʿa ʾahli l-ʾarḍi raʾsu ʾamrihim baʿda ʾamri llāhi wa-ʿumrānuhum wa-

ṣalāḥuhum (P.Qurra 2, 12–16). A mere “satisfy me in this, and I will not blame you in the matter” fa-kfīnī ḏālika wa-lā

ʾalūmannaka fīhi or rather “satisfy me in this, and I will not blame you” fa-kfinī ḏālika wa-lā ʾalūmannaka is found in

P.Heid.Arab. I 2, 39–40 and P.BeckerPAF 6, 2–3 respectively.

19 Lucian Reinfandt


evoked first the pleasure of God, and then the pleasure of his governor. A very similar phrase also

found in the letters is the following one: “Drum befriedige mich in der Dir obliegenden Angelegenheit

und fürchte Gott in Deiner Regierung!”100

Request only after statement of affairs [3B]

The general harsh tone of Qurra’s letters notwithstanding, only three of them start immediately with

the governor’s requests after the conventional introductory phrases [1K].101 All other letters sent by

Qurra to his pagarch Basileios, on the contrary, begin with an objective description of a certain

situation (Sachverhaltsdarstellung) [3B]. It introduces the addressee into the general subject and helps

convincing him on a rational basis: “I praise God, than whom there is no other God. As to the matter

in hand: Men of the military force mentioned to me a (certain) registration practised by their villages

on their behalf constantly for the past forty years … Therefore I cannot tell the truth of this from the

false.102 It serves as an expositio to prepare the addressee to go conform with the following desire of

the lettrer. This desire is accordingly expressed in the second part. These are undoubtedly examples of

‘enhanced administrative culture’, the letters refraining from threat or personal affection and rather

using the feature of common interest and principals of ethical and shared values. However, they could

be only classified as a kind of ‘proto-rationality’, since they still had to be supported by a strategy of

persuasion. A written desire without persuasion strategies was still something improbable. Even if

these letters cannot go without final threats103, these are not the end of the letters but the whole

composition still rounded off with a final allusion to these common ethical principles.104 These are

‘mild’ letters, their content designed to negotiate with the addressee rather than giving him order. They

provide insight into the fragile authority that Qurra ibn Šarīk possessed against the local Egyptian

elite.105 100 fa-kfinī ʾamra mā qibalaka wa-ttaqi llāha fī mā talī (P.Heid.Arab. I 3, 62‒63). 101 P.DietrichTopkapi 1, 3–6: “Ich preise Gott, außer dem es keinen Gott gibt. Alsdann: Achte auf das, was die Bewohner

Deines Bezirks nicht (länger) schuldig bleiben mögen …” fa-ʾinnī ʾaḥmadu llāha llaḏī lā ʾilāha ʾillā huwa ʾammā baʿdu fa-

nẓuri llaḏī lā baqiya ʿalā ʾahli ʾarḍika; P.Qurra 1, 3–7: “I praise God, than whom there is no other God. As to the matter in

hand: Look up the balance due from the bishop of your district …” fa-ʾinnī ʾaḥmadu llāha llaḏī lā ʾilāha ʾillā huwa ʾammā

baʿdu fa-nẓuri llaḏī lā baqiya ʿalā ʾusqufi kūratika; “now to proceed: Look up the balance due from the inhabitants of your

land” ʾammā baʿdu fa-nẓuri llaḏī kāna baqiya ʿalā ʾahli ʾarḍika (P.Heid.Arab. I 2, 5). Disregarded are the fragmentary letters

that do not allow for a definite assessment of their contents. 102 fa-ʾinnī ʾaḥmadu llāha llaḏī lā ʾilāha ʾillā huwa ʾammā baʿdu fa-ʾinna nāsan mina l-ǧundi ḏakarū lī kitbatan min

qaryatihim kānat taǧrī ʿalayhim munḏu ʾarbaʿīna sanatan … fa-lā ʾadrī mā ṣidqu ḏālika min kiḏbihi (P.Cair.Arab. III 150,

