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The Canadian Journal of Career Development

Revue canadienne de développement de carrière

Vol. 13 / No. 1

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The Canadian Journal of Career Development/Revue canadienne de développement de carrière Robert Shea, Founding Editor/Rédacteur en chef Diana Leadbeater, Associate Editor/Rédactrice adjointe The Canadian Journal of Career Development is published by Memorial University of Newfoundland. It has a mandate to present articles in areas of career research and practice that are of interest to career development practitioners. The Journal is published with the support of the Canadian Education and Research Institute for Counselling (CERIC) through a grant provided by The Counselling Foundation of Canada. The opinions expressed are strictly those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of The Canadian Journal of Career Development, Memorial University of Newfoundland or CERIC officers, directors or employees. The Canadian Journal of Career Development is published twice annually. Subscription rates: This edition is provided free of charge online at www.cjcdonline.ca. Orders and correspondence regarding subscriptions, advertisements, change of address, purchase of back issues, and permission to reprint should be sent to: Robert Shea, Associate Vice President (Academic & Student Affairs), St. John’s, NL A1C 5R3 or [email protected]. Manuscripts should be submitted in MS Word. Authors are requested to follow APA 6th edition Style. For full length articles, an abstract of approximately 200 words is required. Following final acceptance of an article for publication, all authors will be required to submit a copy in MS Word for production purposes. For further submission details see inside back cover or on the website.

La Revue canadienne de développement de carrière est publiée par l'Université Memorial de Terre-Neuve. Son mandat est de présenter des articles d'intérêt général pour tous les praticiens du développement de carrière, dans les domaines de la théorie, de la recherche et de la pratique. La Revue est publiée avec le soutien de l’Institut canadien d’éducation et de recherche en orientation (CERIC) par le biais d’une subvention accordée par The Counselling Foundation of Canada. Les opinions exprimées par les auteurs ne reflètent pas nécessairement celles de la Revue canadienne de développement de carrière, ses représentants, directeurs ou employés. La Revue canadienne de développement de carrière est une publication annuelle avec une édition disponible gatuitement en ligne, au www.rcdcenligne.ca. Toute demande ou correspondance au sujet des abonnements, publicités, changements d'adresse, achats de parutions antérieures et droits de reproduction doit être envoyée à : Robert Shea, Associate Vice President (Academic & Student Affairs), St. John’s, NL A1C 5R3 ou [email protected]. Les manuscrits doivent être soumis en format MS Word. Les auteurs doivent suivre les directives du manuel de publication de L'APA 6e édition. Un résumé en français d'environ 200 mots doit être joint à chacun des articles. Tous les articles acceptés pour publication doivent être soumis en format MS Word. Pour plus de détails concernant la soumission, voir à l’intérieur de la couverture arrière ou sur le site.

Robert Shea, Founding Editor Diana Leadbeater, Associate Editor Associate Vice President (Academic & Student Affairs) Career Development & Experiential Learning Fisheries and Marine Institute UC 4002B Memorial University of Newfoundland Memorial University of Newfoundland St. John’s, NL St. John’s, NL A1C 5R3 A1C 5S7 Phone: 709.778.0356 Phone: 709.864.3448 Fax: 709.778.0394 Fax: 709.864.2437 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] © 2001- 2014 The Canadian Journal of Career Development/Revue canadienne de développement de carrière. All rights reserved/tous droits réservés. ISSN 1499-1845 (Print)/ISSN 1499-1853 (Online) Printed in Canada/Imprimé au Canada

The Canadian Journal of Career Development/ Revue canadienne de développement de carrière

http://www.cjcdonline.ca/

The Canadian Journal of Career Development/Revue canadienne de développement de carrière

Volume 13, Number 1 2014

CONTENTS

Number 1

EDITORIAL

ARTICLES

Metaphors of Career Success: The Case of Middle ManagersJacqueline Dahan 5

Development of the Multicultural and Social Justice Competencies (MCSJC) Scale for CareerDevelopment PractitionersSandra Collins, Nancy Arthur, Mary McMahon, & Suzie Bisson 17

Restoring Hope: Responding to Career Concerns of Immigrant ClientsTatjana Elez 32

Constructing the Future in the Liminal Spaces Between Adolescence and Adulthood: Responsibilities, Careers, and Social ContextsAmanda Benjamin, José Domene, & Kim Landine 47

A Theoretical Model of the Antecedents of Educational Goal CommitmentGentiane Boudrenghien, Mariane Frenay, Etienne Bourgeois, Stuart A. Karabenick, & Jacquelynne S. Eccles 60

EditorialWelcome to the thirteenth volume of The Canadian Journal of Career Development. We start off the newyear with an interesting array of articles focusing on topics such as career success, competencies scales, ca-reer concerns, immigrants, models of goal commitments, and career aspirations.

Jacqueline Dahan opens up with the world of middle managers and the various processes that lead to theircareer success. By putting her findings into metaphors, she aims to assist career practitioners’ and counsel-lors’ abilities to guide the professional and personal development of those currently in or entering middlemanagement positions.

On the topic of career development practitioners, the article ‘Development of the Multicultural and SocialJustice Competencies (MCSJC) Scale for Career Development Practitioners’ delves into social justice andthe increasing number of career practitioners being asked to assist with this by clients. The authors presentthe newly developed competencies scale and explain its development and test results.

‘Restoring Hope: Responding to Career Concerns of Immigrant Clients’ addresses the lack of career theoryand counselling strategies available for the specific issues immigrants transitioning in careers experience.Tatjana Elez explores the issues, visualizes the barriers, and provides suggestions for counselling practices.

Amanda Benjamin, José Domene, and Kim Landine discuss the notion of liminal adulthood and how youthconstruct, conceptualize, and express concerns about adulthood career aspirations and socio-economic con-text. Current issues, implications for educational practice and policy, and limitations are discussed.

In the final article for this edition, a theoretical model is proposed to address and explain the factors influ-encing students’ commitment to their educational goals. ‘A Theoretical Model of the Antecedents of Educa-tional Goal Commitment’ will be a worthwhile and interesting read for all career counsellors; particularlyfor those who provide guidance to students transitioning from secondary to post-secondary.

Finally, a call to the profession. As the Journal continues to grow we are looking for additional peer-review-ers to provide feedback and guidance on submitted work. With the vast array of topics submitted to the jour-nal, we are looking to broaden our reviewer database so to better match our peer-reviewers to article topics.If you are interested in becoming a peer-reviewer for the Journal please contact associate editor Diana Lead-beater for additional details.

Rob SheaFounding Editor

Etta St. John Wileman Awardfor Lifetime Achievement in Career Development

Why develop this award?

This award is designed to recognize and celebrate individuals who have devoted their lives to furthering the profession of careerdevelopment.

To celebrate individuals who have established themselves as leaders within our profession.

Leaders who combine the role of researcher, educator, author, practioner and career leader.

To encourage individuals in Canada and around the world to celebrate those around us who have contributed so much to our iden-tity as career development professionals.

To establish a significant and uniquely Canadian award that recognizes those individuals who have devoted their lives to the en-hancement of career development practice, administration, research and education.

Who can be nominated?

Individuals who have demonstrated significant and long-term commitment to the principles and experience outlined above.

When is the award presented?

The award is presented at the annual Cannexus National Career Development Conference in Canada. The award is presented ona less than annual basis as is determined by the selection committee.

Who comprises the selection committee?

The selection committee is comprised of the Founding Editor of The Canadian Journal of Career Development; a previous awardwinner; a career development professional; and the Board Chair of the Canadian Education and Research Institute for Counselling(CERIC).

What is awarded?

The award recipient will be presented with a handmade Innukshuk by an Inuit artisan from Newfoundland & Labrador, Canada.The Innukshuk is made from a precious stone called Labradorite, native to the coast of Labrador. Each award will be presented atthe annual Cannexus conference.

Submissions

To ensure confidentiality and to minimize disappointment it is requested that the nominee not know about the nomination in advance.

Submissions should attest to each of the principles outlined above in the section - Why develop this award? This is an award for signifi-cant and lifetime commitment to career development. Unsuccessful nominations will be considered for a period of two further years.

Nominations

Nomination packages should be sent to:

Dr. Robert SheaEditor, The Canadian Journal of Career DevelopmentAssociate Vice President (Academic & Student Affairs)Fisheries & Marine InstituteMemorial University, St. John’s, NLA1C 5R3Email: [email protected]

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Metaphors of Career Success: The Case of Middle Managers

Jacqueline DahanUniversité de Sherbrooke

Abstract

This article aims to helpcareer practitioners and counsel-lors better understand the careersuccess of their middle managerclients. The results presentedemerge from an exploratorystudy of the success of middlemanagers working in the Québecaeronautics industry. Althoughadmittedly not exhaustive, theseresults form a repertoire of fourspatial metaphors that correspondto different views of career suc-cess held by middle managers in-terviewed. The metaphors rest onarchetypal vehicles that illustratethe movement and speed of thecareer path, and the speed atwhich career success is built. Themetaphors used by middle man-agers depict their chosen posi-tioning relative to that endorsedby the organization. The reper-toire can guide middle managers’professional and personal devel-opment and help them reflect ontheir designed positioning rela-tive to the metaphor promoted bythe organization.

Résumé

L’article a l’objectif d’alimenterla compréhension des conseillersd’orientation sur le succès en car-rière des cadres intermédiairesqui peuvent faire partie de leurclientèle. Les résultats présentéssont issus d’une étude ex-ploratoire sur le succès des

cadres intermédiaires travaillantdans l’industrie aéronautique duQuébec. Sans prétendre à l’ex-haustivité, ces résultats com-posent un répertoire de quatre (4)métaphores spatiales rendantcompte de différentes représenta-tions du succès en carrière en-dossées par les cadresintermédiaires interviewés. Lesmétaphores mettent à profit desvéhicules typés qui renseignentsur le mouvement de la trajec-toire de carrière, sur la rapidité decelle-ci et sur celle de la con-struction du succès en carrière.Les métaphores endossées par lescadres intermédiaires sont infor-matives du positionnement qu’ilschoisissent eu égard à celle pro-mue par l’organisation. Le réper-toire peut aider le cadreintermédiaire dans son explo-ration professionnelle et person-nelle et dans sa réflexion quantau positionnement qu’il souhaiteprendre face à la métaphore or-ganisationnelle.

In recent years, structuralchanges have redefined the careerand career success. Specifically,individuals have become moreautonomous in this respect, areassuming greater responsibilityfor their career success, and areeven taking on the role of “lifeentrepreneur” (Guichard, 2008, p.431). This process is exemplifiedin the “life designing” model(Savickas et al., 2009, p. 239),which implies that the role of ca-

reer counsellor is fundamentalbecause the profession consists ofhelping individuals “question thedirection of their personal pathand ‘create themselves’” (transla-tion of Cohen-Scali & Guichard,2008, p. 3).

The results of this ex-ploratory study can be useful forcareer practitioners and counsel-lors who want to better under-stand the career success of theirmiddle manager clientele. It pres-ents the findings of an ex-ploratory study of the careersuccess of middle managersworking in the Québec aeronau-tics industry. Although admit-tedly not exhaustive, these resultsform a repertoire of four spatialmetaphors that correspond to dif-ferent views of career successheld by middle managers inter-viewed.

The Metaphors

In their most rudimentaryform, which dates back to Aris-totle, Cicero and Quintilian,metaphors are limited to a poeticrole, i.e. embellishing language,and a rhetorical role, i.e. persua-sion (Oliveira, 2009, p. 19). Amore recent understandingemerging from cognitive sciencestates that the “metaphor is typi-cally viewed as characteristic oflanguage alone, a matter of wordsrather than thought or action[…]metaphor is pervasive ineveryday life, not just in lan-

The Canadian Journal of Career Development/Revue canadienne de développement de carrièreVolume 13, Number 1, 2014

Metaphors of Career Success

6

guage but in thought and action.Our ordinary conceptual system,in terms of which we both thinkand act, is fundamentallymetaphorical in nature” (Lakoff& Johnson, 2003). “Metaphorsstructure how we perceive, howwe think and what we do”(Lakoff & Johnson, 2003, p. 3);they orient our subsequent expe-riences and the way we invest inthem. Metaphors are useful to un-derstand careers; their epistemo-logical value has been recognizedfor years (Inkson, 2006; Mignot,2004; Oliveira, 2009; Smith-Ruig, 2008), as has their praxeo-logical value (Mortlock &Parkin, 2004). For example,Amundson’s (2008) workMetaphor Making: Your Career,Your Life, Your Way discusses therichness and value of metaphorsfor career counselling and profes-sional and personal exploration.Amundson assert that individualsconceptualize, continuously editand re-edit their life story, usingmetaphorical language.

Researchers that explorecareer and career success havealso employed metaphors. Someare well established and legit-imized in the literature to accountfor the complexity of these con-cepts. For instance, spatialmetaphors are often linked to ajourney, while other metaphorsrefer to sports/competition (El-Sawad, 2005). Spatial metaphorsconvey vertical mobility, hierar-chical ascent illustrated by astaircase or pyramid (Barley,1989; Gunz, 1989). This mobilityoccurs along a trajectory or path,two spatial metaphors related tothe Latin etymology of the wordcareer, “carraria,” which meansroad or carriage (Arthur &

Lawrence, 1984, p. 1). Used by acarriage, paths (Herriot, 1992)are sometimes associated with ajourney along which the career isrealized (Nicholson & West,1989) and success develops. Ineveryday speech, the metaphorsof staircase or the key to successare often used in reference to ca-reers and career success. Thesetwo concepts are closely interre-lated in the mental schema of so-ciety, although researcherscontend that they are not exactsynonyms. Staircases depict aclassic ascending path in an or-ganization. They show that tradi-tional career success entails agradual hierarchical rise, with aseries of promotions (steps on thestaircase). The staircasemetaphorically translates con-formity because it is up to indi-viduals to climb the staircase thatthe organization offers. If theyachieve this, career success fol-lows. This metaphor is similar tomilitary metaphors of disciplinein the works of El-Sawad (2005),which translate the importance ofthe soldier’s demonstrating obe-dience and conformity (Janowitz,1968).

In contrast, metaphors re-lated to competition or sportssuch as racing (Michaud, 2003)connote the Greek roots of theword career. In ancient Greece,career signified a race or tourna-ment where the participants com-peted and one eventually won(Van Maanen, 1977). The expres-sion “fast track” (Gowler &Legge, 1989) reflects this idea ofa competitive tournament (El-Sawad 2005, p. 27). Michaud(2003) used the sports metaphorto describe the career success ofhigh potential executives. She

emphasized the speed of obtain-ing promotions because it is notsufficient to simply be promoted;the rise should be as fast as possi-ble. The scarcity of promotionsavailable creates a process ofcompetition/comparison betweenindividuals. The race metaphori-cally explains that career successrests on the idea of exceeding ex-pectations, going above and be-yond and outperforming one’speers. According to the prevail-ing organizational criteria, whenthe comparison is positive (i.e.,the individuals successfully bestor outpace their colleagues), theystand out favorably from thegroup and enjoy career success.

In recent years, othermetaphors, such as that of“boundaryless career” and “pro-tean career” (Briscoe et al.,2012), have surfaced to capturethe impact of structural changeon career paths. The proteanmetaphor refers to the Greek andLatin God Proteus, who could re-configure according to the envi-ronment. Like Proteus, theindividual’s career can changeform, that is transform based onjob opportunities that arise. Indi-viduals thus determine the designof their career path. In contrast,the “boundaryless career” is aspatial metaphor similar to that ofthe often mentioned journey (Ink-son, 2006, p. 56). The individ-ual/traveler, also called a nomad(Tremblay, 2003) transcends ter-ritorial boundaries and takes adifferent path from the traditionallinear one dictated by the organi-zation. The individual/travelertypically makes several choicesthat determine how the profes-sional journey will unfold (Ink-son, 2006, p. 56). Riverin-Simard

The Canadian Journal of Career Development/Revue canadienne de développement de carrièreVolume 13 Number 1, 2014

(1984; 1998) also uses the jour-ney metaphor, and argues that itis divided among what he callsthree planets which correspond tothree different universes: Studies,Work and Retirement. This jour-ney would even be a “waltz inthree-quarter time” among theseuniverses, in which equilibriumshould be maintained (Limoges,2007, p. 248). This raises theconcept of adaptation, which maylead to self-reinvention, renderedmetaphorically by the adjectiveprotean. Similarly, the metaphorof key to success highlights orga-nizational pressure to conform: akey opens a lock only if it fits themechanism exactly. The conceptof fit or match translates the samefundamental idea. The metaphorof key to success does not meanthat the lock cylinder must auto-matically be identical betweenorganizations. Even though thecareer literature refers to the clas-sic ascending trajectory as stan-dard/generic, that is having fixedcharacteristics regardless of theorganization and context, themetaphorical adjective proteanclearly implies that the career andsuccess built is a form of “action”rather than a “generic structure”(Inkson, 2006, p. 56). The para-graphs below describe the re-search methodology used toexamine career successmetaphors.

Methodology

To protect the identity ofthe participants, the two compa-nies of comparable size that par-ticipated in the study were givenfictitious names: InnoTech andHighTeam. These companiesboth operate in aeronautics in

Quebec. The Quebec industryrepresents nearly the entire Cana-dian aerospace industry. On theinternational scale, the Quebecaeronautics industry ranks fourthin terms of annual productionvalue, after the United States,France and Great Britain (ISQ,2009), and is well ahead of theother G7 countries. With over40,000 employees and sales ofnearly US$12 billion, Quebec, inparticular the Montréal region,offers more than one job in aero-nautics per 200 inhabitants, equalto the second highest concentra-tion in the world (MDEIE, 2006).

Quebec aeronautics com-panies have traditionally usedone of two generic strategies toboost their competitiveness: 1)differentiation by innovation and2) domination by operational ef-ficiency.

All respondents in this ex-ploratory study were middlemanagers between ages 35 and40. They had accumulated on av-erage 10 years of seniority at thecompany. Thirty-seven semi-structured interviews of approxi-mately 90 minutes each wereconducted between September2004 and April 2005. First, a listof 25 candidates with variouslevels of responsibility, represent-ing diverse departments of thecompany and with potential vary-ing from poor to high, was pro-duced for each participating

company. The executives fromeach organization helped the re-searcher by providing her with alarge list of potential respon-dents. Secondly, individual for-mal invitations to participate inthe study were sent directly toeach candidate by the researcher.Thus, each individual contactedcould feel totally free to partici-pate in the study or not. Seventy-four percent of the candidatesaccepted the invitation. Eighteeninterviews (13 men and 5women) were conducted at thefirst company (InnoTech) andnineteen (15 men and 4 women)were conducted at the secondcompany (HighTeam). In addi-tion, a limited number of seniormanagers were interviewed at thetwo participating companies(Table 1) to clarify the particularfeatures of the organizationalcontext and the way top man-agers define individual careersuccess. Data gathered in inter-views were supplemented byanalysis of information posted onthe company website and ofsome corporate documents.

The four metaphors wereconceptualized after themes fromthe participant interviews wereclustered. The data were ana-lyzed with NVivo using a com-parison process that began withinitial coding of the interviewtranscriptions according to thefollowing themes: the meaning of

Table 1.

Distribution of Interviews conducted at Each Company

Interviews conducted InnoTech

(strategy of differentiation by innovation)

HighTeam (strategy of domination by operating cost efficiency)

Middle managers 18 19 Top managers 2 4 Total 20 23


7


career success, the view of careersuccess promoted by the organi-zation and the participants’ un-derstanding of the strategiccontext of their organization. Theinterview transcriptions weresubsequently analyzed manytimes in alternation. The system-atic, structured comparisonprocess brought to light similari-ties and differences between thetranscriptions, and served toidentify other themes for the sub-sequent phases of coding. Lastly,it led to the identification of fivedimensions (clustering themes)that structured the metaphors ofsuccess.

Results- Metaphors of Career Sucess

Referring to several typesof vehicles, the four metaphorsdescribed above express themovement and speed of the ca-reer path, and the speed at which

career success is built. They figu-ratively convey the essentials of atheme underlying each path,namely visibility (Roadster), mil-itary esprit de corps and dedica-tion (Humvee), technologicaldevelopment (Hybrid), andwork/family balance (Sedan).Each of these metaphors exem-plifies middle managers’ pro-found motivations and values.

Roadster: The Formula 1 Racing Car

The Roadster’s path tosuccess is a rapid rise. The Road-ster metaphorically describes in-dividualistic and flamboyantcareer success, anchored mainlyin individual visibility. Not onlymust the manager’s actions benoticed by his or her peers andsuperiors, but roadsters are alsopeople who are determined to gofurther, do more and push the so-called official boundaries to suc-

ceed: “Unfortunately, doing yourwork well is not enough. If youstay in your corner, you won’t gofar. You have to be able tocharge ahead, to exceed their ex-pectations.” (InnoTech, R&D, no.9). The Roadster metaphor trans-lates the value of going aboveand beyond expectations in man-agers’ definition of career suc-cess. This outperformance mustbe very visible to them. Nonethe-less, it is only at InnoTech thatthe managers define success byexemplary performance coupledwith individual visibility: “If youwant more, if you want success,you have to make more of an ef-fort… you have to take the initia-tive and do more for yourcompany…you have to show thatyou think positively” (InnoTech,R&D, no. 11).

Middle managers who en-dorse the Roadster metaphor arepositioned in a particular way rel-ative to the view of the successthat the organization projects:they buy-in completely to the or-ganization’s values and goals.Such middle managers spoke of“ownership,” intrapreneurship,actions, and behaviors that trans-late a feeling that the organiza-tion “belongs to them.”Therefore, middle managers whosee themselves as Roadsters pos-sess a global, complex and re-fined systemic understanding ofthe future of the company and itsstrategic issues.

There is full convergencebetween the profound motiva-tions and values of these middlemanagers and the view of successthe organization conveys. Middlemanagers deliberately positionthemselves as accepting the

Successive series of coding (both organizations in parallel, constant alternating reviews)

Initial coding with three basic themes:

Participants’ views of career success View of career success endorsed and promoted by the organization Participants’ understanding of strategic organizational context

Second phase of coding with additional themes: Participants’ views of career success: 1) individual success, 2) colleagues’ success Organizational recognition Strategic issues/understanding the organization strategy Career path

Third phase of coding with additional themes: Managerial path, technical path, modern path Pace of path Political success Peer recognition Personal happiness Individual visibility Individual dedication Evolution of participants’ views of career success

Clustering themes with five structural dimensions for each view of career success identified: Central theme of each view of career success. Individual tactics for each view of career success Path associated with each view of career success Organizational context in which each view of career success is observed Specific understanding of strategic context in the organization

In light of the clustering themes, four metaphors of career success were identified.



8

organization’s vision of successcompletely.

The middle managers’ in-dividual visibility is not onlybuilt through preferred interac-tions that they develop and main-tain strategically withsupervisors, directors, or col-leagues who will imminently bepromoted to such positions. It isalso built through the managers’actions, the positive impact ofwhich is naturally well publicizedgiven that their allies already oc-cupy higher hierarchical posi-tions. However, given thesealliances, and the search for indi-vidual visibility and for short-term promotion, success is oftenperceived by other managers asresulting from an illegitimate po-litical process: “You can be veryvisible without having donemuch, by stealing credit from oth-ers. Oh yes! In a large companylike this, there are usurpers” (In-noTech, operations, no. 19).Being the target of negative per-ception is one of the risks man-agers incur.

The risk is aggravated forthose who opt for outperfor-mance and commit themselves ingoing above and beyond organi-zational expectations: “Perfor-mance is often accompanied bythe hero syndrome…but it comeswith the risk of wanting to do toomuch” (InnoTech, R&D, no. 14).

Another basic characteris-tic of the Roadster metaphor isthat career success also rests onmiddle managers’ feeling of true“happiness in going to work”each morning: “Being in a posi-tion where we are always un-happy every day, it’s not reallysuccess” (InnoTech, R&D, no.10).

Humvee: A Military VehicleThat Transports A Team Dedicated To Their Country

With the Humvee, thepath to success is a slower ascentthan for Roadsters. The Humveemetaphorically translates a pathin which the middle managers’individual success is builtthrough the expression of highesprit de corps, enthusiasm, anddedication to the team and to theorganization. This involves a fil-ial pride by middle managers in“giving their life” to the organi-zation: I have the company’sname tattooed on my heart”(HighTeam, operations, no.2).“Success rests not only on the at-tainment of objectives assignedby top management but also onyour willingness to do more, ini-tiatives you take to exceed the ob-jectives and therefore yourcapacity to deliver more thanwhat the organization expects”(HighTeam, operations, no. 10).Like the Roadster, going aboveand beyond is emphasized.Nonetheless, conformity entails aparticular relation, a near fusionwith the group: “We all say ‘Iwant to die here. I want to behere until I retire!’” (HighTeam,operations, no. 2).

Note that it is not only atHighTeam that the executives de-fine success by outperformancemarked by team visibility, dedi-cation to the organization and un-flagging demonstration ofexemplary team spirit: “You areconsidered a stakeholder of theorganization vision to realize. It’sgood to eliminate all unhealthycompetition” (HighTeam, opera-tions, no. 9). The adjective un-healthy is indeed related to the

taboo on individual visibility,which reflects the importanceplaced on the team. Accordingly,the perception of political suc-cess, that is success that is illegit-imate or not resting on teamwork,is particularly acute: “Here it isimportant not to project oneselfas someone who wants to scalethe echelons…Talking about one-self and one’s success is not ac-cepted here” (HighTeam,operations, no. 16).

Middle managers whoadopt the Humvee metaphor areproud to dedicate years of serviceto “their” organization. Theythink, talk, and act like an “in-trapreneur” (entrepreneurialspirit, within an organization)and strive to gain a global sys-temic understanding of the futureof the organization and its strate-gic issues. The expression “their”organization indicates that suchmiddle managers are positionedvery favorably relative to thecompany’s view of success(HighTeam). Nonetheless, al-though they shared its meaningcompletely, they also value thefeeling of being happy at work,which also structures their viewof success: “Career success alsomeans wanting to work the nextday. It also comes from you”(HighTeam, operations, no. 9).This is another similarity with theprevious metaphor.

The Hybrid: A Modern HighTech Vehicle That Uses TwoEnergy Sources

The hybrid metaphori-cally evokes a career paththrough which career success isbuilt slowly, that is through vari-ous imposing complex projects,



9

each offering diverse importantscientific challenges that gradu-ally fuel the middle manager’spersonal development. Thismetaphor also conveys science-based individual visibility be-cause the expertise on whichsuccess is built is not widelyshared in the organization: “Ihave become a type of knowledgecentre in this particular techno-logical area. Colleagues fromhere and elsewhere, other plants,come see me. I even get callsfrom Singapore or England” (In-noTech, R&D, no. 4).

Middle managers whoembrace the Hybrid metaphor as-pire to the status of legend withinthe company through a major sci-entific discovery that effectivelydrives the company to a leader-ship position in its industry:“finding a solution can transformyou into a god in the companybecause of the impacts of the dis-covery” (InnoTech, R&D, no. 5).

Hybrid middle managers’understanding of their organiza-tion focuses on internal techno-logical development processes ortechnological improvement. Thefact that this metaphor was ob-served only at InnoTech is easilyexplained by the fact that themain research and developmentactivities at HighTeam took placeat the head office located in an-other city, unlike at InnoTech.

Because of their scien-tific, and therefore very limited,understanding of the organiza-tion, middle managers who en-dorse this metaphor positionthemselves at odds with the viewof success promoted by the or-ganization. They have a sharedpositioning: they partially en-dorse the organization’s view of

success put, but also demonstratea strong conviction that this suc-cess necessarily rests on theirprofessional development. Thesemiddle managers justify their re-jection of the managerial versatil-ity inherent in the organization’sview of success by arguing that itconstrains their scientific andtechnological advancement. Theorganization’s recognition ofmanagerial versatility thusclashes with the recognitiongranted to individuals that haveachieved success as a confirmedexpert: “We do not all aspire tobe president. Me, I would ratherhave a technically very strongcolleague on my team, someonewho can understand all the tech-nological problems. It’s peoplelike that who make our teamstronger … and successfully de-fend us, when necessary, duringtechnical meetings” (InnoTech,R&D, no. 2).

A final characteristic ofthe Hybrid metaphor has alsobeen observed in the previouscase: like the Humvees, thesemiddle managers feel that careersuccess rests firmly on the feel-ing of being happy at work:“Success is also a question ofpersonal choice. It’s what makesus happy” (InnoTech, R&D, no.5).

The Sedan: A Spacious VehicleDesigned for Family Outings

The Sedan metaphoricallyevokes a career path withinwhich career success is builtslowly, to ensure the harmoniza-tion of work and personal life.This metaphor rejects the classiclinear path in which a series ofhierarchical promotions are ac-

companied by growing and there-fore increasingly heavy manage-rial responsibilities: “Noteveryone wants to be president ofthe company” (InnoTech, R&D,no. 16). “I’m not trying to over-perform; I want to be recognized,to gain recognition, to be appre-ciated, but it shouldn’t take uptoo much space in my life either”(HighTeam, operations, no. 17).According to this metaphor, suc-cess lies not in the prestige of theposition held, but in the balancebetween work life and personallife, a balance the middle man-ager painstakingly selects, builds,and protects: “Success is some-one who has a balanced personallife, that is someone who canachieve a balance between pro-fessional life and family life”(HighTeam, operations, no. 3).Although the previous metaphorsintegrated the feeling of beinghappy at work, this quality is fun-damental to the Sedan metaphor:“Career success means being trueto what we love to do” (High-Team, operations, no. 17);“When our work reflects who weare, that’s success” (InnoTech,R&D, no. 17).

Middle managers’ con-stant effort to preserve work/lifebalance leads them to remain in-dependent from the organization;this freedom is particularly pre-cious for them. Freedom is trans-lated by the rejection ofsupervisors’ invitations to applyfor higher positions in the hierar-chy: “I do not want to rise in thehierarchy. My current work isenough for me” (InnoTech,R&D, no. 17); “Some of my col-leagues, like me, even refused toapply for higher positions al-though our immediate supervisor



10

strongly encourages us to. We re-fused because the promotion forus would be equivalent to losingour independence” (HighTeam,R&D, no. 18). This freedom thatthe middle managers mention re-flects their need to respect theirauthenticity or the unique natureof their being. It also expressestheir profound conviction thatconformism hinders the successof the organization and that it isrespect for every employee andtheir work/life balance that fuelsthe real creative capacity of theorganization: “Society placesenormous importance on the sta-tus of the position held, thesalary you earn, the kind of caryou drive and things like that. Itis only one aspect of success.We’re all different. Diversity isnot a hindrance to organizationalsuccess: it’s an advantage” (In-noTech, R&D, no. 15).

Lastly, the Sedanmetaphor corresponds to an un-derstanding of the organizationand its strategic context that is re-stricted to the parameters of themanagers’ responsibilities.Largely targeting the operationalshort-term level, it is wellgrounded in the present moment.

Evolution of Metaphors

The interviews conductedhighlight changes in metaphorstriggered by the organizationalcontext. At InnoTech, managersevolved from Hybrids to Road-sters, whereas at HighTeam, boththe Humvee and the Sedan werereinforced.

At InnoTech, senior man-agers regularly screen employeesand identify, among the managersthey supervise, the most promis-

ing successors who can followtheir example. These executivesseek to cultivate in targeted man-agers potential conformity withtheir own success. Senior man-agers then begin a negotiationprocess intended to instill in theirpotential successors the preferredmetaphor-the Roadster: “In eachcontext, our definition of successchanges. I started by telling my-self that professional develop-menwas the criterion … Before,for me success was ‘are you goodtechnically?’ For me it was ‘doeshe know what he’s talkingabout?’ … I wanted to do a PhDbut instead my immediate super-visor gave me management tasks.I didn’t want to, but he convincedme … I think that was when I hada change of paradigm in my career InnoTech, operations, no.14).

At HighTeam, a change inCEO ushered in a more demand-

ing vision of quality, and value-added management, along withaccentuated objectives related toefficiency. Senior managers’ dis-course conveyed this new visionand the related implications formanagers’ individual success.The interviews show that forsome this reinforced the adher-ence to the Humvee metaphor:“We felt a positive turn begin, aturn in the sense that we aremore oriented toward objectives,meeting objectives is primor-dial…Are you engaged, mobi-lized to meet these newobjectives? The organization rec-ognizes it. It is the company thatchanged, so success did too”(HighTeam, operations, no. 2).

Nonetheless, in parallelwith this reinforcement of theHumvee, there was a reinforce-ment of the Sedan, that is an even

more pronounced withdrawalfrom the new metaphor of suc-

Repertoire of metaphors for success Roadster

Formula 1 racing car

Humvee Military Vehicle That Transports a Team Dedicated to Their Country

Hybrid A Modern High Tech Vehicle That Uses Two Energy Sources

Sedan A Spacious Vehicle Designed For Family Outings

Frame of definition of success

Organization Organization Organization, scientific community

Organization and family

Individual tactics

Investment in alliances with top managers

Investment in the team

Investment in professional development

Investment in work/life balance

Path Ascending, rapid

Ascending, slow

Slow spiral (through scientific projects)

Slow ascending, spiral, or transitory

Context Innovation Efficiency Innovation Innovation and efficiency

Understanding of strategic context

Systemic, global long-term vision

Systemic, global long-term vision

Understanding restricted to internal technological development or improvement processes long-term vision

Understanding moderated by the future of the company, targeted to operations, in a vision of the present moment



11

cess promoted by the organiza-tion by middle managers who al-ready identified with the Sedan:“Before this change, we weremore autonomous here. We beganto feel like they were imposingthings that will be even morecomplicated. It’s a work sur-plus…. I say no to that!” (High-Team, operations, no. 16).

Discussion

The objective of this arti-cle was to help career practition-ers and counsellors betterunderstand the career success ofmiddle managers who may beamong their clientele. Becausemanagers are increasingly askedto be more autonomous in theircareers and career success, in-formed coaching by a careerpractitioner has become evenmore strategic. Counsellors canalso help their clients achieve abalance between who they are,how they choose to positionthemselves relative to the organi-zation’s metaphor of success, andhow they choose to revise/adapttheir positioning to organiza-tional change and life design(Guichard 2008). Keeping thisbalance implies individualchoices related to conformity andeven going above and beyond,which the organization may unof-ficially demand.

Although admittedly notexhaustive, these results form arepertoire of four spatialmetaphors: the Roadster (individ-ual visibility), the Humvee (espritde corps), the Hybrid (profes-sional development), and theSedan (harmonization of worklife and personal life). Thesemetaphors are useful because

they facilitate professional andpersonal exploration by raisingquestions that can help middlemanagers determine whichmetaphors are most salient forthem and why? Whichmetaphors, in their view, are em-phasized the most at the work-place? How can they choose toposition themselves relative tothese metaphors and why?

Because all these ques-tions refer to middle managers’profound motivations and values,the metaphor is decidedly distinctfrom a déjà-vu of Schein’s classiccareer anchors (1978). On theone hand, each metaphor reflectsa dimension of success for one-self, such as the importance ofdoing work that reflects one’svalues and profound motivations(e.g., the need to feel happy atwork, mentioned in the inter-views). On the other hand,metaphors indicate the dimensionof success for others, such as theimportance of adapting to one’scontext and the choice of individ-ual positioning relative to themetaphor promoted by the organ-ization. Further, if anchors arestatic, as Mercure et al. (1991)contend, metaphors are not. Be-cause they are embedded in acontext, they evolve with it. Achange in CEO, as occurred atHighTeam, or an institutionalizednegotiation process such as thatfound at InnoTech, may modifythe metaphor middle managersadopt.

In Hartung’s review of thelast decade of career counselling(2009) he identifies four histori-cal milestones in this evolvingfield. Career anchors belong tothe differential tradition of theearly 20th century, whereas the

present repertoire of metaphors ismore consistent with the social-cognitive tradition (last quarter ofthe 20th century), which contex-tualizes career success. Thismodel emphasizes the contractualrelationship between the individ-ual and the organization, which isillustrated by the middle man-ager’s positioning relative to themetaphor of success promoted bythe organization. The repertoirecan also be seen as being subor-dinate to the constructivist-socialconstructionist model (early 21stcentury) because the observedevolution of metaphors supportsthe idea that middle managersconstruct “their” reality based ontheir understanding of their con-textualized experiences. Their re-flexive understanding influencestheir interactions and actions, justas their thoughts are influencedby their positioning relative tothe outperformance valued byand in the organization.

The results also showedthat the classic path is not unique.The repertoire points to two clas-sic linear trajectories in whichsuccess is built differently. Thefirst rests on individual visibilityand refers to the metaphor of theRoadster. The second rests onhigh esprit de corps and refers tothe Humvee metaphor in whichindividual visibility is, in con-trast, taboo. These two classic ca-reer success paths share rapidhierarchical linearity and pres-sure to exceed expectations, goabove and beyond and outper-form one’s peers. However, theydiffer fundamentally in the con-textual significance of this out-performance. Future researchmight explore different organiza-tional contexts to determine



12

whether the classic ascendingpath has additional forms of ex-pression. In addition, if the re-sults presented here have notdemonstrated differences be-tween male and female partici-pants, future research couldconsist in a comparative analysisin another field. Research pub-lished to date has implied thatgender-based differences indeedexist (see Orser & Leck, 2010, orEddleston et al., 2004).

Lastly, the study has limi-tations arising from its ex-ploratory approach, and its fielduniquely comprising middlemanagers in the Québec aeronau-tics industry. The transferabilityand validity of this repertoire,therefore, remains to be con-firmed: can it be observed amongpeople working in other organi-zational contexts or industries?Further research could attempt toanswer this question.

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Acknowledgement

Preparation of this manuscriptwas partially funded by a Stan-dard Research Grant awarded toArthur and Collins from the So-cial Sciences and Humanities Re-search Council of Canada.

AbstractCareer practitioners are

increasingly called to engage insocial justice action with or onbehalf of their clients. However,there is a dearth of well-re-searched information on thekinds of competencies requiredof career practitioners to supporta social justice agenda. The mul-ticultural counselling competen-cies commonly referenced in theliterature are limited in their ap-plication to career practice, socialjustice actions, and the complexinterface of gender, ethnicity,sexual orientation, age, ability,socioeconomic status, and reli-gion. The measures that havebeen developed to assess multi-cultural competency, therefore,share these limitations as well asother conceptual challenges.This study focuses specifically onthe creation of a tool for assess-ing the multicultural counsellingand social justice competenciesof career practitioners, based oncurrent theoretical, research, andapplied practice knowledge and adeliberate emphasis on social jus-

tice. Development and testing ofthe Multicultural Counselling andSocial Justice Competenciesscale are detailed.

There has been a specificcall within the field of career de-velopment to return to its earlyfocus on social justice issues(Blustein, 2006; Fouad, Gerstein,& Toporek, 2006; Sampson,Dozier, & Colvin, 2011). Socialjustice has been conceptualizedin many ways (Watson, 2010).Career practitioners themselvesattach multiple meanings to theconcept of social justice as it re-lates to career development (Au-thor2, Author1, Author3, &Marshall, 2009). In their reviewof the literature, Author2 and col-leagues (2009) synthesized threecore components of social jus-tice: “(a) fair and equitable distri-bution of resources andopportunities, (b) direct action toameliorate oppression and mar-ginalization within society, and(c) full inclusion and participa-tion of all members of society ina way that enables them to reachtheir potential” (p. 23). In thecontext of career development,specific examples include: in-equities in access to education orcareer development resources;discriminant barriers to job entry,success, or advancement; and dif-ferential experience of employed,

unemployed, or underemployedstatus in society.

It has become increas-ingly clear in the literature, aswell as in our observations ofprofessional practice, that variousforms of cultural oppression havea direct impact on the lived expe-riences of our clients, as individ-uals and as non-dominantcommunities, and that the experi-ence of social injustice is oftentied to cultural group affiliation(Author2, 2008; Author2 & Au-thor1, 2011; Leong, 2010). Whatis also increasingly acknowl-edged is the importance of broad-ening the focus of attention fromfactors within the individual tothe broader organizational, so-cial, economic, and/or politicalsystems that impact people’s ca-reer development (Author2,2008; Author2 et al., 2009). Ap-plying a social justice lens to ca-reer development practice hasimplications for how people’s ca-reer-related issues are viewed andthe direction of relevant interven-tions. It is insufficient to simplyincrease awareness of the cul-tural, contextual, and societal in-fluences on people’s careerdevelopment; career practitionersare being called to actively en-gage in challenging the organiza-tional, institutional, community,and broader social, economic,and political systems that lead tomarginalization and social injus-

Development of the Multicultural and Social Justice Competencies (MCSJC)Scale for Career Development Practitioners

Sandra Collins, Athabasca UniversityNancy Arthur, University of Calgary

Mary McMahon, The University of QueenslandSuzie Bisson, University of Calgary


Development of the Multicultural and Social Justice Competencies Scale

18

tices (Fouad et al., 2006: Horne& Matthews, 2006). As a result,career practitioners are increas-ingly expected to design and im-plement interventions and toengage in advocacy and other so-cial justice activities within thesebroader systems. This raises aquestion about how to preparecareer practitioners with compe-tencies that support social justiceaction and advocacy (Author2,2005, 2008; Author3, Author2, &Author1, 2008a).

This study is unique in itsfocus specifically on the creationof a tool for assessing the multi-cultural counselling and socialjustice competencies of careerpractitioners, based on currenttheoretical, research, and appliedpractice knowledge and a deliber-ate emphasis on social justice.The development of the Multicul-tural and Social Justice Compe-tencies (MCSJC) instrument,described below, was intended toprovide a foundation for identify-ing multicultural and social jus-tice competencies of particularimportance to career develop-ment practices. We begin by pro-viding an overview of theconceptual framework used as afoundation for the developmentof the MCSJC. The next sectionprovides a detailed description ofthe instrument developmentprocess. Then we describe theimplementation of the MCSJCwith a group of Canadian careerpractitioners and the process offurther refining the instrument,based on analysis of this data.We conclude with a discussion oflimitations of the current study,potential practical applications ofthe MCSJC scale, and implica-tions for strengthening the com-

mitment to social justice in careerdevelopment practices.

Culture-Infused CounsellingModel

This current study isbased on the Culture-infusedcounselling (CIC) model that Au-thor1 and Author2 (2010a,2010b, 2010c) proposed as con-ceptual enhancement of the Sueet al. (1982) and Sue, Arredondo,& McDavis (1992) multiculturalcounselling competencies frame-work. This CIC model has morerecently been adapted for appli-cation in career developmentpractice (Author2 & Author1,2011). The CIC model empha-sized three domains of practice.The first domain is counsellorself-awareness, which includesunderstanding of one’s personalcultural identity(ies), one’s posi-tion of relative privilege withinsociety, and any potential biasestowards individual or groups withparticularly cultural backgrounds.Second, the awareness of others’cultures domain includes sensi-tivity to a broad range of culturalfactors (age, ethnicity, gender,sexual orientation, ability, reli-gion, and socioeconomic status)and the common experience ofcultural oppression based ongroup affiliation. The third do-main focuses attention to the in-fluences of culture on theworking alliance, centralizing therelationship between counsellorand client in the bridging ofworldviews and the collaborativenegotiation of counselling goalsand processes.

The definition of culturewas expanded in the CIC modelto be inclusive of additional cul-

tural identity factors (gender, sex-ual orientation, age, ability, so-cioeconomic status, religion),arguing that ethnicity is one ofmany factors that form a complexinterface to define an individualcultural self-identification. Eachof these elements and the inter-play among them form importantconsiderations in coming to a fullunderstanding of the individualand her/his social location (Au-thor1, 2010). The CIC modelalso assumes that all counsellingis multicultural to some degree;both counsellor and client bringtheir unique combination of cul-tural identities to the relationship.Author1 and Author2 (2010a,2010b) argue that the construct ofthe working alliance provides amore transtheoretical and con-ceptually inclusive category thanappropriate skills/techniques(Arredondo et al., 1996; Sue etal., 1992) as the third compe-tency domain. It is in the contextof this working alliance betweencounsellor and client that culturalinquiry takes place and that theappropriate locus of change isidentified, which may include so-cial justice interventions such asclient empowerment, conscious-ness raising, advocacy, or othersystems change processes. An-other strength of the CIC modelis the centrality of social justicein case conceptualization and in-tervention planning. It empha-sizes the importance ofdeveloping relevant and effectiveinterventions directly withclients, while inviting careerpractitioners to design interven-tions that go beyond simply help-ing clients cope with or adapt tooppressive social and systemicconditions to targeting change in


these contextual career barriers.The emergent framework of CICcompetencies (Author1 & Au-thor2, 2010a, 2010b) forms thefoundation for the instrument de-velopment in this study.

Context of the Study

The development of theMCSJC scale was part of a largercross-national study of careerpractitioners’ competencies re-lated to cultural diversity and so-cial justice in Canada andAustralia. Ethics approval wasobtained from the three universi-ties where the researchers are af-filiated. Several components ofthe study have been published,focusing on the qualitative datafrom the Canadian sample (Au-thor2 et al., 2009; Author2, Au-thor1, Marshall, & Author3, inpress) and the Australian sample(Author3, Author2, & Author1,2008a, 2008b). This paper fo-cuses exclusively on the develop-ment and validation of thecompetency assessment instru-ment that was embedded in thebroader study. One of the pur-poses of this sub-study was to ex-pand the CIC model to reinforcea stronger focus on social justice.There were two distinct phases tothe sub-study described in thispaper: (a) instrument develop-ment and (b) data collection andempirical validation of the instru-ment.