4–11). Other examples are P.Qurra 2, saying that this year’s Nile-flood was favourable, therefore Basileios should not have

rotten this benefit by his own negligence or reluctancy; and P.Qurra 3, 13. 103 Cf. carrot-and-stick-expressions like “satisfy me in this, and I will not blame you in the matter” fa-kfinī ḏālika wa-lā

ʾalūmannaka fīhi (P.Qurra 2, 12–13). 104 E. g. “do not oppress your slave” (i. e. the pagarch’s subjects) wa-lā tuẓlimanna ʿabdaka (P.Qurra 2, 13–16; 3, 13). 105 Papaconstantiniou 2012.



3. The functional background of emotional elements in Qurra’s letters to Basileios

The emotional elements listed in the previous section may appear an ideal setting rather than actual

scribal practice. For, in fact, not a single letter features all elements mentioned. Rather are the different

elements employed and combined in Qurra’s letters in varying and seemingly unconventional ways.

This is demonstrated by the following sample of 30 letters chosen from the corpus that can be dated,

i.e. preferably for one single month or even more precisely:

1A 1B 1C 1D 1E 1F 1G 1H 1J 1K 2A 2B 2C 2D 3A 3B 1 P.Cair.Arab. III 150 2 P.Cair.Arab. III 152 3 P.Cair.Arab. III 156 4 P.Qurra 1 5 P.DietrichTopkapi 1 6 P.BeckerPAF 3 7 P.BeckerPAF 5 8 P.Qurra 4 9 P.Qurra 2 10 P.BeckerPAF 1 11 P.Cair.Arab. III 154 12 P.Cair.Arab. III 155 13 P.Qurra 3 14 P.Cair.Arab. III 147 15 P.Cair.Arab. III 153 16 P.Heid.Arab. I 1 17 P.Heid.Arab. I 2 18 P.RagibQurra 1 19 P.RagibQurra 3 20 P.Heid.Arab. I 4 21 P.BeckerPAF 6 22 P.Cair.Arab. III 151 23 P.BeckerPAF 2 24 P.Heid.Arab. I 11 25 P.Heid.Arab. I 3 26 P.Cair.Arab. III 146 27 P.Cair.Arab. III 158 28 P.Cair.Arab. III 159 29 P.RagibQurra 2 30 P.BeckerPAF 4 Fig. 1: Distribution of emotional elements in Qurra’s Arabic letters to Basileios

Explanation of code: 1A–K = Elements evoking fear, nervousness, or uneasiness among the addressee (1A: imperatives; 1B: energicus forms; 1C: jussive constructions; 1D: indirect threats; 1E: direct threats; 1F: lexical expressions; 1G: oaths; 1H: allusions to God’s anger; 1J expressions of Qurra’s anger; 1K: request formulated at the beginning of letter); 2A–D = Elements evoking joy or relief (2A: moral opinions; 2B: rational substantiations; 2C: encouragements; 2D: allusions to God’s mercy); 3A–B = Elements evoking love, affection, or compassion (3A: expressions of satisfaction; 3B request only after statement of affairs).

The distribution of emotional elements seems random at first sight. In fact the letters follow a certain

tide of ups and downs that was related to particular historical events during Qurra’s governorship, the

most precarious one happening somewhen in August 710. This becomes evident when correlating the

21 Lucian Reinfandt


quantity of emotional elements with the chronological order of the letters, as is done in the following

figure:

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

P.C

air.A

rab.

III 1

50 (W

alīd

)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 152

(Muḥ

.)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 156

(ʿA

bdal

lāh)

P.Q

urra

1 (Y

azīd

)P.

Die

trich

Topk

api 1

(Yaz

īd)

P.B

ecke

rPA

F 3

(?)

P.B

ecke

rPA

F 5

(Khu

bays

h)P.