Instrument Development

Conceptual FrameworkThe conceptualization and

identification of multicultural andsocial justice competencies wasrooted in the CIC model, itself

based on a comprehensive reviewof the literature prior to 2005(Author1 & Author2, 2005). Areview of more recent researchwas then conducted, with a par-ticular focus on emergent socialjustice competencies, as well asmulticultural and social justicecompetencies specific to careercounselling. Career developmenttheories were reviewed to deter-mine cultural influences on ca-reer development and critiquemodels of career counsellingpractice with non-dominant pop-ulations. We reviewed the multi-cultural counselling literature toidentify competency frameworksand standardized instruments onmulticultural counselling compe-tencies. The national standardsand guidelines for career practi-tioners in both Canada and Aus-tralia were also reviewed for itemcontent. Based on these compre-hensive reviews, we retained thethree-fold structure of the CICmodel and created a revised tax-onomy of multicultural and socialjustice competencies. The modelwas sufficiently robust to accom-modate the new competency ad-ditions.

Taxonomy of multicul-tural and social justice compe-tencies. The taxonomy remainedorganized according to the threecore domains of the original CICmodel, resulting in a revision tothat model (Author1 & Author2,2010a):

1. Cultural Self-Awareness:Active awareness of personalassumptions, values, and bi-ases

2. Awareness of Client Cul-tural Identities: Understand-ing the worldview of theclient3. Culturally-Sensitive Work-ing Alliance

Based on the critique ofboth the traditional multiculturalcounselling competencies frame-works (Author1 & Author2,2010a, 2010b) and the criticalanalysis of previous assessmenttools, several key operating as-sumptions emerged to undergirdthis taxonomy. First, some ear-lier instruments included moregeneral counselling skills (basedon the assumption of overlap be-tween counselling and multicul-tural counselling) (Sodowsky,Taffe, Gutkin, & Wise, 1994).However, we did not includewhat we considered generalcounselling competencies, in anattempt to be more discriminatingand precise about the additionalcompetencies required for multi-cultural and social justice prac-tice.

Second, we operated froma broad definition of culture. Inthe case of earlier instruments,the focus was on primarily eth-nic/racial diversity. Constantine,Gloria, and Ladany (2002) notedthe narrow definition of culturalas a limitation of earlier instru-ments and called for future re-search to assess self-perceivedcompetence in working withclients from multiple non-domi-nant populations. Hays (2008)made the same observation in herreview and noted this as a majorlimitation of these tools.

Third, we attempted toaddress the conceptual ambiguityin early instruments. Constantine


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et al. (2002) noted ambiguity in-wording and unclear relation-ships between the items invarious scales and the constructsthey represented. We placed pri-macy on the three core constructsof the CIC model and then brokeeach of them down into specificattitudes, knowledge, and skills(AKS) statements. Similar toSue et al. (1992), this created a 3x 3 matrix of competencies.Each specific competency wasclearly worded as a learning ob-jective, beginning with an activeverb that reflected the intendedcategory of learning – attitudes,knowledge, or skills – drawingon Bloom’s (1956) taxonomy oflearning objectives. See thebelow examples of items fromthe final instrument:- Attitudes Q1: Believe in theequal worth of all people.- Knowledge Q2: Explain howbelonging to particular groupscan lead to certain privilegesin society.- Skills Q5: Empower clientsto influence external factorsaffecting career development.

First draft of theMCSJC instrument. The taxon-omy of multicultural and socialjustice competencies was a sepa-rate product designed for educa-tional rather than assessmentpurposes. For the purpose of theinstrument development, thenumber of items was then sub-stantively reduced through de-tailed item analysis to identifyhigher order constructs and toeliminate redundancies. Theitems were also re-organizedunder the categories of attitudes,knowledge, and skills (AKS) tocreate the first draft of the

MCSJC instrument. The ration-ale for re-organizing the itemsinto an AKS listing was simplyfor ease of conceptual clarity forrespondents.

One of the unique fea-tures of this instrument was thatit contained two 5-point Likertscales for each item: The firstwas designed to assess the impor-tance of the item to the profes-sion, and the second was aself-assessment of personal com-petency level. We made thischoice as a means of also includ-ing respondents in the process ofdetermining direction for the pro-fession, rather than simply liningthem up against assumed professional standards.

Expert Review

International experts inthe multicultural counselling andcareer development fields (N=10)were then invited to critique theselected items and offer opinionabout the face/content validity ofthe items (Constantine et al.,2002) and user-friendliness of thequestionnaire. The experts wererecognized leaders in research,applied practice, or policy devel-opment, who were not directlyconnected to the authors’ re-search. A modified Delphi ap-proach (Author1, 1998) was usedwith two rounds of feedback,providing opportunity for the ex-perts to respond to changes sug-gested by their peers. This stepguarded against researcher biaswhile providing expert opinion atthe development stage of ques-tionnaire construction. The ex-pert reviewers were asked to firstcomplete the draft MCSJC as ifthey were a respondent in the

study and then to critically ana-lyze the questionnaire to: (a) addany additional items that wereimportant to the comprehensive-ness of the survey; (b) indicateany current items that should beeliminated from the survey, be-cause they are not central to theassessment of social justice com-petence; and (c) provide feedbackon the wording of items that mayenhance the effectiveness of thesurvey.

Round 1. The first draftof the instrument presented to re-viewers contained 57 items, or-ganized according to attitudesand beliefs (17 items), knowl-edge (15 items), and skills (25items). Reviewers providedfeedback on the overall survey;however, the focus here is exclu-sively on the items contained inthe MCSJC scale. The feedbackfrom reviewers clustered into several themes:

Invitational language. There was a caution from review-ers about the use of terminologyor lingo related to social justicefor two separate reasons: (a) So-cial justice may be outside thescope of practice and the currentprofessional understanding ofmany counsellors, and (b) anysubtle overlay of expectation toengage in social justice may re-sult in defensiveness or a sense ofbeing assessed. A definition ofwhat the researchers meant bythe concept of social justice wasadded to the MCSJC scale to ad-dress these concerns.

Empowerment language.The choice of verbs, in particular,was critically analyzed in terms



20

of two potential inferences: (a)The degree of implied counsellorpower was softened (e.g., effectchange versus facilitate or mobi-lize versus utilize opportunities),and (b) the degree of client con-trol or expertise was strengthened(e.g., more client-centred lan-guage).

Inclusive language.There was also some concernabout limiting the focus to non-dominant populations, so abroader group terminology wasadopted in some questions.However, it was also clear thatthe relationship of social justiceto cultural oppression of particu-lar non-dominant groups was es-sential. In addition, theimplication of a right answer incertain phrasing was noted (e.g.,describe the theory… versus de-scribe potential dilemmas…)

Shared meaning/under-standing. There was tension re-lated to the breadth/depth ofitems – e.g., breaking competen-cies down into specific attitudes,knowledge, and skills, which arethen isolated from contextualconsiderations that may affecthow the competency is inter-preted and assessed. In addition,there were concerns that someitems assumed a conceptual un-derstanding that not all careerpractitioners would possess.

Comprehensiveness ver-sus specificity. Some items po-tentially contained multipleconstructs or applied a constructto more than one population orcontext. A number of items werereworded to contain a stem with anumber of sub-points to address

this concern. There was also aconcern that one survey could notprovide a comprehensiveoverview of multicultural and so-cial justice competence, so tradeoffs would need to be made. Thelength of the overall survey inwhich the MCSJC was embeddedwas a concern in terms of poten-tial response and completionrates.

Importance and compe-tence scales. Apart from con-cerns about length of theinstrument, the reviewers sup-ported the dual-scale approach,noting their own reactions to re-flection on expectations related tothe profession versus their ownpersonal competency levels.They suggested minor modifica-tions to the layout of the instru-ment, such as making it easier toseparate professional expecta-tions and personal competence,noting: “It was interesting to methat, though I held a strong beliefin most of the items, it was in thepersonal degree of competencyand skill that greater variancesappeared in my answers.” “Ifound myself answering the samefor both the profession as for my-self, even unconsciously…I thinkin part because I hold the beliefthat if I believe it is important forthe profession than I ought toalso hold that belief…” Thesechanges addressed reviewer con-cerns for the second round of re-view.

Round 2. The same ex-perts were asked to review thesecond draft of the instrument,which now contained 80 items:21 attitudes, 26 knowledge, and33 skills competencies. Although

the number of items increased,most items were shorter, moreconcise, and contained less po-tential for overlapping constructsor misinterpretation. The feed-back from the second round in-cluded the following key points.

Refining the Likertscales. All reviews were com-fortable with the wording of theImportance scale as “designed toassess your personal perspectiveon the importance of social jus-tice to career development prac-tice generally.” Concern wasexpressed that the description ofCompetence scale might still en-courage responses impacted bysocial desirability: The scale“…provides an indication of yourself-assessment of professionalcompetence on each item” so thewording was changed to “…indi-cates the degree to which youpersonally feel competent…”The scales were then labeled sim-ply “Importance to Career Prac-tice” and “Current CompetencyLevel” with 5-point Likert Scales(1 = very low, 2 = moderatelylow, 3 = average, 4 = moderatelyhigh, and 5 = very high).

Revision of wording.Some fine-tuning of wording wasrequired to ensure clarity of itemstems and sub-points, to ensureall of the earlier critiques werefully addressed, to ensure clarityand reduce any remaining redun-dancy in the constructs, and toagain simplify the language forpractitioners responding to thesurvey. The word beliefs wasalso removed from the heading ofthe first section, Attitudes and be-liefs related to social justice, toclearly communicate the AKS


21


structure and level of learningtargeted and to avoid confusionwith what we consider a sub-con-struct of attitudes (e.g. attitudesare reflected in and through par-ticular beliefs, values, biases,etc.).

Empirical Validation of theMCSJC Scale

The final version of theMCSJC instrument used in thisstudy consisted of 82 self-reportstatements, organized accordingto attitudes (20 items), knowl-edge (25 items), and skills (37items). These items were rated interms of Importance and Compe-tence, using the scales describedabove. For the purposes of thedata analysis, in items with stemsand sub-points, each sub-pointwas treated as a distinct item.For example, the following Atti-tudes Q12 contained three items.

Believe that career devel-opment practitioners have a roleto play in influencing:1. Community development2. Organizational development3. Broader social, economic,and political systems

The survey was con-ducted online with invitations ex-tended through professionalorganizations and networks. Par-ticipants completed a consentform and were offered a chanceto win a $100 gift certificate to abookstore for completing the sur-vey. Only participants fromCanada were included in this por-tion of the study.

Participants

All 180 participants wereCanadian and were at least 18years of age. Participants camefrom nearly every territory andprovince, with the majority fromAlberta (31%), British Columbia(19%) and Ontario (19%). Over75% were between the ages of 30– 59, and 75% were female. 47%of participants had between 3-10years of work experience, and47% had 11-20+ years. The ma-jority of participants identified asCaucasian Canadian (97%). Themajority worked for career andemployment centres (19%), non-profit organizations (16%), andpublic universities (13%), al-though numerous other careercounselling settings were repre-sented.

Results and Discussion

Although the original sur-vey items were organized accord-ing to the AKS framework, forthe purposes of the factor analy-sis, the items were re-organizedaccording to the CIC conceptualmodel, based on the following ra-tionale. First, the subjects-to-variables (STV) ratio was toosmall to conduct a factor analysison the entire data set, but theSTV ratios were acceptable forthe three sub-scales. Second, asnoted above, the empirical stud-ies on other instruments have notsupported the traditional AKSfactor structure. Third, buildingon the conceptual/theoretical ar-guments presented here and else-where, the intent of the study wasto explore the components of thethree a priori sub-scales of theCIC model. Fourth, we were in-

terested in the core constructsthat contribute to each of thesesuperordinate conceptual cate-gories. Two separate exploratoryfactor analyses were conductedon the data from each of the rat-ing scales: Importance to CareerCounselling and Current Compe-tency Level of participants.

Exploratory Factor Analysis I:Importance Ratings

A principal componentsfactor analysis was conducted onthe items on each of the sub-scales, with no factor solutionspecified. There is some debateabout statistical approaches tofactor analysis; however, “princi-pal components with varimax ro-tation and the Kaiser criterion”remain most widely used(Costello & Osborne, 2005, p.8).The factor solution for each ofthe sub-scales was selected basedon both meaningfulness/inter-pretability of the factors andscree plot of eigenvalues (Kim,Cartwright, Asay, & D’Andrea,2003; Sodowsky et al., 1994).The selected factor solution wasthen submitted to oblique rotationprocess. Varimax with KaiserNormalization was used to calcu-late the item loadings on eachfactor. Items with factors load-ings greater than .50 were in-cluded. Items scoring below thiscut off or loading on multiplefactors were removed (Kim et al.,2003; Sodowsky et al., 1994).The test of internal reliability onthe Importance ratings for thecomplete instrument was .91.



22

Cultural self-awareness:Active awareness of personalassumptions, values, and biases. This sub-scale contained10 items. Two factors were iden-tified with eigenvalues greaterthan 1.00. Together, these factorsaccounted for 62.08% of the vari-ance. The rotation converged in3 iterations.

Awareness of client cul-tural identities: Understandingthe worldview of the client (28items). The combination of the 6emergent factors explained78.34% of the variance. The ro-tation converged in 6 iterations.Factor solutions of 2, 3, 4, and 5factors were also examined; how-ever, they yielded less inter-pretable solutions, had items withlower factor loadings, and ac-counted for less of the overallvariance.

Culturally-sensitiveworking alliance (44 items).The combination of the 6 factorsexplained 72.13% of the vari-ance. The rotation converged in22 iterations. In this case, factorsolutions of 7 and 8 were also ex-amined, because these yieldedeigenvalues greater than 1.00,along with those based on fewerfactors. However, the strongestand most consistent item factorloadings and best conceptual fitemerged with the six-factor solu-tion.

As a result of these threeexploratory factor analyses, theoverall conceptual framework forthe instrument in Table 1emerged. The eigenvalues andpercent variance for each of thefactors is provided, along with

the total variance from the se-lected factor solution.

Three members of the re-search team collaborated in as-signing construct names to the

factors within each sub-scale.Sodowsky et al. (1994) presenteda conceptual model that hypothe-sized the possibility of a higherorder general multicultural coun-selling factor, with four firstorder factors accounting for theitem clusters. Thetheoretical/conceptual argumentin this paper, as well as the re-sults of this study, suggest thepossibility of a more complexconceptual model, one that po-tentially identifies second orderfactors, within the a priori three-fold conceptualization of multi-cultural counsellingcompetencies. See Figure 1.These second order factors offermeaningful and applicable con-structs for both training and as-sessment purposes.

Exploratory Factor Analysis II:Competence Ratings

A principal componentsfactor analysis was also con-ducted on the items on each ofthe sub-scales based on the com-

petence ratings. Again, no factorsolution was specified.

Cultural self-awareness.For the self-awareness sub-scale,the number of factors and item

loadings matched those of the ex-ploratory factor analysis on theImportance ratings exactly. Thecombination of the two factorsexplained 62.93% of the vari-ance.

Awareness of client cul-tural identities. For the aware-ness of others sub-scale, fourrather than six factors emerged asthe best solution. The combina-tion of the four factors explained72.43% of the variance. In thiscase, the items consistentlyloaded on the same factors; how-ever, Importance Factors 4 and 5merged into Competence Factor 1and Importance Factors 5 and 6merged into Competence Factor4. The test of internal reliabilityon the Competence ratings for thecomplete instrument was .94.

Working alliance. In thecase of the working alliance sub-scale, for the most part, the load-ing of items on each factor wassupported by the emergent 5-fac-tor solution from the Competence

Table 1 Factor Structure: Importance Ratings Self-Awareness Awareness of Others Working Alliance Eigenvalue Percent

Variance Eigenvalue Percent

Variance Eigenvalue Percent

Variance Factor 1 4.792 47.919 12.825 20.774 21.606 49.104 Factor 2 1.416 14.165 3.253 19.968 3.534 8.033 Factor 3 2.034 18.157 2.039 4.635 Factor 4 1.533 8.567 1.894 4.304 Factor 5 1.176 5.474 1.355 3.080 Factor 6 1.118 5.416 1.307 2.969 Total Variance

62.083 78.357 72.125


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data. Of the 82 AKS items on theself-report statements on the orig-inal question bank, 43 wereplaced under the Culturally-Sen-sitive Working Alliance domain.Four of these were removed fromthe Importance factor analysis,because they did not load clearlyon one factor over another; 3were removed from the Compe-tence factor analysis. Thirty oneof the remaining 36 items loaded

on the same factors across bothsets of data (86% consistency).

Forcing the Competencedata into a 6-factor model createda less viable and interpretable so-lution. The extra Importance fac-tor contained three items.Knowledge Q12 (List the advan-tages of working collaborativelywith professionals in other fields)loaded on Factor 2, labeled As-sessment, Design, and Evaluation

of Social Justice Interventions,for competence. Skills 3a did notmeet the criteria for factor load-ing in the competence data set.Skills 3b (Identify the impact ofsocial injustices on client careerdevelopment by assisting clientsto explore how social inequalitieshave influenced their career de-velopment) loaded on Factor 4,Expanded Professional Roles.We were also left with uncer-

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24

tainty in the placement of a cer-tain sub-items from Skills Q10.Skills Q10 a, b, and d loaded onFactor 1, Implementation of sys-tems interventions, for Impor-tance and Factor 3, Raisingsocial justice awareness, forCompetence. Conceptually, thisitem could fit in either place (Im-plement interventions that targetsocial, economic, and politicalsystems by...)

Revision of the MCSJCInstrument

The second exploratoryfactor analysis supported the ma-jority of the factors and itemloadings identified in the firstfactor analysis. As noted above,further research may be requiredto finalize the factor and itemstructure, particularly for theworking alliance sub-scale. It isalso possible that the qualitativedifference between an assessmentof perceived importance to theprofession and an individual’sself-assessment of personal com-petence account for the minordifferences. At this point, the re-vised MCSJC instrument in Ta-bles 1 through 3 reflects the firstfactor analysis structure, withquestionable items in italics. Itshould also be noted that the re-sponse rate dropped between theattitudes, knowledge, and skillssub-scales, perhaps due to thelength of the survey and the com-plexity of responding to both rat-ings for each item. As a result,the power of the statistical analy-ses was lower for the working al-liance subscale, which had ahigher weighting of skills items.

As noted earlier in the ar-ticle, during the expert review

phase, a number of items wereseparated into stems with sub-items. The main purpose of thisseparation was to enable us to as-sess whether the sub-items clus-tered onto the same or differentfactors. So, for example, we didnot want to assume that respon-dents would rate each of the fol-lowing in similar ways:

Believe that career devel-opment practitioners have a roleto play in influencing:a. Community developmentb. Organizational develop-mentc.Broader social, economic,and political systems

Based on the factor analy-ses, it was possible to identifywhich of these clusters of itemsloaded on the same factors andwhich ones loaded differently, inspite of their origins with thesame item stem. The researchteam made the decision to sim-

plify the instrument by collapsingstems and sub-items where ap-propriate. This reduced the num-ber of items in each sub-scale,with the final number of items re-flected in Figure 1 above. Forexample, for the Professional Re-sponsibility factor in the Self-Awareness domain, items 3 a, b, cin Table 1 are reworded in thefinal instrument as one item: Be-lieve that career developmentpractitioners have a role to playin influencing community devel-opment, organizational develop-ment, and broader social,economic, and political systems.Further analyses of the data

based on mean scores for eachfactor in the final MCSJC instru-ment are reported in Author1,Author2, Author4, and Author3(2013).

Table 2 MCSJC Cultural Self-Awareness Domain Factor Loading Item # n 1 2 Factor 1: Professional Responsibility Believe it is a professional responsibility to contribute to the elimination of social injustice.

A Q7 178 .723 .287

Believe that career development practitioners could do more to help eliminate discrimination.

A Q8 176 .764 .211

Believe that career development practitioners have a role to play in influencing:

Community development A Q12a 177 .853 .155 Organizational development A Q12b 178 .789 .181 Broader social, economic, and political systems A Q12c 178 .845 .241 Factor 2: Personal and Professional Privilege Acknowledge personal biases about work-related values. A Q4 175 .001 .618 Explain why social justice is important to career development practice.

K Q1 147 .324 .734

Explain how belonging to particular groups can lead to certain privileges in society.

K Q2 145 .314 .738

Identify how I benefit in my career through belonging to particular groups.

K Q3 144 .241 .816

Self-assess competence to facilitate activities that promote social justice.

S Q13 113 .221 .595

Note. The loading of each item in the original MCSJC instrument onto the emergent factors from the Importance scale data is provided. The item # specifies the original organization of the items as A = Attitudes, K = Knowledge, and S = Skills, as well as the original question number. The items have been reorganized to align with the conceptual structure of the revised MCSJC instrument in Figure 1.


25


Reliability and Validity

The Cronbach’s Alphascores for both sets of data indi-cated strong internal reliability,higher than most of the instru-ments reviewed. The content va-lidity of the MCSJC wasstrengthened by comparison ofthe items to other competencyframeworks and instruments inthe development of the originaltaxonomy and by the review ofitem appropriateness, goodnessof fit, and clarity by the expert re-viewers (Constantine et al.,

2002). Construct validity wassupported through the amount ofvariance accounted for in bothexploratory factor analyses (Con-stantine et al., 2002; Hays, 2008).In this study, the percent of vari-ance accounted for by the factorsin each of the a priori sub-scaleswas higher than the values re-ported in any of the previousstudies noted earlier.

The purpose of this articleis not to interpret the data relatedto importance and competenceratings of career counsellors. Asnoted above, these findings arereported elsewhere (Author1 et

al., 2012). However, in keepingwith other studies, participants’self-reported competence wassignificantly higher on many ofthe factors based on both years ofexperience and familiarity withsocial justice. This observationsupports the criterion-related va-lidity of the instrument (Constan-tine et al., 2002; Hays, 2008).

Implications and Conclusions

The conceptual/theoreti-cal arguments underlying thethree core competency domainsin the CIC model have been pre-viously substantiated (Author1 &Author2, 2010a, 2010b). Al-though this study did not test thetri-partite factor structure of theinstrument, the factor analysis ofthe three a priori sub-scales pro-vided meaningful and empiricallysupported second order factorsthat potentially contribute to ourunderstanding of multiculturaland social justice competence,specifically for career develop-ment practitioners. A confirma-tory factor analysis using eitherthe importance or competencescale, or both, with larger sam-ples would provide an opportu-nity for further validation of boththe three-factor structure (firstorder factors) and specific com-petencies (second order factors).