Qur

ra 4

(Kha

līfa)

P.Q

urra

2 (B

asīl)

P.B

ecke

rPA

F 1

(Mus

lim)

P.C

air.A

rab.

III 1

54 (M

uslim

)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 155

(Mus

lim)

P.Q

urra

3 (M

uslim

)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 147

(Jar

īr)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 153

(Mus

lim)

P.H

eid.

Ara

b. I

1 (J

arīr)

P.H

eid.

Ara

b. I

2 (ʿ

Abd

allā

h)P.

Rag

ibQ

urra

1 (Y

azīd

)P.

Rag

ibQ

urra

3 (M

uslim

)P.

Hei

d.A

rab.

I 4

(ʿA

bdal

lāh)

P.B

ecke

rPA

F 6

(?)

P.C

air.A

rab.

III 1

51 (Y

azīd

)P.

Bec

kerP

AF

2 (a

ṣ-Ṣa

lt)P.

Hei

d.A

rab.

I 11

(Mus

lim)

P.H

eid.

Ara

b. I

3 (a

ṣ-Ṣa

lt)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 146

(ʿU

may

r)P.

Cai

r.Ara

b. II

I 158

(Yaz

īd)

P.C

air.A

rab.

III 1

59 (K

hālid

)P.

Rag

ibQ

urra

2 (?

)P.

Bec

kerP

AF

4 (ʿ

Īsā)

3B3A2D2C2B2A1K1J1H1G1F1E1D1C1B1A

Fig. 2: Chronological sequence of emotionality displayed in the letters (direction from left to right) One should here stress again the fact that the letters have been composed and written by different

secretaries and scribes. Thus becomes evident that the emotional content of the Qurra letters follows a

certain logic that was less bound to the scribes’ individual preferences or their qualification but was

rather bound to administrative requirements at hand. In other words: the composition of administrative

letters was rather a matter of supra-individual demands than of the scribes’ personal considerations.

On the background of this evidence of bureaucratic rationalisation, Qurra’s scriptorium in al-Fusṭāṭ

seems to have been something like a well-oiled machine of administrative document production. The

scribes working in this scriptorium seem to have subjected themselves entirely to the demands of their

institution. They might even have been interchangeable, thus very much fulfilling the demands of

rational bureaucracy in the modern sense of the word.106

106 Weber 51980:553.



But who actually were the scribes that have written Qurra’s Arabic letters to Basileios? From the

pagarch’s dossier found in Aphroditō we know the names of a good number of officials working in the

governor’s chancery in al-Fusṭāṭ (scribes of documents other than letters shall be neglected for our

purpose): Walīd;107 Muḥammad ibn ʿUqba;108 ʿAbdallāh ibn Nuʿmān;109 Yazīd;110 Khubaysh ibn

ʿAdī;111 Khalīfa;112 Basīl;113 Muslim ibn Labnān;114 aṣ-Ṣalt ibn Masʿūd;115 Jarīr;116 ʿUmayr (or

ʿUmar);117 Khālid;118 ʿĪsā.119 A simple collation of the emotional elements used in Qurra’s letters and

the names of the respective scribes makes evident that Qurra’s scribes did not have an individual

preference, a specific ‘style’, regarding the choice and intensity of emotional elements in the narrative

parts of their letters. Rather could one and the same scribe in fact apply very different patterns of

emotional elements in differing intensities, as is shown by the examples of ʿAbdallāh ibn Nuʿmān,

Yazīd, Jarīr, aṣ-Ṣalt ibn Masʿūd, and to a lesser extent by Muslim ibn Labnān in the following figure:

107 P.Cair.Arab. III 150. 108 P.Cair.Arab. III 152. 109 P.Cair.Arab. III 156; P.Heid.Arab. I 2; 4. 110 P.Cair.Arab. III 148; 151; 158; P.DietrichTopkapi 1; P.Qurra 1; P.RagibQurra 1. 111 P.BeckerPAF 5. 112 P.Qurra 4. 113 P.Qurra 2. 114 P.BeckerPAF 1; P.Cair.Arab. III 153‒155; P.Heid.Arab. I 11; P.Qurra 3; P.RagibQurra 3. 115 P.BeckerPAF 2; P.Heid.Arab. I 3. Moreover, aṣ-Ṣalt ibn Masʿūd was the copyist of Muslim ibn Labnān (P.BeckerPAF 1,

14‒15: “Es hat dies geschrieben Muslim b. Labnān und abgeschrieben el-Ṣalt b. Masʿūd” wa-kataba muslimu bnu labnāna

wa-nasaḫa ṣ-ṣaltu bnu masʿūdin) and thus appears by name in the letters P.BeckerPAF 1; P.Cair.Arab. III 154‒155; P.Qurra

3; and P.RagibQurra 3. After February 710 CE, i. e. when lastly mentioned in the letters as copyist, he seems to have

advanced to the position of a full-scribe, thus being entitled to formulate letters on his own rather than writing down

someone’s else dictation. He furthermore seems to have been the only scribe so far known who has drafted not only letters

but also demand notes (entagia) to Basileios’ tax-paying village population, if the lacuna in P.BeckerPapyrusstudien l. 8 is to

be filled with his name, as has been proposed by Diem 1984:256. Apart from that, the other demand notes so far known from

the Qurra corpus have been written by particular scribes that were seemingly specialiced in the drafting of entagia or simply

located in the chancellery’s branch that was devoted to this peculiar aspect of administration. The Arab scribes known by

name from the demand notes are Murṯid (P.BeckerPAF 8‒10) and, first and foremost, Rāšid (P.Cair.Arab. III 160–163;

P.Heid.Arab. I 5–6; P.Heid.Arab. I a–l), the latter having drafted most of them, as already has been observed by Diem

1984:264. 116 P.Cair.Arab. III 147; P.Heid.Arab. I 1. 117 P.Cair.Arab. III 146. 118 P.Cair.Arab. III 159. 119 P.BeckerPAF 4.

23 Lucian Reinfandt


0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

ʿĪsā

Khālid

ʿUmayr

aṣ-Ṣalt

Jarīr

Muslim

Basīl

Khalīfa

Khubaysh

Yazīd

ʿAbdallāh

Muḥammad

Walīd

Fig. 3: Emotionality applied by the scribes in Qurra’s chancery The apparent interchangeability of the chancery scribes requires to take into consideration some more

factors possibly affecting the compositional patterns of administrative letters, especially its emotional

elements. These are the thematic subjects of the letters; and the administrative occasions that led to the

draft of the letters. It might be of some interest to work out the contents of emotional elements applied

in different thematic groups. Five standard issues dominated Qurra’s letters to Basileios, Greek or

Arabic alike: taxes and fees120; requisitions (in kind or in labour)121; litigations122; (return of tax-)

120 Arabic: P.BeckerPAF 3; 6; P.Cair.Arab. III 146‒149; 153; 156; P.DietrichTopkapi 1; P.Heid.Arab. I 1; 3; 13; 17; P.Qurra

1‒2; 4‒5. Greek: P.Lond. IV 1335; 1338‒1339; 1349; 1354; 1357; 1359‒1360; 1363; 1365; 1367; 1373; 1379‒1380; 1395;

1397‒1398; 1405?; 1406; 1463; 1467; P.Ross.Georg. IV 10+P.Lond. IV 1387+P.Berol.inv. 25039?; P.Ross.Georg. IV 11;

12+P.Lond. IV 1370; P.Ross.Georg. IV 13; 14+P.Lond. IV 1396; P.Ross.Georg. IV 15; 27 I h; P.Sorb.inv. 2230 b?;

2233+P.Lond IV 1340; SB X 10453; 10456; SB XX 15100; 15102. 121 Arabic: P.BeckerPAF 4; 5‒6; 11; P.Cair.Arab. III 150; 158‒159; P.Heid.Arab. I 14‒16; 18‒19; 21; P.RagibQurra 1; 3.