There are a number oflimitations to this study, whichaffect its generalizability andleave questions to be answered infuture research. The MCSJC in-strument was designed specifi-cally for and tested with careerdevelopment practitioners. Thisaffected the inclusion/exclusionand the wording of some items.It will also be important to test

Table 3 MCSJC Awareness of Client Cultural Identities Domain

Factor Loading Item # n 1 2 3 4 5 6 Factor 1: Impact of cultural factors 1. Explain how the following factors might

impact career decision-making:

a. Sexual orientation K Q5a 143 .867 .210 .217 .123 .133 -016 b. Gender KQ5b 143 .805 .268 .249 .202 .102 .022 c. Socio-economic status K Q5c 143 .788 .226 .331 .180 -092 -003 d. Ethnic background KQ5d 143 .907 .154 .162 .127 -013 .089 e. Age K Q5e 143 .805 .197 .292 .130 .086 .033 f. Mental or physical ability

(disability) K Q5f 143 .708 .035 .425 .108 .225 .067

g. Religion KQ5g 142 .736 .244 .278 .208 .029 .000 Factor 2: Barriers and facilitators of social justice

2. Identify barriers to social justice within: a. Communities S Q6a 117 .239 .833 .150 .089 .191 .124 b. Organizations S Q6b 116 .255 .728 .121 .145 .174 .089 c. Broader social, economic, and

political systems S Q6c 117 .222 .826 .095 .097 .247 .036

3. Identify facilitators of social justice within:

a. Communities S Q7a 117 .129 .909 .171 .174 -035 .007 b. Organizations S Q7b 116 .142 .870 .130 .237 -053 -021 c. Broader social, economic, and

political systems S Q7c 116 .129 .884 .185 .229 .010 -046

Factor 3: Impact of discrimination 4. Recognize the impact of discrimination

on career development based on:

a. Sexual orientation A Q6a 178 .385 .144 .719 -.048 .175 -.086 b. Gender A Q6b 178 .221 .178 .831 .091 .112 .112 c. Socio-economic status A Q6c 178 .148 .263 .817 .131 -.055 .152 d. Ethnic background A Q6d 178 .239 .067 .831 .176 .132 .036 e. Age A Q6e 175 .279 .157 .771 .199 -.099 .075 f. Mental or physical ability

(disability) A Q6f 177 .276 .022 .775 .117 .262 .059

g. Religion A Q6g 176 .368 .351 .581 .047 .042 -.162 Factor 4: Systemic perpetuation of inequities 5. Describe how inequities among social

groups are perpetuated within:

a. Communities K Q4a 143 .367 .392 .204 .743 .122 .027 b. Organizations K Q4b 143 .319 .384 .251 .779 .096 .085 c. Broader social, economic, and

political systems K Q4c 141 .281 .387 .173 .804 .133 .050

Factor 5: Diverse values and resources 6. Respect client points of view about the

role of work in their lives Q A3 179 .092 .092 .104 .049 .876 .076

7. Acknowledge that certain members of society have less access than others to career-related resources

Q A5 177 .093 .316 .271 .244 .566 .123

Factor 6: Equality of all people 8. Believe in the equal worth of all people Q A1 178 .129 .139 .071 -.015 -.013 .830 9. Believe in the equal rights of all people Q A2 180 -.066 -.045 .048 .085 .157 .772




26

the MCSJC with greater numbersof career development practition-ers and in different countries.The data drawn on for the twofactor analyses applied differentlenses to the same items: impor-tance to the profession and per-sonal competence. It is alsopossible that combining these onthe same questionnaire skewedthe responses on the competencemeasure. Unlike some of the ear-lier studies, there was no measureof social desirability included,and it could be argued that practi-tioners may be disinclined to ratethemselves poorly on a multicul-tural and social justice compe-tency assessment (Sodowsky etal., 1994; Gamst et al., 2004),particularly if they have juststated that an item is important tothe profession. However, Au-thor1, Author2, Author4, and Au-thor3 (2013), in their analysis ofthe data from these two scales,note significant differences in thegaps between importance andcompetency ratings across vari-ous factors, suggesting that evenwith the importance scale, differ-ential relative self-ratings ofcompetency were assessed. Allself-report instruments havequestionable accuracy as measureof competence, in contrast to be-havioural measures (Constantineet al., 2002). Ultimately, wehope that when career develop-ment practitioners claim thatcompetencies related to socialjustice are important, they willalso be able to identify and act onareas for further learning and im-plementation. The ratio of re-spondents to items in this studyalso limited the scope of the fac-tor analysis, resulting in selectionof the three a-priori domains for

Table 4 MCSJC Culturally-Sensitive Working Alliance Domain

Factor Loading

Item # n 1 2 3 4 5 6 Factor 1: Implementation of systemic interventions 1. Employ the professional role: Advocates with those in positions of power

S Q1f 117 .527 .146 .297 .349 .087 -.020

2. Implement interventions that target communities by: a. Developing effective networks for consultation

within client communities S Q8a 116 .765 .086 .146 .242 .332 .070

b. Collaborating with community members to conduct needs assessment

S Q8b 116 .805 .074 .073 .189 .356 -.006

c. Facilitating collaboration to identify community goals

S Q8c 115 .828 .165 .153 .183 .324 .036

d. Facilitating collaboration to identify potential intervention strategies

S Q8d 115 .829 .146 .140 .188 .281 .054

e. Empowering communities to facilitate change in external factors affecting career development

S Q8e 113 .843 .147 .187 .179 .176 .033

3. Implement interventions that target organizations by: a. Facilitating strategic planning within

organizations S Q9a 116 .828 .276 .202 .038 .124 .060

b. Assisting organizations in clarifying their vision

S Q9b 116 .835 .258 .215 .028 .073 .123

c. Assisting organizations in increasing responsiveness of service to members of non-dominant populations

S Q9c 116 .857 .300 .106 .098 -.010 .022

d. Facilitating change in organizational policies S Q9d 116 .867 .278 .160 .084 .037 .072 4. Implement interventions that target social, economic, and political systems by:

a. Building effective relationships with individuals or groups who hold power over resources or opportunities

S Q10a 115 .607 .190 .304 .449 -.009 .101

b. Building effective, collaborative inter-professional teams to address systemic social justice issues

S Q10b 115 .706 .171 .358 .355 -.171 .048

c. Mediating among diverse positions S Q10c 114 .681 .249 .369 .141 -.178 .036 d. Lobbying for changes in legislation S Q10d 114 .604 .359 .529 .162 -.142 -.094

Factor 2: Assessment, design, and evaluation of social justice interventions

5. Describe types of interventions that may be used to promote social justice

K Q8 143 .036 .542 .369 .363 .250 .188

6. Describe potential ethical dilemmas involved in: a. Supporting clients to influence the external

factors that affect their career development K Q9a 143 .086 .678 .139 .408 .213 -.097

b. Working collaboratively with clients to promote social justice (e.g., dual relationships)

K Q9b 142 .284 .750 -.032 .328 .084 -.093

c. Intervening directly to facilitate change in these external factors

K Q9c 143 .200 .707 .321 .182 -.040 -.024

7. Describe how to facilitate change in: a. Communities K Q10a 141 .381 .709 .197 .108 .169 .215 b. Organizations K 10b 143 .368 .719 .182 .132 .145 .269 c. Broader social, economic, and political

systems K Q10c 143 .388 .715 .275 .159 .134 .207

8. Identify characteristics of a workplace collaboratively with professionals in other fields

K Q11 141 .224 .683 .293 .112 .408 .037

9. Identify the impact of social injustices on client career development by: Assessing the potential for clients to change external factors affecting career development

S Q3c 116 .296 .470 .117 .306 .333 .049

Factor 3: Raising social justice awareness 10. Employ the professional role: Mobilize media to promote awareness of social injustices

S Q1g 116 .425 .323 .539 .258 .047 -.118

11. Conduct evaluations to demonstrate the efficacy of social justice interventions in career development practice

S Q11 115 .340 .275 .692 .055 .171 .183

12. Engage in research to highlight social justice issues S Q12 114 .437 .362 .656 .010 .271 -.013 13.Encourage other career development practitioners to examine social justice issues

S Q14 112 .259 .256 .728 .244 .313 .01

14. Encourage professional organizations to advocate for social justice

S Q15 111 .402 .122 .655 .359 .067 .063

Factor 4: Expanded professional roles 15. Employ the following professional roles:

a. Prevention of career development problems S Q1a 117 .009 .122 .117 .679 .047 .219 b. Facilitate educational activities related to social

justice S Q1b 117 .419 .292 .373 .558 .250 -.108

c. Engage in consciousness-raising with regard to social justice issues

S Q1c 116 .461 .334 .333 .569 .130 -.055

d. Consult with organizations related to social justice

S Q1d 116 .449 .103 .278 .586 .275 -.085

16. Identify individual client strengths (e.g., support systems, coping strategies) that help them cope with the effects of oppression

S Q4 117 .411 .178 -.085 .496 .350 .231

17. Empower clients to influence external factors affecting career development

S Q5 117 .191 .436 .093 .603 .026 .065

Factor 5: Social injustice impact assessment 18. List the advantages of working collaboratively with professionals in other fields

K Q12 142 .105 .338 .212 .053 .628 .151

19. Identify the impact of social injustices on client career development by:

a. Selecting culturally appropriate assessment processes to determine the impact of social injustices

S Q3a 114 .322 .211 .261 .311 .569 .012

b. Assisting clients to explore how social inequalities have influenced their career development

S Q3b 114 .317 .294 .095 .396 .549 .102

Factor 6: Commitment to client empowerment 20. Respect the rights of clients to draw on their own cultural practices to make choices about their careers

A Q10 178 .115 .094 -.014 .173 .004 .795

21. Commit to empowering clients to influence environments that negatively affect them

A Q11 176 .003 .148 .077 .052 .144 .807



27


three independent factor analy-ses. This made it impossible toassess the overall factor structureof the instrument or to fully sup-port, apart from the theoreticalarguments made in this paper, theself-awareness, awareness of oth-ers cultural identities, and cultur-ally sensitive working alliancemodel.

The benefit of includingthe Importance measure in thisstudy is that it provided careerpractitioners with a direct oppor-tunity to identity the elementsthat they believed were essentialto career development and to po-sition multicultural and socialjustice principles and practices inthe context of their own practiceexperiences. The resultantMCSJC instrument serves notonly as a potential tool for practi-tioner self-assessment, but also asa potential guide for and assess-ment measure in the design anddelivery of career counsellingand career development pre-ser-vice and continuing educationcurricula. We have provided adetailed description of the instru-ment development process inhopes that it might be helpful forfuture researchers who wish totest and/or refine this instrumentor develop a new one.

To conclude the discus-sion, we return to comments ofthe expert reviewers and a num-ber of key statements about thesignificance of this study, particu-larly to the field of career devel-opment: This whole survey putscareer development at a higherlevel… I think this is an impor-tant area and I know we do notdeal with social justice issues inany comprehensive way in train-ing career professionals… I be-

lieve this is valuable researchand that the findings will greatlycontribute to the field. However,I think the most important out-come will be to raise the aware-ness of career practitioners abouttheir role in promoting and en-acting social justice strategies. Itis our hope that through engagingcareer development practitionersto consider the importance of thecompetencies for career practiceand providing self-ratings ofcompetence will have moved par-ticipants along this conscious-ness- raising path and positionedsocial justice a bit closer to theforefront of professional educa-tion and practice.

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Canadian Career Development Researcher Database

Launching January 2014!

CERIC has developed the Canadian Career Development Researcher Database to answer the question: “Who is doing what research in Canada”?

Canada is home to many leading researchers across the country, whether at universities or within community-based settings, doing important work across many areas of interest within the career development fi eld. The database brings this rich information together in one easy-to-use searchable online resource.


ceric.ca18 Spadina Road, Suite 200, Toronto, ON MSR 257 | 416.929.2510

How is the database of use?Researchers can use the database to identify potential academic and non-academic partners for future research projects. The database is also of value to those seeking to learn about the latest research in any area of career development.

How does it work?You can search by 25 areas of interest, by province and by individual institution. You can also search for keywords to narrow your results. Or simply browse through the list of 75 researchers.

How can I add my information?Researchers are encouraged to take “ownership” of their own profi les and update them as required. If you are doing career development research in Canada and would like to be added to the database, please get in touch with us.

ceric.ca/researchers

Abstract

Immigrants, whose careerpath is often different from theone described in traditional ca-reer theory, compose a large por-tion of the work force. As aresult, a modified career theoryand career counseling strategiesthat respond to this population’sspecific circumstances areneeded. In this paper, issues inimmigrant career transition aredescribed, including barriers thatinterfere with the transitionprocess and factors that con-tribute to its success. Immigrantsface many intra-individual, rela-tional, and contextual level barri-ers along with challenges ofcultural adaptation. Successfultransition relies on factors withinthe individual, such as adaptabil-ity and hardiness, and also on re-lational and systemic supports,such as family, language pro-grams, and government spon-sored organizations. Suggestionsfor counselling practice are of-fered, derived from a multi-leveled interactive conceptualframework. Interventions tailoredto address individual, relationaland contextual levels are pre-sented, with an emphasis on so-cial justice interventions that areseldom discussed in psychologi-cal literature. The author presentsa part of her own experience toillustrate the issues.

I arrived at the WinnipegInternational Airport in the sum-

mer of 1996, welcomed by thesmiling faces of my husband anda few close friends. It felt good toreunite, and we were happy thatthe bureaucratic procedure thatincluded extensive paperwork,medical exams, and a long waitwas finally over. Prior to migra-tion, I graduated from the Uni-versity of Belgrade and workedfor several years as a psycholo-gist in a hospital. I made a deci-sion to migrate in order to joinmy husband who had left thecountry due to circumstances ofwar. According to professionaland administrative definitions, Iwas a voluntary migrant who hadmet the requirements of educa-tion and language proficiencyoutlined in the Canadian immi-gration guidelines. At the timethis decision was made, my coun-try was falling apart under thepressures of war that had broughtupon us economic sanctions andconsequent poverty. As a youngadult, I was not only facing inse-curities of my country’s economiccollapse, but was also dealingwith adversities of war and isola-tion, including separation frommy husband and his forced mi-gration to North America.

Like many professionalstrained in other countries, I lostthe rights to practice as a psy-chologist in Canada and em-barked on a long path towardsre-establishing career that I per-ceived to be a crucial part of myidentity. After a few jobs taken inorder to survive, a degree and

career in Marriage and FamilyTherapy, and a couple of chil-dren, I am currently completingPhD studies in counseling psy-chology. Now in my forties, I canfinally see a possibility of prac-ticing in my chosen field again.This prospect is exciting andscary, as I have struggled be-tween letting go and holding ontomy identity as a psychologist inthe past sixteen years.

A number of privilegesalong this path enabled me to ar-rive at this point, privileges thatmany immigrants are not so for-tunate to have. This includedwhite skin, physical ability, edu-cation, English proficiency, beliefin my capacity to succeed, eco-nomically self-reliant communityleft behind, familiarity with Euro-pean cultures and traditions, andstrong support of my husband.Without these privileges, my cur-rent education would likely havenot been an option.

The notion of migration isfrequently romanticized and as-sociated with images of a betterlife, safety, and increased accessto economic and occupational re-sources. In the hope of a betterfuture for their families andthemselves, immigrants leavehomelands and arrive at newlandscapes where they have tobuild lives, establish careers, andfind ways to adapt. After an ini-tial sense of relief, many immi-grants find themselves strugglingwith a difficult transition inwhich vocational obstacles fre-

Restoring Hope: Responding to Career Concerns of Immigrant Clients

Tatjana ElezUniversity of British Columbia


quently serve as a major sourceof stress (Yakushko, Backhaus,Watson, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez,2008; Yakushko, Watson &Thompson, 2008). Challengesoften include unemployment, un-deremployment, loss of previ-ously held professionalcredentials, and professional sta-tus, change from professional toservice and manual labour, ex-tended work hours, and lengthyperiods of time away from fami-lies (Pope, Cheng, & Leong,1998; Yakushko, Backhaus, Wat-son, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez, 2008;Yeh, Kim, Pituc & Atkins, 2008;Yost & Lucas, 2002). Researchindicates that over one half of therecent Canadian immigrants doesnot work in their specialized pro-fessional field after immigration,despite being highly qualified.They earn less, are more likelyunemployed and underemployed,and have a limited perspectivefor career advancement (Chen,2008).

Immigrant career path isoften different from that of per-sons who grew up exposed to ca-reer discourses typicallydescribed in traditional careertheories (Holland, 1997; Super,1957). Career counselling withimmigrant clients requires under-standing of this population’sunique and complex circum-stances, and a set of practicaltools specifically tailored to ad-dress issues of immigrant careerdevelopment. Unfortunately, psy-chological knowledge regardingcareer experiences of immigrantsis relatively sparse. In their re-view of four major professionalcareer related journals, Flores,Hsieh and Chiao (2011) foundthat only 0.01% of all articles

published in a recent twenty yearperiod address immigrants’ ca-reer development. This is surpris-ing, considering that numbers ofimmigrants have been steadily in-creasing in North America in thepast few decades.

The purpose of this paperis to outline issues that the immi-grant population faces in theirprocess of career transitioningand to offer practical suggestionsfor career counsellors workingwith immigrant clients. Labels,such as immigrants, can be harm-ful and it is necessary to clearlydefine this term. While acknowl-edging her own ambivalenceabout the term immigrant, the au-thor maintained this terminologyfor the sake of consistency withexisting literature. Immigrantsare considered to be voluntarymigrants whose decision to moveis mainly motivated by eco-nomic, social, and familial fac-tors, and are generally able toreturn to their countries of originif they choose to (Yakushko,Watson & Thompson, 2008; Yost,2002).

The Experience of CareerTransition in Immigrants

In spite of the significantrelationship between unemploy-ment/underemployment andhealth, largely established in thegeneral population, little isknown about the impact of careertransition on immigrant healthand well being (Aycan & Berry,1996). Psychological literaturehas yet to provide informationabout the role employment belowthe level of one’s educationalpreparation and additional chal-lenges of adaption to a new coun-

try play in career transition of im-migrants. Career can be a signifi-cant source of empowerment inthe new country through creatingopportunities to learn about theculture and language (Yakushko,Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya &Gonzalez, 2008), providing asense of meaning, decreasing so-cial isolation, and defining statusand identity (Aycan & Berry,1996; Ishiyama, 1995). Aycanand Berry (1996) found that du-ration of unemployment and cur-rent employment status havecritical implications for well-being and adaptation of immi-grants. The decline inemployment status and difficultyregaining or achieving upwardmobility have been found to in-crease acculturation stress, result-ing in negative self-concept,alienation from the society, andadaptation difficulties (Aycan &Berry, 1996). Other scholars sug-gest that unemployment, eco-nomic hardship, and job demandsconstitute major factors con-tributing to depression, anxiety,and mental illness in the immi-grant population (Ishiyama,1995; Yakushko, Backhaus, Wat-son, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez,2008). These factors not only af-fect individual migrants, but alsohave a significant impact on theirrelationships and family dynam-ics, causing intergenerationalconflict and transforming familyroles (Pope, Cheng & Leong,1998; Yakushko, Backhaus, Wat-son, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez,2008;Yost & Lucas, 2002).Asanin Dean & Wilson (2009)identify three main pathwaysthrough which employment/un-deremployment affects mentalhealth of immigrants. First, lack

Strategies in Immigrant Career Counselling

33


of income is particularly impor-tant for those in the position ofsupporting their families. Second,immigrants experience de-skilling, or a loss of skills previ-ously acquired through educationand work, due to their inability tocontinue in their chosen career.Third, identities tied to one’s roleof a breadwinner, a professional,or a person employed in the soci-ety are lost, which results in asignificant degradation of socialstatus.

Most of the existing liter-ature on immigrant career transi-tion focuses on barriers thatimmigrants face in their attemptto establish a career in the hostcountry and on associated chal-lenges. Consistent with contem-porary career theory that suggestsa view of career as inseparablefrom general life and personalconcerns (Krumboltz, 1993;Pope, Cheng & Leong, 1998;Savickas, 2009; Super, 1993),immigrant career transition isoften described in the context ofa larger adaptation process.

Barriers Affecting ImmigrantCareer Transition

After a long wait and sep-aration from my husband, I washappy to sign any documents atthe Canadian Embassy thatwould allow us to move on withour lives. I was warned that Imight not be able to practice as apsychologist in Canada, but ca-reer was not my primary concernat the time. I was in my late twen-ties, and my plan was to re-trainin order to eventually re-claimmy professional identity. As ayoung couple without children,having a considerable level of

education and being relativelyproficient in English, we wereequipped with privileges thatwould allow us to complete therequired training and re-claimoccupational rights. We did nothave an obligation to supportchildren, although for severalyears during the war we sentmoney to our family memberswho stayed behind. As I at-tempted to enroll as a graduatepsychology student, I learnedabout financial pressures, GRErequirements, and the need tostudy materials very similar towhat I had already learned backhome. The cost of the applicationfor multiple training sites, and tu-ition for years of graduate train-ing in psychology were wayabove what was affordable. Asnew immigrants, we could notmove to another Canadian city orto the US to study. The GRE testthat was designed for native Eng-lish speakers seemed impossibleto pass. My path to becoming agraduate student in my chosenfield was engulfed by insur-mountable financial and systemicobstacles. This experience wasdevastating, as my options for re-claiming this significant part ofmy identity seemed very limited.The future of my career appearedbleak.

Many barriers that delayimmigrant integration into thework force and significantly af-fect career transition have beenidentified. Research demonstratesthat educational and career barri-ers that are encountered becomeinternalized into immigrants’ be-lief system consequently limitingcareer aspirations (Jackson, Ka-canski, Rust & Beck, 2006).Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson,

Ngaruiya & Gonzalez (2008)classify barriers into individual,group, and contextual. Group andcontextual level barriers signifi-cantly overlap and will be con-sidered together. In addition, theauthor believes that it is impor-tant to consider the influence ofsignificant relationships in immi-grant career transition.

Intra-individual barriers. Barriers in immigrantcareer transition, most commonlydescribed in psychological litera-ture, could be classified as indi-vidual level barriers. Thisincludes language proficiency is-sues (Amundson, Yeung, Sun,Chan & Cheng, 2011; Aycan &Berry, 1996; Ishiyama, 1989;Leong & Serafica, 1995; Ma &Yeh, 2010; Yost & Lucas, 2002;),individual differences in culturaladjustment (Lee & Westwood,1996; Aycan & Berry, 1996), un-realistic expectations prior to mi-gration (Lee & Westwood, 1996),and lack of job finding tech-niques (Westwood & Ishiyama,1991). Other intra-individual bar-riers that have been described arelack of knowledge regarding thelabour market and the commu-nity, no clear and feasible careergoals, lack of awareness of serv-ices (Amundson, Yeung, Sun,Chan & Cheng, 2011), difficultyin self-validation (Ishiyama,1995), skills, education, emo-tional and cognitive challenges(Koert, Borgen & Amundson,2011). Personal characteristicssuch as age, gender, and maritalstatus can also enable or slowdown immigrant career transition(Yost & Lucas, 2002). Intra-indi-vidual focus, typical within thepsychological discipline, offers


34


strategies for improving immi-grant career transition through re-moval of intrapersonal obstaclesand through increased adjustmentto the new culture. These strate-gies mostly focus on learningnew skills and on developing alevel of flexibility necessary forcareer adjustment, often involv-ing a career change. For example,career counsellors can helpclients look for ways tostrengthen language skills, retrain(Lee & Westwood, 1996), de-velop efficient self-validationstrategies (Ishiyama, 1995), re-hearse mock job interviews (Ma& Yeh, 2010), and enhance per-sonal skills such as hardiness(Koert, Borgen & Amundson,2011). Limited findings indicatethat there is an increase in statusand earnings over time, as a re-sult of language skill develop-ment and expanded familiaritywith cultural and business relatedpractices (Aycan & Berry, 1996).

Although it offers helpfultools to career counsellors, a pureintra-individual approach maynot be sufficient for understand-ing the career transition experi-ence of immigrant clients. Careertransition does not happen in iso-lation, and is embedded in alarger network of relationships,society, and culture that enablesor thwarts individual attempts.Hartung and Blustein (2002) sug-gest that a career decision mak-ing model should incorporatedifferences not only in individualdecision making styles, but alsoin one’s access to social and eco-nomic opportunities. In spitebeing aware of the fact that theyneed to improve their languageskills or retrain, many immi-grants are limited in their efforts

by realities of our capitalist soci-ety. Long working hours, timeaway from the family, and lowpaying jobs become obstacles tolanguage or educational advance-ment (Ma & Yeh, 2010;Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson,Ngaruiya & Gonzalez, 2008).Due to financial pressures of sup-porting families in the new coun-try and the ones left behind,many immigrants are unable totake language classes (Flores etal., 2011; Yost & Lucas, 2002).Re-training is not an option formany immigrant professionals,due to systemic obstacles that areoutside the boundaries of theirpower. According to Bauder(2003), immigrant labour hasbeen systematically devaluedthrough regulatory institutions’active exclusion of immigrantsfrom the upper segments of thelabour market. As professionalassociations, regulatory bodies,and employers give preference tonative born and educated work-ers, access to the most highly de-sired occupations issystematically denied to immi-grants, resulting in eventual lossof skill, or de-skilling. Migrantswhose foreign education and cre-dentials are not recognized in thehost country are often limited inaccess to employment due to thedifferential assessment of theircredentials and work experience(Bauder, 2003). For many suchmigrants, the path towards re-es-tablishing the original career andrelated occupational and socialstatus is very long and extremelydifficult (Chen, 2008).

Relationship, group, andcontext level barriers. Unpre-dictable contextual factors, which

have a significant impact on theimmigrants’ transition, negate theconcept of linear individual ca-reer development, implied in tra-ditional career theory (Holland,1997; Supper, 1980). Accordingto Stableton (2007), contextualfactors are “any events or cir-cumstances that have an impacton an individual’s life-career” (p.293). Circumstances such as flee-ing one’s country of origin, polit-ical oppression, history, labourlaws, natural disasters, violenceand poverty are examples of suchcontextual factors. The author ar-gues that our understanding ofcareer development needs to takeinto account the role of family,community, history, socio-cul-tural, and political circumstancesinfluencing one’s career (Stable-ton, 2007).

The contextual lens hasbeen widely acknowledged incontemporary career theory thatcalls attention to variables ex-tending far beyond the individualexperience (Blustein, Palladino,Schultheiss, & Flum, 2004; Har-tung & Blustein, 2002; Pryor &Bright 2009; Richardson, inpress; Young, Valach & Collin,2002). Although these contempo-rary theorists significantly differin their approach to career, mostmodern conceptualizations of ca-reer development call attention totrends of globalization, and thechanging nature of labour marketand work contexts. Modern so-cial trends, which affect careerdevelopment of all society mem-bers, are especially salient for im-migrants who, by definition,change life and work contextsthrough migration.

The effect of relationalvariables on career development


35


has been demonstrated in litera-ture on social support. Relationalsupport from family and othersare critical factors in promotingacademic success and career as-piration of immigrant youth(Jackson, Kacanski, Rust &Back, 2006). Government spon-sored support systems and com-munity resources have beenidentified as helpful factors inimmigrant career success (Koert,Borgen & Amundson, 2011),while absence of such supportscan be major impeding factors inimmigrant career transition.

Group and contextual bar-riers that have been described inthe literature include cultural val-ues, immigration status, experi-ences of oppression anddiscrimination (Ma & Yeh, 2010;Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson,Ngaruiya & Gonzalez, 2008),strain on family roles, separationfrom the family left behind, andloss of support networks (Floreset al., 2011). Aycan and Berry(1996) identify four major barri-ers that delay integration of im-migrants into the work force inCanada. These barriers includelack of recognition of occupa-tional accreditation and educa-tion; the requirement for foreigntrained candidates to take occu-pation specific tests that are verydemanding, expensive, culturallybiased and unfairly administered;inadequate language training; and“Canadian work experience”.

Chen (2008) argues thatunfamiliarity with the new cul-ture is one of the major chal-lenges in immigrant life-careertransition. In addition to job-spe-cific skills, immigrants often ex-perience issues in cross-culturaladjustment, culture shock, and

unfamiliarity with cultural normsresulting in a need to negotiatecultures. It has been demon-strated that the impact of thesechallenges lessens with culturalimmersion and expanded experi-ence (Aycan & Berry, 1996;Chen, 2008).

Other systemic barriers,however, are much more difficultto overcome. Requirements ofCanadian credentials and “Cana-dian experience” place newcom-ers in a no-win position,systematically devaluing knowl-edge, experience, and human andcultural capital that immigrantsbring to their new country(Bauder, 2003; Chen, 2008). “Inmost cases, foreign-earned cre-dentials and qualifications be-come invalid in Canada, leadingto a total loss of previous profes-sional status and/or a re-qualifi-cation process that requires ahuge amount of time, energy, andmoney” (Chen, 2008, p. 430). Inaddition, newcomers are oftenmisinformed that their profes-sional credentials will be valuedin the host country (Neault,2005). Recognition of profes-sional qualifications is a jurisdic-tion of regulatory professionalbodies, such as colleges of physi-cians, teachers, psychologists,and engineers, which requireCanadian-earned education andwork experience that most immi-grants do not posses. Immigrantscan gain “Canadian experience”through accepting labour belowone’s level of educational prepa-ration and work experience. Astheir expertise acquired in thecountry of origin eventually di-minishes, accepting such jobsleads to de-skilling and loss ofcultural and human capital both

in the country of origin and in thereceiving country (Bauder, 2003).According to Asanin Dean &Wilson (2007), fifty five percentof skilled immigrants in Ontariowho are able to find work withinthe first six months in the countrydo so outside of their field of ex-pertise, mostly accepting parttime jobs. The phenomenon ofde-skilling exacerbates healthproblems not only for the indi-vidual migrants but also for theirfamilies (Asanin Dean & Wilson,2007).

Another source of sys-temic barriers is related to thehost culture’s attitudes towardsimmigrants and related oppres-sive practices. Immigrants can beseen as competitors in the labourmarket, as intruders in one’s terri-tory, or as difficult to interactwith (Lee & Westwood, 1996).Yakushko, Watson & Thompson(2008) suggest that oppression,rooted in racism, sexism, xeno-phobia, and poverty, is one of themajor sources of stress faced byimmigrants. According toIshiyama (1995), immigrantsoften face invalidating experi-ences related to loss of identity,role, sense of competence, andstatus while lacking validatingcommunity. As they leave behindlarge parts of community thatused to act as a powerful bufferin stressful situations (Lazarus &Folkman, 1984), the need for avalidating community becomeseven more prominent.

The current state of thelabour market, characterized byunpredictable workforce opportu-nities and lower earning poten-tial, is a significant contextualfactor that immigrants are facedwith (Koert, Borgen & Amund-


36


son, 2011). In today’s unstableeconomy, immigrants have a dif-ficult time securing employmentand also face severe discrimina-tion.

Barriers stemming fromchallenges of cultural adaptation. In the first yearafter immigration, I found myselfmourning numerous losses – lossof familiar language, scenery andsmells, loss of occupation andstatus, loss of cultural and familyrituals, and, most of all, loss ofthe relationship network thatused to provide support and en-velop my experience with mean-ing. A sudden shift to becominga minority group member, a per-son with a foreign accent, and aprofessional whose educationand experience were not recog-nized resulted in feelings of pow-erlessness. Our priority was tosurvive economically and psy-chologically, so my husband andI secured employment below thelevel of our education that paid aminimum wage. Some job search-ing strategies seemed strange, asmarketing one’s skills and em-phasizing one’s accomplishmentswere contrary to humility thatwas valued in our culture. Wehad to learn much in respect tothe job market, educational sys-tem, and re-training opportuni-ties. In addition to separationfrom family and friends whostayed behind, realization that wemight not be able to re-claim ourprevious occupations was verypainful. Even though we werewilling to “re-train” and be-lieved we had the capacity to doso, obstacles to receiving educa-tion in the new country furthercontributed to a sense of loss,

powerlessness, and anxiety aboutour future.

As the notion of career isinseparable from general life andpersonal concerns (Krumboltz,1993; Super, 1993; Savickas etal., 2009), career transition expe-rience of immigrants needs to beviewed in the context of their ex-perience adapting in the newcountry. According to Chen(2008), “many immigrants gradu-ally gain a real sense of settlingdown only after they have rebuilttheir vocational life” (p. 428).The quality of transitional experi-ence in other aspects of personaland social lives significantly de-pends on the quality of careertransition (Chen, 2008).

Migration related phe-nomena that are considered to besignificant obstacles to career ad-justment are culture shock (Chen,2008; Yost & Lucas, 2002), ac-culturation stress (Berry, 1997),immigration stress (Yakushko,Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya &Gonzalez, 2008; Yakushko, Wat-son & Thompson, 2008), and cul-tural dislocation (Ishiyama,1995). Culture shock is definedas anxiety caused from contactwith a new and unknown culture,resulting in feelings of confusion,loss, and powerlessness that fol-low the loss of familiar culturalcues and social norms (Oberg,1960). Concepts of acculturationstress and immigration stressdraw attention to pressures im-posed on internal resources incoping with the new environ-ment. Cultural dislocation is asubjective experience of feelingdisplaced in a given socio-cul-tural environment, stemmingfrom a lack of validation of self,feelings of cultural uprootedness,

and conflict regarding culturaldifferences (Ishiyama, 1995).

Another concept com-monly used in the literature is ac-culturation, a set of phenomenathat result when a person from acertain culture comes into contin-uous first-hand contact with an-other culture, includingsubsequent changes in the origi-nal culture patterns (Berry, 1997).Similarly to other above de-scribed concepts, the concept ofacculturation often implies a uni-directional nature of change re-sulting from cultural interactionand can be problematic as such.It is implied that an acculturatedindividual is the one who hasmade changes necessary to fitinto the dominant culture’s sys-tem even if this is done at a detri-ment to her/his own well being.An immigrant employed belowher/his level of preparation, inorder to support her/his family,could be seen as acculturated re-gardless of the impact her/his oc-cupational situation has onher/his health and career. In thiscontext, the concept of accultura-tion can further reinforce circum-stances that unjustly disempoweran immigrant population.

In understanding immi-grant career transition experi-ence, it is important to considerpre-migration, migration, andpost-migration sources of stressand validation (Mock, 1998).Pre-migration circumstances mayinclude involuntary migration,(un)available support, expecta-tions, losses, reversibility of themove, experiences of threat, andpre-migration trauma. Migrationand post-migration stressors mayinclude stress of relocation, im-migration status, acculturation


37


stress, relational stress, loss ofsocial status and social contact,and oppression (Yakushko, Wat-son & Thompson, 2008). It is im-portant to note that therelationship between adaptationalstressors and career transitionprocess is bi-directional. Whileadaptation stressors may interferewith career transition, successfulcareer transition aids culturaladaptation in the new country(Chen, 2008).

Bhatia and Ram (2009)argue for a fluid and politicizedunderstanding of immigrant iden-tity, calling for a shift from con-ceptualizing acculturation andimmigrant identity as an individ-ual process to a broader contex-tual and political phenomenon.According to these authors, iden-tity should not be defined interms of fixed absolute essencesbut rather as a creation of culturaldiscourses, history, and power.Cultural identity is about “posi-tioning” – it is situated in histori-cal context, bound up in a set ofpolitical positions and entails ne-gotiation, dislocation and conflict(Bhatia & Ram, 2009). In con-ceptualizing issues that immi-grants face in the process ofcultural interchange, the field ofcareer counselling needs a bi-di-rectional understanding of thisprocess. Considering that bothimmigrants and their new contextchange as a result of the intercul-tural exchange, it would be help-ful to examine how the newenvironment can provide optimalconditions for adaptation. In ad-dition to helping clients adjust totheir new cultures, counsellorscan advocate for changes in thenew culture that will result in op-timal benefits for both the new-

comers and the new country. Bynot doing so, counsellors riskhelping clients adjust to unjustsituations, which may be thesource of the clients’ problems inthe first place (Waldegrave,2005).

Success Stories: Helpful Factors in Immigrant CareerTransition

I consider mine to be asuccess story, replete with obsta-cles, persistent effort, belief in mycapacity to be a psychologist,and with plenty of support alongthe way. This was not a straight-forward path. I have made a “de-tour”, acquiring a Master’sDegree in Marriage and FamilyTherapy, in a program where myskills were recognized and mycontributions were valued. I waslucky to come across mentors andcolleagues who saw my potentialand supported my pursuit in be-coming established in the field offamily therapy. I was also fortu-nate to have a very supportivepartner who stood by me duringa long adaptation period. Withnew confidence, experience, andexcellent references, I found thecourage to apply to a PhD pro-gram in counselling psychologyand was accepted. Once again, Ifound myself fortunate to havemy potential recognized by mynew PhD program. Fourteenyears after immigration, I was onmy way to reclaiming my longlost professional identity. In myten-year career as a family thera-pist, I have had the honour ofwitnessing many similar storiesand was amazed by resourceful-ness and resilience of many suc-cessful immigrant clients.

Although it is importantto name and describe barriers thatstand in the way of immigrant ca-reer transition, viewing thisgroup only through the lens ofchallenge further contributes tostereotyping and discrimination.In spite of obstacles, many immi-grants are successful in accom-plishing life and career goals.With the focus on deficit in thepsychological literature,strengths, resilience, and commu-nity networks are often disre-garded (Yakushko, Watson &Thompson, 2008), and factorsthat contribute to successfuladaptation are neglected in re-search. A small body of recentlyemerging literature has shed lighton successful cultural and careeradaptation in immigrants. In astudy examining factors thathelped and hindered successfulcoping with work related chal-lenges of immigrant women,Koert, Borgen and Amundson(2001) identified a range of help-ful internal and external factors.Internal factors described by suc-cessful immigrant women werebeliefs, traits, values, innerstrength, resilience, active searchfor skills and resources, and self-care. The external factors in-cluded relationships and supportfrom family, friends, community,religious groups, government andcommunity resources, and char-acteristics of the work environ-ment such as positive interaction,training, orientation, flexibility,and team-work (Koert, Borgen &Amundson, 2011). Another studyof the transition experience ofsuccessful Chinese immigrantsindicated four major success fac-tors: 1. Having a positive attitudeand personality; 2. Skills and re-


38


source development; 3. Educa-tion and work experience back-ground; and 4. Community andfamily support (Amundson,Yeung, Cun, Chen & Cheng,2011). In a study on academicsuccess and career aspirations ofimmigrant youth, Jackson, Ka-canski, Rust & Back (2006)found that contextual supports,particularly relational supportfrom family and others were crit-ical factors in promoting aca-demic success and careeraspiration.

Even though the studiesdescribed above may be limitedas they reflect values of the cul-tures of their participants, theyconsistently demonstrate that im-migrant career transition needs tobe approached from a multi-leveled and holistic perspective.In addition to attitude, personal-ity, skills, and resiliency, factorssuch as relationships, governmentsponsored support systems, andcommunity resources have alsobeen identified as helpful in suc-cessful career transition. This re-search indicates importance ofinternal, relational, and contex-tual factors in successful careertransition.

Suggestions for Counselling Practice

Based on the issues iden-tified in career transition, careercounselling can be tailored to ad-dress challenges and support im-migrant efforts towards theirchosen career goals.

Goals of Career Counsellingwith Immigrants

The goals of career coun-

selling with the immigrant popu-lation can be conceptualized as:1. Helping clients cope with loss,ambiguity, and unjust socio-polit-ical situations; 2. Establishingand/or strengthening factors help-ful in a successful career transi-tion; and 3. Removing contextualbarriers that hinder successful ca-reer transition. Various types ofstrategies can be used to work to-wards these goals. To help clientscope with loss, ambiguity, andunjust situations, strategies suchas listening, acknowledging,naming, raising consciousness,and collaboration in challengingunjust situations can be used. Fo-cusing on factors helpful in ca-reer transition, counsellors canuse interventions aimed at foster-ing resiliency or hardiness. To re-move the contextual barriers,strategies of advocating, educa-tion, and research can be used.

To accomplish thesegoals, career counsellors need toobtain a thorough understandingof this population’s concerns, payattention to how their own expe-riences and cultural heritageshape this understanding, remaina high degree of openness, anduse appropriate interventions.

Establishing a More ComplexPicture

The experience of careertransition in immigrants is influ-enced by a number of factorsfunctioning on intrapersonal, re-lational, and contextual levels.This is a multidirectional processand affects not only the individ-ual in transition, but also relation-ships, groups, and systems thatshe/he is a part of. A deeper un-derstanding of the career transi-

tion process of this populationneeds to be rooted in an integra-tive approach that takes into con-sideration intrapersonal,relational, and larger contextuallevels. In the context of careertheory, this means going beyondintegration of personal and careerissues (Krumboltz, 1993; Super,1993), in order to intervene onthe level of relationships andcontexts that individuals are em-bedded in (Blustein, 2001; Blus-tein, McWhirter & Perry, 2005).It also requires abandoning theunidirectional model of careerand cultural adaptation, and re-placing it with a dynamic interac-tional model. The followingdiagram illustrates a model forunderstanding career transition ofimmigrants that is both contex-tual and interactional. This inte-grative conceptual frameworkdraws from the ecological modelof human development (Brofen-brenner, 1979), applications ofwhich have been recommendedin counselling of immigrant pop-ulations (Yakushko & Chronister,2005), and from the systems the-ory of career counselling de-scribed by McMahon and Patton(2006).

As illustrated in Figure 1.,career is embedded in a largercontext of personality and indi-vidual’s life, a network of rela-tionships, and a largercultural-socio-political context.Changes and events on each levelaffect all other levels and may aidor hinder career transition.

The individual level con-tains information regarding per-sonal and career aspirations,experience of career transition,educational and professional ac-complishments pre migration,


39


(in)validation of career relatedachievements in the new country,and feelings of loss and grief. Ca-reer related exploration needs tobe placed in the context of theperson’s life experiences, strug-gles, goals, and dreams. Thismight mean exploring the mean-ing of career in the client’s indi-vidual and cultural environments,examining how it relates to asense of identity, and where it fitsin the larger context of one’spast, present, and future.

The relational level in-volves changes in family andcommunity functioning related tomigration and career transition.Consideration of this level mayinclude family loyalty, interper-sonal connections, those left be-hind, those that the client feelsobligated to support, those whooffer support to the client, andother relational concerns. Estab-

lishing new relationships andstrengthening one’s communityof support may be a crucial partof the career transition process.

The contextual level con-tains predictable and unpre-dictable factors (Pryor & Bright,2009), including career relatedcultural norms and values, socialidentity, ethnic and other commu-nities, school system, govern-ment, helping agencies, medical,and school system. It is charac-terized by culturally defined con-structs such as gender, andexperiences of oppression anddiscrimination related to clients’various social locations. War,exile, voluntary or involuntarynature of migration, and range ofoptions available are also signifi-cant contextual factors.

In addition to providing away of conceptualizing the tran-sition experience of immigrants,

this multileveled interactiveframework can offer tools for in-tervening on each level.

Individual Level Interventions

Most career counsellingapproaches primarily rely on in-dividual quantitative and qualita-tive assessment and counsellingtools description of which can befound elsewhere (Amundson,Harris-Bowlsbey & Niles, 2009;Brott, 2004; Campbell & Ungar,2004; McIlveen, McGregor-Bayne, Alcock & Hjertum, 2003;McMahon & Patton, 2002). De-pending on the client’s uniquecircumstances, a career counsel-lor can draw from a number ofinterventions, such as question-naires, inventories, behaviouralobservation, interview, autobiog-raphy and biography, games, cardsorts, life line, life role circles,the goal map, and many other.These tools may be useful inidentifying intra-individualstrengths and growing edges, andin building skills, attitudes, andpersonality factors helpful in im-migrant career transition. For ex-ample, strategies aimed atincreasing the level of resiliencyand hardiness, such as portfolios(Borgen, Amundson & Reuter,2004), or career narratives(Campbell & Ungar, 2004) canbe used.

Literature on immigrantcareer counselling suggests indi-vidually focused strategies suchas pre-departure preparation, dis-cussion of culture shock, learningabout local labour market, in-creasing language proficiency,and enhancing work related inter-cultural competences (Amund-son, Westwood & Prefontaine,

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40


1995; Ma & Yeh, 2010;Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson,Ngaruiya & Gonzalez, 2008; Yost& Lucas, 2002). Selected inter-ventions need to make sense toclients in their contexts. Clientswho hold different cultural valuesmay not benefit from interven-tions designed in the WhiteNorthern American culture, andmay appreciate more culturallyrelevant tools, such as story-telling, or community approach(Stebleton, 2007).

Relationship Level Interventions

For the counsellingprocess to be successful, immi-grant clients need to feel valued,understood, and supported(Ishiyama, 1995), which requiresa complex combination of cul-tural, interpersonal, and personalskills on the part of the counsel-lor. In addition to strong coun-selling skills, knowledge aboutimmigrant issues and awarenessof the counsellor’s own culturalassumptions is necessary.

Relationship level inter-ventions can be aimed at helpingclients examine roles and obliga-tions in families and communi-ties, validating their loyalty, andexploring changes in relationshipand family functioning that arerelated to their career concerns.Considering the importance ofsupport system in immigranttransition, strategies can be estab-lished for strengthening existingsocial networks, negotiating rela-tionships with significant onesleft behind, and building new re-lationships. Family roles, inter-generational conflict, andintercultural negotiation can be-

come the focus of career coun-selling sessions when relevant tothe client’s career concerns. Sig-nificant others can be importantwitnesses of career experienceand competencies for immigrantclients who have lost professionalrights in the new country. Usingthe Significant Other Question-naire, or discussing how clientsare being perceived by their sig-nificant others, can offer a newperspective on clients’ strengths,abilities, and work experience(Amundson, Westwood & Pre-fontaine, 1995). Successful im-migrant role models andmentoring programs can also behelpful (Ma & Yeh, 2010).

Context Level Interventions

The field of career coun-selling has been critiqued for alack of attention to contextualfactors and for inaction regardingissues of social justice (Blustein,McWhriter & Perry, 2005;Hansen, 2003; Hartung & Blus-tein, 2002; Stebleton, 2007).Blustein, McWhirter & Perry(2005) suggest that vocationalpsychology has a potential to im-prove the education and workinglives of all people by assumingan activist social justice agenda.According to Hartung and Blus-tein (2002), a just model of ca-reer decision making includesattention to the opportunity struc-ture, in addition to differences indecision making styles. Counsel-lors should move to actionthrough partnering with commu-nities and other service providersin order to provide integrated in-tervention programs.