Greek: P.Lond. IV 1336‒1337; 1341‒1342; 1346; 1348; 1350‒1353; 1355; 1358; 1362; 1366; 1368‒1369; 1371; 1374‒

1376; 1378; 1386; 1388‒1389; 1392; P.Lond. IV 1393+P.BM inv. 2586; P.Lond. IV 1394; 1399‒1404; P.Ross.Georg. IV 5;

6+P.Lond. IV 1391; P.Ross.Georg. IV 7; 8+P.Lond. IV 1377; P.Ross.Georg. IV 9+P.Lond. IV 1390; P.Sorb.inv. 2224–2226;

2232. 122 Arabic: P.BeckerPAF 1‒2; P.Cair.Arab. III 154‒155; P.Heid.Arab. I 11; P.Qurra 3. Greek: P.Lond. IV 1356.



fugitives123; general matters of administration and the upkeep of public order124. For a first analysis,

preliminary as it might be, all of Qurra’s Arabic letters have been taken into the sample, regardless the

fact that not all of them contain dates or the scribes’ names. Only the very fragmentary ones that

contain no information relevant for our purpose have been omitted.125 The distribution is as follows

(the papyri in each thematic group being chronologically arranged top down):

lETTer Subject Emo. lETTer Subject Emo. P.Cair.Arab. III 156 Taxes 4 P.Cair.Arab. III 150 Requisitions 3 P.Qurra 1 Taxes 4 P.BeckerPAF 5 Requisitions 5 P.DietrichTopkapi 1 Taxes 4 P.RagibQurra 1 Requisitions 5 P.BeckerPAF 3 Taxes 5 P.RagibQurra 3 Requisitions 2 P.Qurra 4 Taxes 6 P.Cair.Arab. III 158 Requisitions 4 P.Qurra 2 Taxes 6 P.Cair.Arab. III 159 Requisitions 3 P.Cair.Arab. III 147 Taxes 4 P.BeckerPAF 6 Requisitions 5 P.Cair.Arab. III 153 Taxes 4 P.BeckerPAF 4 Requisitions 5 P.Heid.Arab. I 1 Taxes 8 P.BeckerPAF 11 (fragm.) Requisitions 2 P.BeckerPAF 6 Taxes 5 P.Heid.Arab. I 16 (fragm.) Requisitions 2 P.Heid.Arab. I 3 Taxes 14 P.Cair.Arab. III 146 Taxes 9 P.BeckerPAF 1 Litigations 3 P.Qurra 5 (fragm.) Taxes 3 P.Cair.Arab. III 154 Litigations 4 P.Cair.Arab. III 148 Taxes 7 P.Cair.Arab. III 155 Litigations 3 P.Cair.Arab. III 149 Taxes 8 P.Qurra 3 Litigations 3 P.Heid.Arab. I 17 Taxes 4 P.BeckerPAF 2 Litigations 3 P.Heid.Arab. I 13 (fragm.) Taxes 5 P.Heid.Arab. I 11 Litigations 3 P.Cair.Arab. III 152 Fugitives 3 P.Heid.Arab. I 2 General matters 7 P.Heid.Arab. I 4 Fugitives 6 P.Cair.Arab. III 151 Fugitives 4 P.RagibQurra 2 Fugitives 2

Fig. 4: Emotionality applied according to subject matters

Fig. 4 makes evident that the distribution of emotional elements was not a matter of thematic subjects

dealt with in the letters (although the highest rate of emotionality by trend seems to appear in those

letters related to the payment of taxes). Rather could each of the subjects by principle have invoked

similar rates of emotionality. Therefore, the rate of emotionality was not so much affected by personal

preferences of individual chancery scribes, nor was it affected by subjects in general. The irregular

pattern of distribution in fig. 4 above looks considerably different from the continuous curves of the

chronological arrangement in fig. 2 above. It seems as if the latter contains a narrative of

administrative action, expressed by the intensity of efforts put into the writings. We seem to be

witnesses of the heated atmosphere in the rooms of Qurra’s chancery on some days and of more calm

dealings on others. But what were the events that so much commanded the working days and that have

brought about letters with so similar a content yet different a rate of emotionality?