In addressing career con-cerns of immigrant clients, it is

not enough to acknowledge theloss of unrecognized credentials,discuss it, and help clients con-sider information about training,as suggested by majority of thecounselling literature. Consistentwith the social justice model,counsellors need to take a stepbeyond helping clients adjust tothe unjust circumstances (Walde-grave, 2005), and work towardschanging these circumstances tocreate equal opportunities. Whileacknowledgment of the loss ofprofessional identity and explo-ration of training options are cru-cial aspects of counselling (Lee& Westwood, 1996), it is impor-tant to consider a full range of al-ternatives. This may includechallenging the system that un-justly de-skills trained and expe-rienced immigrant workers.Immigrant workers are a minoritywork group that may not alwaysspeak out against poor conditionsthat they are facing (Flores et al.,2011). Equipped with knowledgeregarding the impact of discrimi-nation, oppression, and injustice,counsellors can address these is-sues through theory and socialaction, which requires steppingoutside the boundaries of tradi-tional counselling practice. So-cial action may involve buildingrelationships with employers, ad-vocating for more accessibletraining and hiring practices, con-ducting workshops for potentialemployers, training governmentrepresentatives and legislators,and educating workers on theirright and responsibilities (Floreset al., 2011). Other types of ac-tion include consultation, com-munity outreach, programevaluation, and engagement withteachers, families, clinicians, and


41


administration (Blustein,McWhriter & Perry, 2005).

Immigrants are typicallyinvolved with a number of sys-tems, such as medical and legalorganizations, language schools,welfare, childcare programs, andethnic communities. Assuming acollaborative approach in whichthese various systems are con-nected would help provide amore integrated holding environ-ment for immigrant clients.

Counsellors need to becareful to not narrowly conceptu-alize this group as oppressed andhelpless (Yakushko, Backhaus,Watson, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez,2008), but to actively engage im-migrant clients and communityinto partnerships that will helpremove barriers standing in theway of successful career transi-tion.

Counsellor Competencies and Training Issues

As a form of counselling,career counselling of immigrantsrequires proficiency in complexrelational and counselling skills.Career counsellors need to attendto intricacies of working with di-verse populations (Sue & Sue,2002), potential language issues,unfamiliarity with counselling,and different cultural healingpractices. They need to be awareof their own cultural legacies,able to challenge own assump-tions (Yakushko, Backhaus, Wat-son, Ngaruiya & Gonzalez,2008), and knowledgeable aboutissues such as migration, colo-nialism, oppression, and armedconflict. Career counsellors areseldom trained to provide contex-tual interventions, build team ap-

proaches, be aware of immigrantrelated issues, or challenge theirown cultural assumptions (Flores,Hsieh & Chiao, 2011; Hansen,2003). In order to better equip ca-reer counsellors with these skills,training programs need to includematerials on affecting socialchange, immigrant issues, andawareness of one’s own culturalvalues and related assumptions.To offer a comprehensive and fairservice to immigrant clients,counselling psychology alsoneeds to recruit more immigrantmembers into its profession andits leadership (Hansen, 2003).

Conclusion

Since immigrants’ hopefor a better future may be dimin-ished by barriers encountered inthe new country, career coun-selling with this population in-volves restoration of hope. With asense of hope, an immigrantclient will be able to envisionmeaningful goals and believe thatpositive outcomes are likely tooccur if specific actions are taken(Niles, Amundson & Neault,2011). The counselling processcan increase the level of hopeful-ness through several mecha-nisms. A trusting counsellingrelationship characterized by atrue understanding of circum-stances surrounding the immi-grant client’s career transition iscrucial. In addition to individuallevel variables, often emphasizedin career counselling theory,counsellors need to pay attentionto relational and systemic factorsthat affect successful transition.Other necessary steps includecollaborative examination ofavailable options; exploration of

ways in which the range of op-tions can be expanded; and actiontowards challenging systems thatstrip away identity, knowledge,and power from minority groups,such as immigrants. Learningthat the counsellor is on their sideand that change is possible, im-migrant clients can start re-claim-ing their power andre-establishing hope for a betterfuture.

Whether a life story isabout success or failure is partlya matter of interpretation. I con-sider mine to be a success story,although it is also a story aboutloss, struggle, and inability totrain or practice in my chosenfield. As many other immigrants,I have experienced de-skillingand am now working towards re-building some of the skills. Ob-stacles that immigrants face intheir process of career transitionare enormous. These obstaclesunnecessarily block us from con-tributing our expertise to society,causing loss of capital, and af-fecting our health and well-being. A more equal access toemployment opportunities wouldnot only promote immigranthealth, but would also bring eco-nomic benefits to their new coun-try.

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45


RESOURCES & PROJECTSRESSOURCES & PROJETS


INITIATIVES

ProjectPartnershipsPartenariatsde projets

GraduateStudents

Étudiants aux cycles supérieurs

ceric.ca18 Spadina Road, Suite 200, Toronto, ON MSR 257 | 416.929.2510

CERIC (Canadian Education and

Research Institute for Counselling) is

a charitable organization that advances

education and research in career

counselling and career development.

Le CERIC est un organisme

caritatif voué à la progression de

l’éducation et de la recherche en

matière d’orientation professionnelle

et de développement de carrière.

CERIC funds both research as well aslearning and professionaldevelopment projects that advancethe body of knowledge in careercounselling and career developmentin Canada. For more informationabout our current funding prioritiesand project partnership details,please visit ceric.ca.

Le CERIC fi nance à la fois des projets de recherche et des projets pédagogiques et de développement professionnel qui promeuvent l’ensemble des connaissances dans le domaine de l’orientation professionnelle et du développement de carrière au Canada. Pour de plus amples renseignements sur nos priorités de fi nancement et nos partenariats de projets, visitez le site ceric.ca.

Canada’s bilingual National CareerDevelopment Conference promotingthe exchange of information andinnovative approaches for careerdevelopment and counselling.Ottawa, January 20 - 22, 2014.

Cannexus est un congrès national bilingue favorisant l’échange d’informations et d’initiatives novatrices dans le domaine de l’orientation et du développement de carrière. Ottawa, du 20 au 22 janvier 2014.

ContactPoint is a Canadian onlinecommunity program providing career resources, learning and networking for practitioners.

OrientAction est un programmecommunautaire canadien en lignedestiné aux praticiens(iennes), qui fournit des ressources sur le développement professionnel, l’acquisition de connaissances et le réseautage.

The CJCD is a peer-reviewedpublication of career-relatedacademic research and bestpractices. cjcdonline.ca.

La RCDC est une publicationqui porte sur Ia recherche universitaireet les meilleures pratiquesévaluées par des spécialistes du secteur. rcdcenligne.ca.

Graduate Student EngagementProgram and Graduate StudentAward. For information,visit ceric.ca.

Programme de mobilisation desétudiants(es) aux cycles supérieurs et Prix des études supérieures. Pour obtenir plus d’informations, veuillez visiter ceric.ca.

Le développement de carrière en milieu de travail : sondage des entreprises canadiennesWith / avec Environics Research Group

Celebrating a decade of enabling and supporting thought leadership,

knowledge and skill building, community collaboration and raising the profi le of career development in

Canada.

Nous célébrons une décennie à soutenir le développement des

connaissances et des compétences, le leadership intellectuel et la

collaboration communautaire, en plus de mieux faire connaître le développement de carrière au

Canada.

In partnership with / en partenariat avec University of Lethbridge & University of Manitoba

La pratique en développement de carrière au Canada : perspectives, principes et professionnalisme

Career Development Practice in Canada: Perspectives, Principles, and Professionalism

Développement de carrière axé sur l’espoir

Hope-Centred Career Development

In partnership with / en partenariat avec University of British Columbia/PennState

Career Development in the Canadian Workplace: National Business Survey

Abstract

The following paper ex-plore the way a sample of youngpeople in New Brunswick con-structed, conceptualized and ex-pressed concerns aboutadulthood, in relation to their ca-reer aspirations and their socio-economic context. The notion ofliminal adulthood is used toframe the discussion in order tocapture the in-between spaces ofvocational identity. Furthermorewe explore how these spaces arehistorically and socially con-structed.

Contemporary researchon transitions is shifting awayfrom traditional, structural under-standings of youth developmenttowards a more relational way ofexamining the transition to adult-hood. This shift in the researchmay be partly in response tomedia speculation that youngpeople are delaying the move-ment into adulthood due to a lackof desire, focus and sense of re-sponsibility (Aronson, 2008).Transitions to adulthood are animportant phenomenon to studybecause the process of transition-ing into adulthood has a signifi-cant influence on people’slong-term outcomes. Existingtheories provide substantial infor-mation about how youth can and

do take on adult roles (Nelson &Barry, 2005; Schlossberg, 1987),but few have elucidated theprocess of how they form aspira-tions, learn to be adults, and thecentral role career plays in defini-tions of successful adult identity.The purpose of this research is tobegin to address this deficit byexploring the conceptualizationsand concerns about adulthoodthat are constructed by graduat-ing high school students, in rela-tion to their career aspirationsand socio-economic context. Theconcept of liminal adulthood wasused to frame the analysis.

Developing clear occupa-tional aspirations is an importantstep in the formation of adultidentities. It is becoming increas-ingly important in times of eco-nomic uncertainty (see Beck,2000) to understand the ways inwhich adulthood is signified andthe role that career and work holdin the creation of successful adultidentities because, as The Euro-pean Group for Integrated SocialResearch (EGRIS)(2001) pointsout, “young people are activelytrying to shape their present andfuture lives, albeit constrainedwithin the economic, social andcultural conditions they findthemselves within” (p.103).Thus as young people developingtheir adult identities, at the sametime there has been a significant

downturn in the economy inmany parts of the country, reduc-ing the availability of jobs andlimiting opportunity for the at-tainment of successful adult workidentities.

This shift in economictrends is particularly true in anAtlantic Canadian where employ-ment trends are marked by theloss of a traditional employmentbase, which focused on the re-source economy, and marked in-creases in unemployment. Thenational unemployment rate inCanada currently hovers at 7.4%.In New Brunswick this figure iscloser to 10.4% overall, with therural areas having even greaterunemployment topping out at19.6% in some areas (Statscan,2012). There can be many inter-pretations of what these unem-ployment figures mean but oneobvious reason is a decline inavailable jobs. It can also meanthose who have been displaced inthis declining economy do notpossess the education and skillsrequired for the available labourmarket. Even recent improve-ments to the economy have beenlimited to certain sectors (e.g.,ship-building, oil industry). Atthe same time, there is also a re-gional identity, and many At-lantic Canadians continue toidentify with their home provinceeven if they leave to work else-

Constructing the Future in the Liminal Spaces Between Adolescenceand Adulthood: Responsibilities, Careers, and Social Contexts

Amanda BenjaminJosé DomeneKim Landine

University of New Brunswick


where (Corbett, 2004). All of thiscreates specific constraints on theway that young people in Canadaare shaping their lives.

Recent changes in thetiming and nature of how a per-son traverses a life course requirean unprecedented redefinition ofadulthood and a shift in under-standing the role of work in thetransition process (Young et al.,2011). Responding to thesechanges, scholars such as Blat-terer (2007) and Raby (2010)have proposed the concept ofliminal adulthood. Raby explainsthat, “modern understandings ofgrowing up have conceptualizedchildhood through progressivemovement towards the endpointof adulthood, with youth as aliminal, in-between phase beforesuch adult stability” and arguesthat adults need to focus “on thepresent in the face of open-ended,temporary, reversible and indi-vidualized options for the future”(p. 69-70). With neo-liberal shiftsin the global economy, Raby andBlatterer have both arguedthat there is an unprecedentedmarketing of youthfulness and,consequently, adulthood is nowalso coming to be defined by lim-inality. The strength of this per-spective is that it takes intoaccount how the transition toadulthood is socially constructedand historically and culturallyspecific. Thus, the ages, stages,and actions that young people useto describe adulthood can be un-derstood to be mired in their so-cial positions within society(Weedon, 1997; Wyn & White,1997).

Literature

Theorizing Transitions ToAdulthood

In order to situate thisstudy, we first address some ofthe literature that theorizes transi-tions to adulthood. Akin to theshift in how we conceive a limi-nal adulthood is a more nuancedunderstanding of how work andcareer aspirations are key aspectsof the adult identity formationprocess (Young et al., 2011). Oneexample of the shift in the litera-ture was the proposal of a newcategory of development calledemerging adulthood. Scholarssuch as Arnett (2000) conceptual-ize emerging adulthood as a dis-tinct developmental stagespanning ages 18-25, character-ized by the exploration ofprospective adult roles in areassuch as work, love, and world-views.

Arnett (2000) explainedemerging adulthood as a periodof time when “different direc-tions remain possible, when littleabout the future has been decidedfor certain, when the scope of in-dependent exploration of life’spossibilities is greater for mostpeople than it will be at any otherperiod” (p. 469). Identity explo-ration during this stage involvesexamining identity through expe-riences in the areas of love, workand worldview (Arnett, 2000).With regards to work, emergingadults explore identity issues asthey explore a variety of workpossibilities, for example, “Whatkind of work am I good at? Whatkind of work would I find satisfy-ing for the long term? What aremy chances of getting a job in the

field that seems to suit me best?”(Arnett, 2000, p. 474). In hisview, a number of demographicfactors, including changes in themedian age of marriage and theage of first childbirth, andchanges in the proportion ofyoung people entering higher ed-ucation after high school, havecreated an extended period ofidentity exploration and develop-ment in industrialized societies.

Other researchers haveextended and expanded upon Ar-nett’s conceptualization by adopt-ing a more agentic approach tothe phenomenon. For example,“self authorship,” the internaliza-tion of meaning-making andadoption of an active role indefining identity, beliefs, and re-lationships, has been proposed asa process through which youngpeople transition into adulthood(Baxter Magolda, 2008; Creamer& Laughlin, 2005; Kegan, 1995)Similarly, Young and colleagues(2011) frame the transition toadulthood as a project that is ac-tively and jointly constructed byyoung people and significant oth-ers in their lives through action,internal cognitive and emotionalprocesses, and social meaning.Finally, Raby (2010), along withBlatterer (2007), discuss the con-cept of “liminal adulthood,” inwhich the transition to adulthoodneeds to be considered as emer-gent in ways that emphasize in-ternal, psychologicalachievements such as self-confi-dence and flexibility to defineadulthood. These concepts, par-ticularly liminal adulthood, notonly speak to the issues sur-rounding the transition into adult-hood in contemporary NorthAmerican society, but also pro-

Constructing the Future

48


vide a useful addition to the liter-ature on aspirations: The lan-guage of aspirations is often usedto capture the various desires,ambitions and conceptualizationsheld by young people about theirpossible futures (Turok, Kintrea,St Clair, & Benjamin, 2008). Thepresent study was guided byRaby and Blatterer’s concept of“liminal adulthood.”

Aspirations have beenconceptualized as a key influenceon numerous developmental out-comes, including playing a rolein determining future educationalactivity (e.g., university atten-dance) and eventual occupationalattainment and status (Andres,Anisef, Krahn, Looker, &Thiessen, 1999). Additionally, theformation of school and work-re-lated aspirations is conceptual-ized as an important part of thepsychological process of transi-tioning into adulthood (Eccles &Wigfield, 2002). Although aspira-tions can be thought of as theprocess by which young peopledetermine their goals while theyare transitioning into adulthood,career aspirations have also beenregarded as having the potentialto equal out social differences(Morrison, Gutman & Akerman,2008). The presumption that it ispossible for young people to pur-sue whatever career paths theydesire when they grow up is thebasic tenant of aspirations in theirsocial context (St Clair & Ben-jamin, 2011). As a corollary, it isalso assumed that improving allyoung people’s aspirations canreduce the discrepancies in edu-cational outcomes and life oppor-tunities (Turok et al., 2008).However, it is not knownwhether all young persons per-

ceive their aspirations as bound-less. Some, especially those com-ing from disadvantagedsocio-economic backgrounds orfrom regions where there arefewer employment opportunities ,including many parts of AtlanticCanada, may not believe thattheir aspirations are attainable,which can have an impact ontheir thinking and action duringthe liminal period between ado-lescence and adulthood.

Development of VocationalIdentity

A commonly held attitudein the popular media and generalpublic that that to ascend to suc-cessful adult identities, youngpeople must have clear career as-pirations. At the same time, thereis a greater focus in the psycho-logical literature on career deci-sion-making difficultiesexperienced by young people(Osipow, 1999). This trend in theliterature is motivated by the fearthat young peoples’ continuingindecision about careers can (andwill) result in missed opportuni-ties, inappropriate decisions, andanxiety. Osipow, Carney, Winer,Yanico, and Koschier (1976) sug-gested four reasons for occupa-tional indecision. These are: alack of self-knowledge or insightinto personal interests and apti-tudes; an aptitude and interest formany different areas; an internalconflict preventing the making ofa decision; the inability to comeup with alternative solutions inthe face of external barriers. [in-sert a sentence here summarizingthe more recent wark that hasbeen done, building on Osipow’spropositions.] Individuals typi-

cally grow more cognizant of oc-cupational issues, and becomemore concrete and realistic aboutoccupational choices with age.For example, younger adoles-cents may be less motivated tomake a decision, seeing the ne-cessity of making a choice as stillexisting in the future, or theymay not have experienced thenecessary self-development tohave achieved a stable sense ofidentity (Arnett, 2000; Morgan &Ness, 2003).

In an effort to help re-searchers and practitioners betterunderstand the antecedents of oc-cupational indecision, Gati,Krausz, and Osipow (1996) de-veloped a career indecision tax-onomy that defines a variety ofproblems that individuals mayhave in making their occupa-tional decision. Their taxonomyidentified difficulties in threebroad areas: a lack of readiness tomake a decision; the lack of nec-essary information to make a de-cision; and inconsistent, andtherefore problematic, informa-tion. The situation is furthercomplicated in an Atlantic Cana-dian social context, by historicand current high levels of unem-ployment. This creates additionalsources of career decision-mak-ing difficulties, such as indeci-sion due to a poor fit betweenyouths’ aspirations and the op-tions that are available in thelocal economy, and conflict be-tween the desire to remain con-nected with one’s homecommunity and region versus thedesire to pursue their aspirationsby emigrating to other regions ofCanada where there are betteremployment opportunities (Cor-bett, 2007).



49

Key to this discussion isthe need to develop a clear under-standing of what is meant byidentity and how we start to un-derstand both adult and voca-tional identities. Building on thefoundational work of Erikson(e.g., 1956, 1968), who proposedthat conceptualized identity asknowing who you are and howyou fit in to the rest of society,Marcia proposed four identitystatuses that can be experiencedadolescents and early adults,which have more recently beenconceptualized as stages of voca-tional identity development(Morgan & Ness, 2003). The“diffusion” status or stage is evi-dent when the individual has notyet experienced a developmentalcrisis and would not have made acommitment to vocationalchoice. “Foreclosure” representsan ongoing identification with thevalues of adolescence and a com-mensurate vocational commit-ment, though this commitment islikely without sufficient self-ex-ploration. “Moratorium” wouldbe evident when an individualhas started to question the valuesof their youth and is exploringoptions but has not yet made acommitment to any particular vo-cational identity. The identity ex-ploration characteristic of thisstage sets the groundwork forcommitments being made duringearly adulthood and beyond, andit is during this time, for collegestudents in particular, thatmarked identity exploration andcommitments in the career do-main occur (Springer & Kerpel-man, 2010). The final stage,“achievement,” represents a sta-tus of definite commitment to avocational area based on a clearly

defined vocational identity. Late adolescence is

viewed as the period in life whenchildhood identifications are syn-thesized (Marcia, 1966) and as atime of growing occupational andideological commitment (Erik-son, 1956) as ego-identity movestowards a a more achieved status.These propositions have beenborn out by empirical research.For example, Kroger, Marti-nussen and Marcia’s (2010) com-prehensive meta analysis of 40years of identity research con-cluded that identity achievementincreases over this developmentalperiod, although the authors alsofound that many individuals havenot yet attained identity achieve-ment. Identity formation in-volves a significant amount ofpersonal exploration and Côtéand Levine (1988) point out thatthe social contact typical of theuniversity experience is likely topressure students into exploringtheir identity, even when theymay appear to have already madefirm, albeit sometimes premature,identity commitments. Extrapo-lating from this concept, it islikely that individual who enterthe workforce immediately afterhigh school are also likely to ex-perience pressure to examinetheir identity from the social con-text in which they find them-selves. Furthermore, Skorikovand Vondracek’s (1998) study ofvocational identity developmentindicated that adolescents whohave successfully achieved asense of identity in one or moreof the identified identity domains(e.g., the domain of futurelifestyles) also tended to be moreadvanced in terms of vocationalidentity. Their explanation for

this finding was that, althoughvocation and the world of work isa distinct domain of identity de-velopment, it is related to, andoften precedes, the achievementof identity in other domains.

Current Issues

In tying together the con-cept of liminal adulthood and vo-cational identity, Raby (2010),albeit tentatively, suggests thatthere needs to be “an emphasison skills which need to be im-parted and developed over time”(p. 74) that allow young peopleto both be actively constructingself as well as protected throughthe process of developing adultidentities. This makes sense interms of developing a vocationalidentity for young people. Eco-nomic uncertainty and worryabout the future become impor-tant factors for young people asthey start to explore and under-stand what adulthood could looklike, while at the same time weneed to challenge binary posi-tioning of young people as adults,or not yet adult, based on the at-tainment of a vocation. Voca-tional theorists that use morewhat Raby (2010) describes as,traditional, stable markers ofadulthood, which tend to createillusive categories that youngpeople cannot attain.

Building on this body ofliterature, the problem our studysought to address is the need fora deeper understanding of howyoung people develop vocationalidentities (as reflected in theiremerging occupational aspira-tions and expectations) in theliminal space between adoles-cence and adulthood. This phe-


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nomenon is particularly impor-tant to examine in the context ofindividuals who have grown upin regions with limited economicopportunities, such as AtlanticCanada. We explored this issueusing a mixed-methods researchdesign. The quantitative compo-nent of our study involved surveydata collection and the use of chi-square and ANOVA to identifydifferences on grade 12 students’expectations and concerns aboutfuture careers, as a function ofsocioeconomic status (SES). Thequalitative component involvedinductive thematic analysis ofgrade 12 students’ written re-sponses to open-ended questionsabout multiple aspects of theircareer/educational plans and tran-sition to adulthood. By achievingthese objectives, we sought to ad-vance knowledge in the fields oftransitions to adulthood and ca-reer development, as well as helpto develop educational policiesand practices that can help highschool students to make an opti-mal transition into the labourforce or into appropriate post-secondary education.

Method

Sample and Data CollectionProcedures

Participants consisted ofstudents in their final month ofGrade 12 from one large highschool in a mid-sized city in At-lantic Canada. The full sampleconsisted of 63 males, 62 fe-males, with an average age of 17.Most participants (78%) wereEnglish-speaking, 3% identifiedas aboriginal, 14% identified asbelonging to a visible minority,

and 3% reported themselves tohave a disability. The invitationto participate was announced dur-ing an assembly and the studywas explained. Volunteers wereadministered the self-report sur-vey in the school setting, whichtook approximately 30 minutes tocomplete. The survey consistedof demographic items, quantita-tive self-report items, and open-ended written response questions.No incentive was provided. TheResearch Ethics Board of theUniversity of New Brunswickvetted procedures for the survey.

Quantitative Variables

For the quantitative com-ponent of the study, most of thevariables were constructed fromdichotomous, single-item self re-port items, such as “Do youworry about getting a career/job?Yes/No,” Variables representingparticipants’ perception of (a)being able to attain their ideal ca-reer, (b) being worried about ca-reers, (c) having their careerprospects affected by the factthey live in New Brunswick, and(d) being worried about adult-hood were constructed in thismanner. Participants were alsoasked about the occupations thatthey (a) ideally aspired to, and(b) realistically expected toachieve if they were not able toattain their ideal career. Re-sponses to these open-endedquestions were coded using theNational Occupational Classifica-tion (NOC) system maintained byHuman Resources and Skills De-velopment Canada. These NOCcodes were used to operationalizethe prestige levels associatedwith the general categories of

participants’ reported ideal andexpected careers. Finally, partici-pants’ perceived socio-economicstatus (SES) was assessed using a5-point Likert scale with re-sponses ranging from “povertylevel” to “wealthy.” However, be-cause more than 80% of the par-ticipants reported being“average” or “above average,” itwas necessary to dichotomize theSES into two categories: (a) aver-age or lower; (b) above averageor higher.

Qualitative Variables

For the qualitative com-ponent the young people weresurveyed through open-endedquestions that touched on areassuch as what careers they wereinterested in, what they found ap-pealing about those careers, andthe people and situations, includ-ing geographic location/place,that may have influenced, bothpositively and negatively, theireducation and career plans. Otherquestions asked the young peopleto consider what they thought itmeant to be an adult, what theyplanned to do after high school,and what they thought thechances were of getting a jobafter formal education. Theyoung people were also encour-aged to share anything else theythought would be relevant aboutwhat they wanted to do in the fu-ture and the ways in which theythought about adulthood.

Quantitative Data Analysis

Screening of the data re-vealed minor amounts of missingdata in the dichotomous variables(Concerned about Attaining Ideal



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Career = 3 cases; Concernedabout Future Career = 0 cases;Concerned about the Effect ofLiving in the Province = 3 cases;Concerned about Becoming anAdult = 3 cases). A regression-based multiple imputation tech-nique was used to estimate themissing values for these cases. Incontrast, there were substantialamounts of missing data in idealcareer and expected career vari-ables, which precluded the use ofmissing data estimation methodsfor these variables. Instead, caseswith missing data on these vari-ables were removed from theanalyses that used occupationalcategories based on socioeco-nomic status as the dependentvariable, resulting in a samplesize of 84 for these analyses. Al-though relatively low, poweranalysis revealed that this finalsample size would be adequate todetect medium sized effects (a =.05, 1 - b = .80, f = .30).

Chi-square analyses wereconducted to determine whetherthere were differences betweenthe higher and lower SES groupsin terms of the proportion of par-ticipants who expressed concernabout attaining their ideal career,about careers in general, aboutthe effects of living in their homeprovince on their careerprospects, and about becomingan adult. A Between-WithinANOVA was used to determinewhether (a) there were significantdifferences in the socioeconomicstatus levels of students ideal ver-sus expected careers, (b) the SESof students’ career aspirationsdiffered according to their SES,and (c) whether any interactionsexisted between SES and ideal

versus expected career aspira-tions.

Qualitative Data Analysis

Data from the open-endedquestions were analyzed using aninductive, iterative (nonlinear)thematic analysis strategy. Tworesearchers worked together onthe analysis of the data and dis-cussed possible interpretationsand identified the content in thewritten responses that were rele-vant to the focus of the inquiry.Categories of themes emergedfrom the data, rather than beingspecified a priori. Focus was paidto the language and discoursesthat emerged in the short an-swers. The data were coded bymarking segments with descrip-tive words and then scrutinizingthe discourses that emerged.

Understanding discoursewas essential to this study and isbased on an understanding ofhow our social worlds are in-scribed in and expressed throughlanguage (Bové, 1990). Dis-courses shape the object that isbeing spoken about through gridsand hierarchies that aid in the in-stitutional categorization of peo-ple (Foucault, 1972). Powerrelations are inscribed in dis-courses as knowledge, and powerrelationships are achieved by aconstruction of “truths” about thesocial and natural world (Luke,1995). In one sense, discourse isboth a social practice that consti-tutes the social world and is con-stituted by other social practices(Phillips & Jørgenson, 2002).What this means is that languageshould be looked at within its so-cial context and moreover it isimportant to examine how dis-

courses function ideologically. AsPhillips and Jorgenson (2002)suggest, “discursive practicescontribute to the creation and re-production of unequal power re-lations between social groups”(p. 63). Thus there are ideologi-cal effects of discourses that areimportant sites of study. Phillipsand Jørgenson (2002) also con-nect discourse to ideology andhegemony pointing to how dis-cursive practice can be seen as anaspect that contributes to repro-duction of the order and dis-course of which it is a part.

Reflexivity, in keepingwith a discursive approach, wasan important part of the processof data collection and analysis(MacBeth, 2001). This involvedthinking and rethinking the dataand considering how interpreta-tions changed throughout theprocess of conducting and ana-lyzing the research. This processalso required a continual exami-nation of the beliefs held by theresearchers and the process ofconducting research, and ques-tioning preconceived notions ofcareer, responsibility and the roleof liminality (Benjamin, 2012).The researchers paid attention tohow personal understandings andexperiences affected the ways inwhich data interpreted.

Results

Quantitative Findings

The data revealed that alarge majority of the students be-lieved they would succeed in ob-taining their ideal career/job (n =95; 79% of the sample); less thanhalf the participants were worriedabout future careers (n = 51;


52


43%); approximately half be-lieved that living in their specificprovince within Atlantic Canadawould affect their career choices(n = 58; 48%); and a majority ofthe students were not worriedabout becoming an adult (n = 77;66%).

Chi-square analyses re-vealed some important differ-ences between the higher andlower SES groups, in terms ofperceptions about these phenom-ena. Specifically, students in thelower SES group were signifi-cantly more likely to report beingworried about their future careersthan those in the higher SESgroup (c2(1) = 5.84, p < .05) butwere significantly less likely toreport being worried about be-coming an adult than those in thehigher SES group (c2(1) = 4.19,p < .05). The two groups didnot, however, differ in terms oftheir expectation of beingable to attain their ideal ca-reer (c2(1) = 0.24, p > .05)or their perception that liv-ing in their province wouldaffect their career choices(c2(1) = 2.98, p > .05)

Results of the Be-tween-Within ANOVA re-vealed no significantdifferences in the socio-economic level betweenstudents’ ideal careers, andthe careers they realisticallyexpect to attain (F(1,83) =0.61, p > .05). One contrib-utor to this apparent incon-gruence may be that somestudents seemed to think ofideal careers as those thatfulfilled their passions, andtheir realistic careers asones that are more practical,but not necessarily ones

that are easier to obtain. For ex-ample, one student whose idealcareer was “interior designer/realestate agent” because “I am inter-ested in housing and that field ofwork” cited “businesswoman” asher realistically expected career,because “it is easier.” TheANOVA also revealed no signifi-cant differences between lowerand higher SES students in termsof the socioeconomic levels ofthe careers to which they aspired(F(1,83) = 0.15, p > .05), and nointeraction between the effects ofideal versus expected careers andSES (F(1,83) = 1.28, p > .05).

Although the results werenon-significant, charting the mar-ginal means of the sub-groupsfrom the ANOVA suggest that itmay be worthwhile to continue toexplore the issue of how SES canaffect students’ career aspirations(see Figure 1). Specifically, it is

possible that limitations in ourstudy (see Limitations section)are masking the existence of areal SES by aspiration interactioneffect such that, for lower SESstudents, students’ expected or‘back-up’ careers are less presti-gious than their ideal ones, butfor higher SES students, theirideal and their expected careersare approximately equal in so-cioeconomic levels. However,since no significant differencesemerged in the ANOVA, this pos-sibility remains a speculation atthis time.

Qualitative Findings

The themes that emergedhighlight three constructs thatthis group of graduating highschool students are experiencingas they reflect on the transition toadulthood: (a) adulthood is asso-

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ciated with taking on more liferesponsibilities; (b) the issue offinding work and pursuing ca-reers is a substantial worry forpeople at this stage of develop-ment; and (c) students are awareof the socio-economic conditionsthat shape their ability to becomeadults.

Participants’ responsessuggest that the notion of adult-hood is constructed around a lim-inal adult identity that includesthe need to become more respon-sible. One young person summa-rized this association by reportingthat she defined adulthood ashaving “more responsibilities todeal with.” This expectation re-flects a hallmark of a liminaladulthood, because it emphasizesthe internal psychologicalachievements that are used to de-fine adulthood. Many young peo-ple also perceived that theywould need to take on greater re-sponsibilities to become adults, aprospect that they found worry-ing. As one young person stated,“I worry about all the new re-sponsibilities that I’ll have, pay-ing the bills, finding a career andstarting a family are all the bigchallenges.” Similarly, anotheryoung person reflected, “Some-times all of the responsibilitiesadults have can seem a littlescary.” Responsibility in thiscontext has become part of thesocial construction that Raby(2010) and Blatterer (2007) de-scribe, as young people havelearned that they need to be tak-ing more responsibility in orderto achieve successful adult identi-ties.

The data also illuminatedsome of the occupational andwork-related issues that young

people are concerned with asthey form adult identities. Manystudents described experiencingsubstantial career indecision evenas high school graduation waslooming, a finding that is consis-tent with existing literature sug-gesting that vocational identityformation and career indecisioncan extend well past adolescence(Marcia, 1966; Osipow, 1999).One student wrote, “I have ab-solutely no idea what I want todo after high school.” Anotheryoung person described this con-cern in the following way, “It’sscary. Whether they admit it ornot, the thought of picking theirfuture career at 17 terrifies mostteenagers. As a general rule,everyone just wants to leave amark.” Here career is seen as anoutcome that must be attained inorder to achieve adulthood ratherthan the other way around; thatis, participants’ statements didnot reflect a belief that one mustfirst become an adult beforebeing capable of making a careerdecision. This has important im-plications if the indecision isrooted in a liminal space. Specifi-cally, many young people holdideals in their heads about futurecareers and while there is stressabout making a career decision itstill remains an ideal - that whenyou are an adult you will have aspecific full-time job. But at thesame time there is a great deal offear and worry about this full-time job because there has beensuch erosion in secure availablejobs.

Others articulated that, al-though they were not worriedabout being adult in general, theywere concerned about obtainingsecure employment: “Not so

much being an adult, but … get-ting a secure job ... the responsi-bilities once you have graduatedhigh school are huge!” Oneyoung person expressed this con-cern as being worried about“doing everything that needs toget done right.” Another youngperson contrasted the conse-quences of financial difficultiesin adulthood with those experi-enced in adolescence, “It is hardto predict what will happen withthe economy. How will I supportmyself, let alone a family? If Ilost a job or get laid-off, I can’task my family for help like I cannow with my parents.” Overall,the pattern of findings thatemerged regarding work and ca-reer contradict contemporarymedia representation of youngpeople as individuals who arestalling in their development ofadult identities. Instead, the datafrom this study suggest that workand career are a central concerneven at the end of High School,as young people look to the fu-ture.

Occupational aspirationsand conceptions of adulthoodalso appeared to be affected bysocio-economic marginalization(Furlong, 2005). Some partici-pants described concerns aboutbeing unable to pursue their idealimages of what they would liketo be as adults due to their socio-economic conditions (e.g., nothaving sufficient funds to attenduniversity) or lack of opportuni-ties available in the region (e.g.,realizing that there are no jobs ina desired occupational fieldwithin the province). These find-ings are consistent with thesocio-economic context of At-lantic Canada, as well as previous


54


research on young people’s ca-reer development in the region(Corbett, 2004; Jeffery, Lehr,Haché, & Campbell, 1992).

Discussion

The results from both thequalitative and the quantitativeanalyses suggest that, when youare less well off, you are moreworried about concrete thingslike work and income than aboutgeneral notions of becoming anadult. In contrast, young peoplefrom higher SES backgrounds as-sume that the work will come andtherefore are able to think aboutadulthood in more general, con-ceptual terms. These findings areconsistent with existing researchbut are important to consider be-cause they highlight the useful-ness of viewing the transition toadulthood as liminal: As demon-strated by these young people,there is a flexibility and a nerv-ousness, as well as, for some, aself-confidence to how they aredefining adulthood.

One of the primary contri-butions of this study is to shedlight on how the aspirations andconceptions of career of youngpeople about to graduate fromHigh School in Atlantic Canadareflect a period of liminal adult-hood. Although previous studieshave examined aspirations ofyouth and the literature on transi-tions to adulthood (Aronson,2008; Furlong & Biggart, 1999;Young, et al., 2011), it is impor-tant to continue to examine howyoung people develop adult iden-tities related to work, and the as-pirations they expect to carrywith them into adulthood. The re-sults of this study suggest that re-

search on human developmentmust allow for a dynamic under-standing of the transition toadulthood, and how factors suchas career concerns and socio-eco-nomic contexts can affect how ayoung person proceeds throughliminal adulthood. There mustalso be more provision for under-standing of how constructions ofadulthood change over time, andhow these constructions may belinked to young people’s careerdevelopment and employmentopportunities in the context ofsocio-economic circumstancesand constraints. Although the lo-cation of this study in AtlanticCanada highlights these issues,many of the findings are general-izable to other regions and coun-tries where there are relativelyfew opportunities within localcommunities.

The results also challengepopular media assumptions thatyoung people are avoiding anddelaying the transition into adult-hood. As such, our study addsempirical support to Arnett’sclaim that the persistent belief ofindividuals at this life stage being“suffering, selfish, slackers” is amyth (Arnett, 2007, p. 23). In-deed, participants in this sampleappear to be preoccupied with theissue, and are highly emotionallyinvested in becoming adults andfinding work. Apparent delaysand avoidance in acting toachieve their adult identities mayactually reflect a perception thatthe process of becoming fullyadult to be fraught with barriersand challenges, some of whichappear to be overwhelming. Thisunderstanding of what is occur-ring can provide a foundation foreducational policies and practices

that can help high school studentsto make an optimal transition intothe labor force or into appropriatepost-secondary education.

Implications for EducationalPractice and Policy

This study adds furtherweight to the growing body ofevidence that challenges simplis-tic notions of adolescence versusadulthood that continue to betaken as status quo by some edu-cators and reified in educationalpolicies. There is a need to criti-cally examine the ways in whichprofessionals and policy makersacknowledge the transition toadulthood, and the distinct educa-tional and vocational needs of in-dividuals who are experiencingliminal adulthood. Indeed,EGRIS (2001) argues that “thecoincidence of increased risksand uncertainty in young people’stransitions to adulthood makesthem a high priority for policiesconcerned with social integra-tion: education and training,labour market policy, welfare in-stitutions, youth and social work… most institutions continue toneglect the changing nature oftransitions and therefore run therisk of failing to address youngadults’ aspirations, needs andpossibilities, they are confrontedby what we refer to as ‘mislead-ing trajectories’” (p. 101-102).

Recognizing and under-standing liminal adulthood andthe transition into the labourforce may assist educators to (a)modify policies to better accountfor the reality of the transition toadulthood, (b) identify when bestto situate interventions, and (c)understand what kinds of inter-



55

ventions will best address theneeds of individuals in this phaseof life, which are different fromboth early adolescents and adultlearners who are in the thirddecade of life or older. For exam-ple, some of the pressure that stu-dents at the end high school feelabout the future may reflect a di-chotomization of adulthood asadults who know what they wantto do for a career and have thecapacity to take on life’s respon-sibilities, versus adolescents arelacking these qualities. If so, thensome of the worries may be re-lived by introducing the notion ofliminal adulthood in high schoolguidance programming, to nor-malize the concept of an ex-tended transition period that ischaracterized by uncertainty andexploration of both careers andbroader identities.

Limitations

The results of the quanti-tative portion of the study mustbe interpreted with caution, dueto the presence of several limita-tions. The fact that an over-whelming majority ofparticipants reported being of“average” or “above average”SES suggests that there were in-adequate numbers of studentsfrom substantially low and highSES backgrounds in the sample.Although this is representative ofthe city in which the data werecollected, drawing on samplesfrom other locations in theprovince, with more extremeranges of SES, may be necessaryto truly uncover the effects ofSES on career aspirations andperceptions of future work andlife. Similarly, the relatively low

sample size in the ANOVA wasanother limitation, although itmust be recognized that the non-significant results cannot be ex-plained by low power, given thefact that power analyses revealedthat sample size was adequate toyield significant results formedium-sized effects. A moresubstantive problem may be thatthe NOC classification code doesnot adequately capture gradientsin occupational socioeconomiclevels that reflect social normsand understandings. If this is thecase, then a more sensitive classi-fication system may be necessaryto fully explore differences inhigh school students aspired ver-sus expected career paths. Unfor-tunately, the authors are notaware of any such system thathas been created for the Canadiansocial context.

The qualitative data,while providing some rich under-standings of how young peoplelearn adult identities, also has itslimitations. It is important tonote that the survey employedbrief written responses ratherthan interactive interviews, andso did not permit probing or clar-ification questions to gain adeeper understanding of what theparticipants meant by their state-ments. Similarly, this approachrelied on participants’ willingnessto self-report answers and wasdependent on participants’ capac-ity to present their ideas in writ-ing; the experienced ofindividuals with language diffi-culties, poor written expressionor other difficulties with writingmay not have been adequatelycaptured in our study. Finally, al-though the anonymous nature ofthe surveys may have freed the

students to write what theywanted without fear of judge-ment, it also precluded any formof participant validation, thus in-creasing the likelihood that someexperiences were not adequatelycaptured or described in thethemes that emerged. Whilethese issues do not invalidate ourfindings, these limitations help usto recognize to the need for con-tinued examination that employmore in depth data collectionmethods as the study continues.

Conclusion

Given that the subject ofliminal adult identities and the in-fluence of occupational aspira-tions and expectations on theformation of those identities isrelatively new to the fields of vo-cational and counseling psychol-ogy, we believe that our findingsmay be most useful in suggestingfuture directions for research. Inaddition to the study of liminalityand the influence of occupationalaspirations, which we noted pre-viously, we also recommend acontinuation of research thatbuilds on this study and the find-ings of other career and educa-tion scholars working in anAtlantic Canadian context, (e.g.,Borgen, Amundson, McVicar,2002; Corbett, 2004, 2007; Jef-fery, et al., 1992) to continue toexamine young peoples’processes of developing adultidentities and the influence of theindividual, school, family andplace on educational and occupa-tional aspirations and occupa-tional expectations.


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Abstract

The transition from highschool to college is a key point instudents’ educational route.During this transition, the abilityto formulate an educational goaland the will to actively engagewith this goal are assumed to leadto favorable academic outcomes.However, students differ in theircommitment to their educationalgoal, which may translate intodifferences in goalimplementation. How can weexplain such differences? Atheoretical model of the factorsinfluencing students’commitment to their educationalgoal is proposed. This model iscomposed of two proximalantecedents—goal importanceand expectancy of goalachievement—and two distalantecedents—goal abstractionand goal integration. Theproximal antecedents are mainlybased on the expectancy-valueframework (Eccles & Wigfield,2002), and the distal antecedentson the assumptions relative to thehierarchical goal structure(Carver & Scheier, 1998).

The transition from highschool to college is a key point instudents’ educational trajectories,

as it requires them to makeeducational choices, which havea considerable impact on theirfuture career prospects.Traditionally, vocationalpsychology has focused on theprocesses of interestsdevelopment and careerdecidedness (e.g., Lent, Brown,& Hackett, 1994; Osipow, 1999).However, Germeijs andVerschueren (2006) havesuggested another task forstudents after they have decidedon their future programs of study:they have to commit to aparticular educational or careergoal. Richardson et al. (2009)have argued that what isspecifically important forstudents is to generate intentionsregarding future life and to beactively engaged with theseintentions. Several theoreticaland empirical arguments supportthis argument.

The ability to formulateeducational goals should becrucial during the transition fromhigh school to college (Hirschi &Vondracek, 2009). Goal theoristsclaim a positive relationshipbetween academic aspirationsand academic success. This isdue to the behaviors in whichstudents engage when they havestrong aspirations (Ames, 1992;

Eccles-Parsons et al., 1983;Harackiewicz, Barron, & Elliot,1998; Locke & Latham, 2002;McGregor & Elliot, 2002;Meece, Eccles-Parsons, Kaczala,Goff, Futterman, 1982). Based ontheoretical models (e.g., Eccles-Parsons et al., 1983; Lent et al.,1994; Meece et al., 1982; Tinto,1993) and empirical research onstudent attrition and achievement(e.g., Eccles, Vida, & Barber,2004; Gerdes & Mallinckrodt,1994; Neuville et al., 2007;Pascarella & Terenzini, 1980), ithas been showed that high-schoolstudents’ commitment to theireducational goal is an importantfactor in the explanation ofachievement-related behaviors(i.e., choice actualization,commitment to the chosen fieldof study, academic adjustment atthe beginning of highereducation), which are in turnpredictive of college students’academic achievement (Germeijs& Verschueren, 2007). Goalsserve as guides, providing bothdirection and energy forbehavior. As students developthese aspirations or goals, theyconstruct a purpose for engagingin activities related to goalachievement (Pizzolato, 2006).To move from commitment toachievement, they regulate their

A Theoretical Model of the Antecedents of Educational Goal Commitment

Gentiane Boudrenghien & Mariane FrenayUniversité Catholique de Louvain

Etienne BourgeoisUniversité de Genève

Stuart A. Karabenick & Jacquelynne S. EcclesUniversity of Michigan


behavior to improve theirchances of achieving their goals(Eccles, Wigfield, & Schiefele,1998; McGregor & Elliot, 2002;Wentzel, 1991).

However, not everyone isequally committed to theirpersonal goals (Locke & Latham,1990). Students differ in theircommitment to their educationalgoals, which may translate intodifferences in goalimplementation and, therefore, ingoal achievement (Note 1). Howcan we explain such differencesin students’ commitment? Do therepresentations students have oftheir educational goal influencetheir commitment to this goal?Are people more committed toattaining an abstract goal(expressing an identity to bedeveloped), than a concrete goal(expressing an action to becompleted)? Does the perceptionof links between the educationalgoal and other goals contribute tothis commitment? In other words,is goal commitment affected bygoal abstraction and goalintegration, and do thesedimensions interact in theirinfluence on that commitment?

Few studies haveinvestigated the antecedents ofgoal commitment, and most ofthese have focused on assignedgoals (Hollenbeck & Klein,1987; Locke & Latham, 2002).We address this research gap bydeveloping a theoretical model ofthe antecedents of students’commitment to their ownpersonal educational goals.Identifying these antecedentscould contribute to improvingguidance for students as theydevelop their educationalobjectives. We first present the

current state of research on goalcommitment and then outlinewhy studying its antecedents istheoretically important. Then weexplore how the expectancy-value framework (Eccles &Wigfield, 2002) and thehierarchical goal structure(Carver & Scheier, 1998) maycontribute to a betterunderstanding of theseantecedents. Based on theseframeworks, we suggest atheoretical model of theantecedents of educational goalcommitment, which may haveimplications for both researchand practice in vocationalcounseling.