123 Arabic: P.Cair.Arab. III 151‒152; P.Heid.Arab. I 4; P.RagibQurra 2. Greek: P.Lond. IV 1332‒1333; 1343‒1344; 1361;

1372; 1381; 1383‒1385; P.Ross.Georg. IV 1+P.Lond. IV 1382; P.Ross.Georg. IV 2; P.Sorb.inv. 2230 a; SB X 10457. 124 Arabic: P.Heid.Arab. I 2. Greek: CPR XXII 52; P.Lond. IV 1345; 1347; 1465; P.Ross.Georg. IV 16; SB V 7520. 125 These are the letters P.Heid.Arab. I 14‒15; 18‒19; 21.

25 Lucian Reinfandt


From literary sources alone we do not know much about Qurra ibn Šarīk’s term in Egypt. The years

709–710 CE covered by the preserved letters are treated with silence altogether. The historian aṭ-

Ṭabarī mentions only the dates of Qurra’s appointment and of his continued tenure of the office and

then his death.126 The most precise accounts are given by the local Egyptian chroniclers al-Kindī, al-

Maqrīzī, and Ibn Taġrībirdī.127 Important is also another literary source with an explicit Christian

background, the History of the Patriarchs of Sawīrus ibn al-Muqaffaʿ.128 These accounts in fact

mention particular steps taken by the Qurra administration like a tax census, an improvement of tax

returns, the cultivation of waste lands for sugar plantation, and a reorganisation of the administrative

departments.129 They also report a plot undertaken against the governor by a group of oppositionists in

Alexandria that eventually failed.130 All of them, however, lack a perspective for the details of Muslim

administration in Egypt.

In view of this deficit of information, we come back to the papyri. The emotional paradigm explained

above allows for an identification of crucial processes in the administration otherwise undocumented.

For this purpose, the fig. 2 above is to be consulted once more: the increasingly rising peaks of

emotionality resemble four groups of letters with exceptional high rates of emotionality displayed. It is

our hypothesis that these moments of enhanced emotionality in the letters correspond with days of

enhanced tension or urgency inside Qurra’s chancery in al-Fusṭāṭ. It is also useful to contrast the

Arabic material with the Qurra chancery’s Greek letters produced at about the same time in order to

shed more light on the events. By this may become apparent the major affairs that temporarily made

demands on the Muslim central administration. The following chart lists those moments of enhanced

emotionality in the Arabic letters (with the respective peaks in bold), and contrasts the simultaneous

documentation from the Greek letters (T = taxes; R = requisitions; L = litigations; F = fugitives; G =

general matters):

126 Cited in Bosworth 1981:500. 127 Ibid. 128 Abbott 1938:64–65 outlines the main information given by Sawīrūs ibn al-Muqaffaʿ about Qurra’s term of office. 129 Abbott 1938:62; Becker 1906:18; Kennedy 1998:72. 130 Abbott 1938:62–63; Bosworth 1981:500.



letter (Arabic) date (arabic) letter (greek) date (greek) 1 P.BeckerPAF 3 T 13 Aug.–10 Sep. 709 P.Lond. IV 1336 R 3 Sep. 709 1 P.Lond. IV 1337 R 10 Sep. 709 1 P.BeckerPAF 5 R 11 Sept.–10 Oct. 709 P.Lond. IV 1338 T/F 12 Sep. 709 1 P.Qurra 4 T 11 Sep.–8 Nov. 709 SB XX 15101 R 12 Sep. 709 1 P.Ross.Georg. IV 7 R 20 Sep. 709 1 P.Lond. IV 1339 T 9 Oct. 709 1 SB X 10453 T 20 Oct. 709 1 P.Ross.Georg. IV 14+P.Lond. IV 1396 T 27 Oct. 709 1 SB X 10454 R 28 Oct. 709 1 SB X 10455 R 28 Oct. 709 1 P.Lond. IV 1341+1411 R 3 Nov. 709 1 P.Lond. IV 1342 R 6 Nov. 709 1 P.Qurra 2 T 9 Nov.–8 Dec. 709 2 P.Cair.Arab. III 153 T 7 Jan.–5 Feb. 710 SB III 7241 R 7 Jan. 710 2 P.Heid.Arab. I 1 T 7 Jan.–5 Feb. 710 P.Lond. IV 1347 G 10 Jan. 710 2 P.Heid.Arab. I 2 G 7 Jan.–5 Feb. 710 P.Lond. IV 1348 R 13 Jan. 710 2 P.RagibQurra 1 R 7 Jan.–5 Feb. 710 P.Lond. IV 1349 T 14 Jan. 710 2 P.Lond. IV 1351 R 20 Jan. 710 2 P.Ross.Georg. IV 9+P.Lond. IV 1390 R 22 Jan. 710 2 P.Ross.Georg. IV 6+P.Lond. IV 1391 R 23 Jan. 710 2 P.Lond. IV 1350 R 29 Jan. 710 2 P.Ross.Georg. IV 16 G 30 Jan. 710 2 P.Lond. IV 1352 R 30 Jan. 710 2 P.Ross.Georg. IV 15 T 30 Jan. 710 2 P.Lond. IV 1353 R 30 Jan. 710 3 P.BeckerPAF 6 T 6 Feb.–6 Mar. 710 SB V 7520 G 26 Jan.–24 Feb. 710 3 P.Ross.Georg. IV 4 R 14(?) Feb. 710 4 P.Heid.Arab. I 3 T 2–30 Aug. 710 P.Lond. IV 1362 R 19 Aug. 710 4 P.Cair.Arab. III 146 T 2–30 Aug. 710 4 P.Cair.Arab. III 158 R 2–30 Aug. 710 Fig. 5: Peaks of emotionality in Arabic letters with simultaneous documentation in Greek

From fig. 5 becomes evident that most of the emotional effort was spent on Arabic letters dealing with

taxes and, to a lesser degree, to requisitions. Matters of litigations and fugitives, by contrast, seem to

have been dealt with on a comparably minor emotional level, an exception being the letter

P.Heid.Arab. I 2 that is concerned with general matters of public order and is part of the second peak

in our little sample of moments of enhanced emotionality. This general impression of the priorities of

Qurra’s chancery in al-Fusṭāṭ is in a way corroborated by the parallel documentation of the Greek

letters that very similarly deal with matters of taxes and requisitions during those phases of enhanced

emotionality in the Arabic letters. The concentration of emotionality in letters concerned with taxes

and requisitions meets the general impression that Muslim (and not only Muslim) administration in

Egypt was mainly concerned with fiscal matters and the always delicate collection of the country’s

productive surplus.

27 Lucian Reinfandt


4. Conclusions

Already from this minor sample of 30 Arabic letters from the Muslim state chancellery in al-Fusṭāṭ

becomes evident the part that emotions played in official epistolography. Our investigation surely

cannot claim an analysis in quantification either in regards of data or method. However, a certain trend

becomes evident that there were, on a linguistic level, standardised elements aiming at evoking fear,

nervousness, or uneasiness among the addressee, together with others evoking joy or relief, affection

or compassion, and that these elements seem to have been part of the basic equipment of official

letters (cf. part 2 above). With their help one sought to exercise influence over the addressee, thereby

supporting the very concern of the letter expressed in the particular textual bodies.

The use of emotional elements, however, was not depending on individual chancery scribes and

secretaries, their particular epistolary craft or even personal taste. Everything points to the fact that

they were applied independently from individual scribes’ preferences and according to the necessities

of the situation at hand, the scribes apparently being exchangeable in this regard (cf. fig. 3 in part 3

above). It seems that the scribes in Qurra’s chancery were able to play on the claviature of emotions

according to the requirements of the situation at hand. The outcome was a collective dramaturgy of the

chancery rather than a random throwing of words by individual scribes (cf. fig. 2 in part 3 above). The

degree of emotionality (better: the degree of emotional influence on the addressee) in the letters is not

an outcome of the governor’s temper in a particular affair. Perhaps it is not even the outcome of the

general mood inside the chancery, among the secretaries and scribes, but rather of the affair itself:

there were tricky and less tricky situations to be handled, the trickier ones requiring more emotional

support (cf. figs. 4 and 5 in part 3 above).

A principal question arises whether emotional elements still had a real effect on the addressee, or

whether they had rather lost this function and were used instead as mere ceremonial conventions of

ritualised protocol. In the case of the energicus forms (cf. part 2.1 above) we have seen that they might

have had lost their emotional impact on the addressee and had become mere text markers indicating

orders inside the text. It might be true also with other emotional elements worked out by us. To answer

this question substantially, more empirical data are required that cannot be accomplished in the present

study (like a comparison with letters from Qurra sent to other pagarchs in Egypt; with letters from or

to other governors and pagarchs; with comparable letters from the Greek and Coptic language groups;

with comparable official letters from dossiers and individual items alike).

Be that as it may ‒ emotional elements were still meaningful to the addressee in one form or another:

they were either affecting him mentally, or they were ritualised nuances of deliberate information.



They were part of the epistolographic toolkit by which one could attain the desired effect on the

addressee, revealing an administrative culture in which the subject-related model letter alone was not

expedient. Rather had the subject matter to be supported by additional devices on the interpersonal ‒

in our case emotional ‒ level. This comes, at first sight, close to the Weberian ideal type of

patrimonialism. We have pointed, however, to the exchangeability of chancery scribes and their

submission under the logic of particular working days. Playing on the claviature of emotionality when

required is a considerable sign of bureaucratic rationality, perhaps patrimonial bureaucracy.131 It

suggests an administration that was strictly formalistic, following rational rules and, where these

failed, ‘objective’ aspects of functionality.132

Historically, the Qurra letters to Basileios mark a transitional phase in the process of Muslim empire

building. The tightening of control over the land of Egypt and the centralisation of its administration

took the Muslim rulers more than a century to be accomplished.133 The long process of tentative steps

and repeated setbacks only gradually led to an Arabisation of administrative personnel. The

disempowerment of the indigenous Christian landholding élites and their successive replacement by

Arab-Muslim officials was an innovation that initially spread out in the districts close to al-Fusṭāṭ,

whereas more remote districts especially in Upper Egypt continued to be administered by the old

élites. The region of Aphroditō was one of these remote places, its pagarch Basileios not being a part

of the Muslim administrative apparatus in the proper sense but rather a vassal that one constantly had

to negotiate with. Hence the emotional content of the letters sent to him. However, this device turned

out not successful, as Arietta Papaconstantinou has demonstrated, the pagarch apparently not willing

to cooperate with the central Muslim authorities in al-Fusṭāṭ.134 The next step then was an initiative of

bureaucratic rationalisation, namely the replacement of Basileios by an Arab-Muslim pagarch sent

from al-Fusṭāṭ who was unassailable by local matters in Aphrodito. But this is not the subject of the

Qurra letters anymore.

131 Cf. Weber 51980:619. 132 Weber 71988:476. 133 Sijpesteijn 2009. 134 Cf. n. 7 above.

29 Lucian Reinfandt


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