Goal Commitment

Goals can be generallyviewed as cognitiverepresentations of the things wewish to accomplish(Harackiewicz et al., 1998). Goalcommitment is defined as theextent to which a particular goalis associated with a strong senseof determination and with thewillingness to invest effort inattaining it (Brunstein, 1993;Hollenbeck & Klein, 1987).Empirical studies have identifiedpositive consequences of goalcommitment, which includepersistence and performance inpursuit of the goal, as well assome dimensions ofpsychological well-being (e.g.,positive emotions) (Brunstein &Gollwitzer, 1996; Pomerantz,Saxon, & Oishi, 2000). Germeijsand Verschueren (2007) haveinvestigated goal commitment inthe more specific context ofcareer decision-making processesamong final-year high-school

students—educational goalcommitment. An educational goalis defined as the goal students arepursuing by choosing theirprogram of study. Their resultssuggest that educational goalcommitment is the mostimportant predictor of choicesatisfaction, choice stability, andadjustment in the chosen option,and therefore is an indirectpredictor of performance.

Studies of the antecedentsof goal commitment have mainlybeen conducted in the frameworkof goal-setting theory(Hollenbeck & Klein, 1987;Locke & Latham, 2002).Hollenbeck and Klein (1987)developed a model with twoproximal antecedents thatdirectly influence goalcommitment, and two categoriesof distal antecedents thatindirectly influence goalcommitment through their impacton proximal antecedents. Thetwo proximal antecedents are theattractiveness and the expectancyof goal attainment. Theseantecedents are, in turn,influenced by two categories offactors: (a) situational factors(e.g., reward structures,performance constraints,supervisor supportiveness), and(b) personal factors (e.g., needfor achievement, organizationalcommitment, job involvement).However, most goal-settingstudies have focused on assignedgoals (quite common in anorganizational context). Most ofthe factors identified maytherefore be specific to this typeof goals and not relevant topersonal goals. Further researchis needed to explore how


A Model of the Antecedents of Goal Commitment

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commitment to a personal goaldevelops.

There is evidence tosuggest that people invest moreeffort in attaining personal goalsthan assigned ones (Downie,Koestner, Horberg, & Haga,2006). However, it is notnecessarily the case that allsubjects are equally committed totheir personal goals (Locke &Latham, 1990). In the context ofcareer decision-making, Germeijsand Verschueren (2006)highlighted some antecedents ofcommitment to a personal goal.They found that how individualscope with decisional taskspreceding goal commitmentdetermines the strength of thatcommitment. More specifically,the quality of the choice process(e.g., the number of explorationsmade) has a positive impact oncommitment to the choseneducational goal. However,Germeijs and Verschueren’smodel only considers antecedentsthat are part of the decision-making process. Wrosch and hiscolleagues have suggestedadditional antecedents ofcommitment to a personal goal(Wrosch, Miller, Scheier, & Brunde Pontet, 2007; Wrosch, Scheier,Miller, Schulz, & Carver, 2003),including the characteristics ofthe goal itself. The aim of thepresent paper is to develop atheoretical model based on thissuggestion, and therefore toidentify characteristics ofpersonal goals that potentiallyinfluence commitment to thesegoals. More specifically, wepostulate goal importance andexpectancy of goal achievement,as proximal antecedents, and goalabstraction and goal integration,

as distal antecedents of goalcommitment.

Goal Importance andExpectancy of Goal

Achievement

The proximal antecedentsinvestigated by studies ofcommitment to assigned goalsare quite general antecedents, notspecific to the type of goal. Bycontrast, the distal antecedentsseem to be much more specific tothe assigned goals in anorganizational context(Hollenbeck & Klein, 1987).These proximal antecedentsmight therefore also be valid forpersonal goals. Commitment to apersonal goal would then beinfluenced by the value of thegoal and the expectancy orprobability of goal achievement,as perceived by the individual.Expectancy of goal achievementis defined as a personal beliefabout one’s ability to pursue andattain the goal. Among the fourcomponents of goal value, goalimportance will be morespecifically the focus of ourinvestigation due to itsparticularly strong link to goalcommitment. Goal importancecan be defined as the personalperception of the attainmentvalue attached to this goal(Eccles & Wigfield, 2002).

Some theoretical andempirical arguments can befound to support these proximalantecedents of the commitment toa personal goal. The expectancy-value model assumes thatexpectancy and task valueinfluence task choice, self-regulation, persistence, andperformance (Eccles & Wigfield,

2002). In their studies ofeducational and career choices,Eccles and her colleagues foundsupport for the role of bothexpectancy of success in thechoice, and the value attached tothe choice (Durik, Vida, &Eccles, 2006; Eccles, Barber, &Jozefowicz, 1999; Updegraff,Eccles, Barber, & O’Brien,1996). Expectancies for successare defined as individuals’ beliefsabout how well they will do onupcoming tasks (Eccles &Wigfield, 2002). The value of atask (i.e., individuals’ perceptionof how a task meets their needs)has four components: attainmentvalue, intrinsic value, utilityvalue, and cost (Eccles-Parsonset al., 1983). One of thesecomponents, attainment value, isdefined as the personalimportance of doing well at thetask. The construct of attainmentvalue is quite similar to that ofgoal importance, as are theconstructs of expectancies forsuccess and for goalachievement. Moreover, thestudy of task choice—thedecision on whether or not tobegin or to continue to invest in agiven task or activity—can berelated to the study of goalcommitment.

These constructs are ofcourse different, since attainmentvalue, expectancies for success,and task choice are constructsapplied to a task, whereas goalimportance, expectancy of goalachievement, and goalcommitment are constructsapplied to a goal; task choice is adichotomous construct whereasthere can be varying degrees ofgoal commitment. However,given that their content is quite


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similar, we postulate that Ecclesand Wigfield’s (2002) work onthe link between task choice onthe one hand, and attainmentvalue and expectancies forsuccess on the other hand, isinformative for our investigationof the relationship between goalcommitment, goal importance,and expectancy of goalachievement. Some support forthis assumption can be found instudies based on expectancy-value models of motivation.Klinger, Barta, and Maxeiner(1980) showed that goalcommitment is positivelypredicted by goal value and goalexpectancy. Moreover, a study byBoudrenghien, Frenay, andBourgeois (2011) was found tomore specifically show thepositive links betweencommitment to an educationalgoal on the one hand, and goalimportance and self-efficacytoward this goal on the otherhand. However, this study wascorrelational and, therefore,could not provide anyinformation about the causality ofthese relationships.

Based on other theoreticalframeworks, two studies haveprovided additional support forthe link between goal importanceand goal commitment. Workingon goal disengagement, Wroschet al. (2007) suggested that somegoals are more difficult torenounce than others because oftheir centrality to an individual’sself-concept. However, thissuggestion is not based onempirical evidence. In theframework of the theory ofplanned behavior (Ajzen, 1991),goal importance has been foundto predict individuals’

determination to achieve theirgoal (Sideridis, 2001).

Goal Abstraction and GoalIntegration

Carver and Scheier(1998) suggest that theimportance of a goal is, in turn,influenced by its position withinan individual’s goal hierarchy,which is determined by its degreeof integration into this hierarchyand its level of abstraction. Sincecommitment is influenced bygoal importance, importance ishypothesized to mediate theimpact of goal integration andabstraction on commitment. Asan illustration of this mediationmodel, consider a student whochooses to study medicine. Thisstudent pursues an educationalgoal by choosing medical studies(e.g., to become a doctor, to trainin neuroscience, to become agraduate, to work in a maternityhospital). We suggest that his/herrepresentation of this educationalgoal at a given place withinhis/her hierarchical goal structureinfluences the commitment tothat goal, because this placementconveys a certain importance tothe goal.

Based on studies byCarver and Scheier (1998) andSheldon and Kasser (1995), wedefine the degree of integrationof a goal as the extent to whichthe goal is linked to other goalswithin the hierarchy. Morespecifically, when a goal isperceived as integrated, it meansthat the achievement of this goalis perceived as contributing to thepursuit of other goals at the sameor higher levels of the hierarchy,and that the achievement of that

goal is perceived as depending onthe achievement of other goals atthe same or at lower levels of thehierarchy. For example, a personwho perceives his/her goal asintegrated sees clearly how othergoals he/she is pursuing will helphim/her achieve this goal. Goalimportance increases accordingto the number and significance oflinks with other goals in thehierarchy. In other words, a goalthat is linked to other goals ismore important than an isolatedgoal.

A goal that is formulatedat a high level of abstractionconcerns being a particular kindof person (a be-goal), whereas agoal that is formulated at a lowlevel of abstraction concernscompleting a particular kind ofaction (a do-goal) (Carver &Scheier, 1998). The concept ofgoal abstraction, as defined bythese authors, only has to beunderstood as distinguishinggoals that describe what sort ofperson one wants to become,from goals that describe theaction one wants to complete. Abe-goal is represented at thehigher levels of the hierarchicalgoal structure and generallyapplies for a long time, whereas ado-goal is represented in thelower levels of the hierarchicalgoal structure and generallyapplies for a short time. Withinthe hierarchy, a do-goal issupposed to be a subgoal that(in)directly contributes to theattainment of a be-goal. In theirtheoretical framework, Carverand Scheier (1998) actuallydefined more specific levels thanthis distinction between be-goalsand do-goals (e.g., principles,programs, sequences), but they



63

did not much elaborate thesespecific distinctions. Goalimportance is assumed to dependon the level of goal abstractiondefined as distinguishing be- anddo-goals. More specifically, be-goals at higher levels ofabstraction are more fundamentalto the over-riding sense of self,and are therefore intrinsicallymore important than do-goals atlower levels of abstraction.

Abstraction level anddegree of integration have rarelybeen empirically studied withreference to the model developedby Carver and Scheier (1998).Other theories, conceptuallysimilar, have been empiricallytested, but these studies havetypically focused on only one ofthe two dimensions. On the onehand, previous research onabstraction level (Emmons, 1992;Vallacher & Wegner, 1989) hasinvestigated the distinctionbetween general and specificgoals, but has focused only ongoal characteristics (i.e., general,distal or abstract compared tospecific, proximal or concretegoals), and not on the linksbetween goals. On the otherhand, studies of the degree ofintegration (Sheldon & Emmons,1995; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995)have looked at the links betweengoals, but without taking goalcharacteristics into account.

Our aim is to integrate thenature of goals and the linksbetween goals into one model. Asother researchers have pointedout, to date too little research hasconnected future goals andproximal subgoals (Husman &Lens, 1999; Miller & Brickman,2004; Schultz, 1997). However,Tabachnick, Miller, and Relyea

(2008) suggested that highstudent drop-out rates in collegecould be due to the fact that atleast some students are not awareof their own goals, and have notthought much about aligningtheir future goals and proximalsubgoals in a coherent way. Anapproach combining the nature ofgoals (their abstraction level) andthe links among them (the degreeof integration) could fill this gap.

To develop such anapproach connecting goals andsubgoals, we need twocomponents: (a) a distinctionbetween be-goals (i.e., in general,future goals) on the one hand,and do-goals or subgoals on theother hand (as given by theconstruct “abstraction level”),and (b) the way these goals arelinked to each other (as given bythe construct “degree ofintegration”). Carver and Scheier(1998) suggested combiningthese two components when theyassumed that there arehierarchical links betweenabstract and concrete goals:abstract goals are at the top of thehierarchy, whereas concrete goalsare at the bottom. Two studiesinvestigated goal abstractionlevel within this hierarchicalmodel (Bay & Daniel, 2003;Lawson, 1997). In their results,the authors showed thatknowledge of goal abstractionlevel is necessary for a completeunderstanding of the decision-making process. However,although these studies wereconducted with reference to thehierarchical goal structure, onlythe abstraction-level dimensionwas taken into account; thedegree of integration of the goalswas not investigated. Our review

of the literature has identifiedonly one study investigatingassumptions relative to both goalabstraction and to goalintegration (Boudrenghien et al.,2011). This study showed amediation of the impact of thoseaspects of goal representation ongoal commitment, by goalimportance. However, the designwas correlational and thereforedid not allow causal relationshipsto be tested.

The investigation ofabstraction and integration withinthe same model allows us to raisethe question of the potentialinteraction between thesedimensions (Austin & Vancouver,1996). We assume thatabstraction and integrationinteract in their impact on goalcommitment and that be-goals donot necessarily always enhancethis commitment. Indeed, Carverand Scheier’s (1998) assumptionthat be-goals are more importantthan do-goals seems to be incontradiction with theproposition that clear and specificproximal goals result in greaterintrinsic motivation, personalsatisfaction, self-efficacy,persistence, and performancethan vague, general and distalgoals (Bandura, 1986; Locke &Latham, 2002; Schunk, 1990;Zimmerman, 1989). Thisproposition is, however, qualifiedby Bandura who recognized therole of long-term goals in humanmotivation when he said: “Theanticipation of distal outcomesprovides general direction forchoosing activities, and it raisesthe level of involvement in them”(1986, p. 336). Furthermore,Bandura suggested that personaldevelopment is best served by


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combining distal aspirations withproximal self-guidance. Theinterest of this combination canbe explained by the reciprocalinfluence between goals andsubgoals (Miller & Brickman,2004; Schultz, 1997). The initialcommitment to a valued distalgoal is the catalyst for developingproximal goals and giving themmeaning. Then, as the system ofsubgoals becomes clearer, andparticular subgoals are achieved,the level of commitment to thefuture goals grows stronger.

Integrating these variousassumptions with Carver andScheier’s (1998) suggestions, wepostulate the followinginteraction effect. Wehypothesize that the positiveimpact of goal abstraction ongoal commitment will appearwhen the goal is perceived ashighly integrated. Indeed, ifstudents perceive theireducational goal as linked toother goals, including moreconcrete ones, the lack ofinformation concerning theactions needing to be taken (dueto the focus on a be-goal) iscompensated for by an awarenessof the concrete paths to progresstoward this more abstract dream.Seeing how one’s educationalgoal is related to concrete goalshelps to identify what this goalmeans in practice, and thereforehow it can be pursued andattained. In other words, if thebe-goal is integrated, its potentialnegative impact due to its distalcharacter (Locke & Latham,2002) can be balanced by itsintegration into the hierarchicalgoal structure, and therefore, onlyits positive influence on goalcommitment (Carver & Scheier,

1998) remains. This interest incombining a high level ofabstraction with a high degree ofintegration is in line withBandura’s (1986) assumption thatpersonal development is bestserved by combining distalaspirations (i.e., be-goals) withproximal self-guidance (i.e.,integration with other goals,including more concrete ones).

However, when there isnot much integration, wehypothesize that goal abstractionwill negatively influence goalcommitment (as assumed byLocke and Latham (2002),Schunk (1990), and Zimmerman(1989)). If a goal is perceived asrather isolated, the focus on a be-goal and its implied lack ofinformation concerning theactions to be taken are not(sufficiently) balanced by links tomore concrete goals. Indeed,perceiving one’s educational goalas under-integrated makes theidentification of the concretepaths towards it more difficult.We suggest that, when there isnot much integration, studentsfocusing on a do-goal will bemore committed. Indeed, do-goals became interesting whenthey compensate for a lack ofintegration within the

hierarchical goal structure. Whenstudents have difficultiesperceiving the links between theireducational goal and other goals,including more concrete ones, thefocus on a concrete do-goal helpsthem to have a better idea ofwhat they should do.

The Proposed TheoreticalModel

Figure 1 illustrates ourhypothetical model concerningthe antecedents of educationalgoal commitment. This model ismainly based on Carver andScheier’s (1998) assumptions.We suggest two positive maineffects of the abstraction leveland the degree of integration ongoal importance, and therefore,on goal commitment.

However, we cannot denythe assumption that distal goalsresult in lower motivation thanproximal ones (Locke & Latham,2002; Schunk, 1990;Zimmerman, 1989). Ourtheoretical model integrates thisassumption by suggesting aninteraction effect (in addition tothe main effects). We proposethat it is more specifically insituations of low integration thatthe abstraction level negatively

Fig. 1 The proposed theoretical model

Abstraction Level

Degree of Integration

Goal Commitment

Goal Importance

Abstraction Level x

Degree of Integration

Expectancy of Goal Achievement



65

influences goal commitmentthrough goal importance.However, this negative impact isassumed to be weaker than thepositive impact observed whenthe goal is perceived asintegrated. Indeed, based onCarver and Scheier’s (1998)definition of goal abstraction, weare interested in the distinctionbetween be-goals and do-goals.Even if be-goals tend to be moredistal than do-goals, this is notnecessarily true for all be-goals.Therefore, the negative impact ofgoal abstraction when integrationis low, which is due to this distaltendency of be-goals, should beless marked than the positiveimpact of goal abstraction whenintegration is high, which is dueto the identity character thatdefines be-goals (i.e., being aparticular kind of person).

In addition to goalimportance, a second factor isassumed to positively anddirectly influence goalcommitment: the expectancy ofgoal achievement (Eccles &Wigfield, 2002). Although Carverand Scheier’s (1998) assumptionsonly concern goal importance,this second proximal antecedentcould also play a role in themediation of the impact of thedistal antecedents on goalcommitment. For example,awareness of the subgoalsthrough which a goal can beachieved (which is partiallyimplied by the construct ofintegration) could enhance astudent’s perceived ability topursue the goal, and therefore,his/her commitment to this goal.This potential link is not includedin our model, given its lack oftheoretical support, but should be

empirically explored.

Conclusion and Implications

The importance ofstudents’ commitment to theireducational goal has beenhighlighted by severalresearchers, through thedemonstration of itsconsequences on achievement-related behaviors. However, veryfew studies have looked at thefactors that influence thiscommitment. Germeijs andVerschueren (2006) assumed thatthe commitment to a choseneducational goal is enhanced bythe quality of the choice process.Our theoretical model suggestsanother process of influence oneducational goal commitment.This process is based on Wroschet al.’s (2007) assumption that thecommitment to a goal isinfluenced by somecharacteristics of the goal itself,as perceived by the individual.More specifically, based on twomain theoretical frameworks (i.e.,the expectancy-value paradigmand the hierarchical goalstructure), we postulate two goalcharacteristics as proximalantecedents—goal importanceand expectancy of goalachievement— and two othercharacteristics as distalantecedents—goal abstractionand goal integration.

By suggesting this newtheoretical understanding of theprocess through whichcommitment increases, thepresent paper opens a newdirection for empirical research.Our theoretical model needs to beempirically investigated, Carverand Scheier’s (1998) assumptions

having rarely been put to the test.Initial empirical evidence hasbeen produced by Boudrenghienet al. (2011). However, this studydid not allow causal relationshipsto be tested. An experimentalinvestigation of our theoreticalmodel is suggested byBoudrenghien, Frenay,Bourgeois, Karabenick, andEccles (submitted). This studycomplements Boudrenghien etal.’s (2011) by testing thecausality of the relationshipsimplied by our model, as well asby investigating the specificinteraction effect we postulated.However, it does not take intoaccount students’ expectancy ofgoal achievement. Additionalempirical research is needed tocomplement these first studiesand replicate their results, usingvarious methodological designs.

Our theoretical modelmay help counselors in theirguidance of students during thetransition from high school tocollege. Traditionally, counselinginterventions have focused on thecareer decision-making process.The present paper proposesanother, complementary, type ofintervention, focused on students’representation of theireducational goal at a given placewithin their hierarchical goalstructure. For students who wantto develop their commitment,such an intervention could beaimed at working on theabstraction and integrationdimensions of their goalrepresentation.


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Note 1. Although goalcommitment has been shown topositively predict behaviorsfavorable to goal achievement(e.g., Germeijs & Verschueren,2007; Pomerantz, Saxon, &Oishi, 2000), discrepancy is alsolikely to appear between

intentions and actions. One of thereasons for this gap between anexpressed willingness to performa behavior and its actualperformance is that people basetheir intentions on beliefs aboutthe behavior that are morefavorable in the hypotheticalsituation than in the real situation(Ajzen, Brown, & Carvajal,2004).



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CERIC is currently accepting partnership proposals to develop innovative resources for counselling and career development.

The following Practical & Academic Research priority areas have been identi! ed:

• Labour market information• Early intervention to assist children’s career decision-making• Evaluation: Impact of policy and programs on career services• Intersection of diversity and work

For more information or to download a Letter of Intent application, visit ceric.ca.

The following Professional Development & Ongoing Learning priority areas have been identi! ed:

• New emerging career development theories and career management models• Impact of social media on how career practitioners are doing their work• Entrepreneurial education and career development• Impact of disability and/or mental health issues on career development

We invite individuals and organizations (e.g. education, community-based, non-pro! t, private, etc.) alike to submit project proposals for career counselling-related research or learning and professional development.

18 Spadina Road, Suite 200 Toronto, ON M5R 2S7 | 416.929.2510

ceric.caCharitable Registration # I Numéro d’enregistrement d’organisme de

bienfaisance 86093 7911 RR0001

Project Partnership Funding Available

Le CERIC accepte présentement les soumissions de proposition de développement de ressources novatrices pour le counseling et le développement professionnel.

Nous avons identi! é les domaines prioritaires suivants en matière de recherche appliquée et universitaire :

• Information sur le marché du travail• Intervention en bas âge pour faciliter la prise de décision chez les enfants• Évaluation de l’impact des politiques et des

programmes sur les services d’orientation• Intersection de la diversité et du travail

Pour de plus amples informations ou pour télécharger un formulaire de lettre d’intention, visitez le site ceric.ca.

Nous avons identi! é les domaines prioritaires suivants liés au perfectionnement professionnel et à la formation continue :

• Théories émergentes dans le domaine de l’orientation professionnelle et modèles de gestion de carrière

• Impact des médias sociaux sur le travail des professionnels de l’orientation• Enseignement de l’esprit d’entreprise et développement de carrière• Impact d’un handicap et/ou de problèmes de santé

mentale sur le développement de carrière

Nous invitons les particuliers et les organismes (par exemple, éducatifs, communau-taires, à but non lucratif, privés, etc.) à soumettre des propositions de projets dans le domaine de la recherche sur l’orientation professionnelle ou sur l’apprentissage et le développement professionnel.

18 Spadina Road, Suite 200 Toronto, ON M5R 2S7 | 416.929.2510

ceric.caCharitable Registration # I Numéro d’enregistrement d’organisme de

bienfaisance 86093 7911 RR0001

Financement de projet en partenariat

Notes


INSTRUCTIONS TO CONTRIBUTORS

1. Manuscripts should be typed double-spaced on 8 ½ x 11 quality paper. The length of the paper should be maximum of 30 pages (inclusive of references, tables, graphs, appendices).

2. The first page should contain the article title, author’s name, affiliation, mailing address and email address to which correspondence should be sent, and acknowledgments (if any). To ensure anonymity in the reviewing process, the author’s name should not appear anywhere else on the manuscript.

3. The second and third pages should contain an English/French version of an abstract not exceeding 200 words.

4. Language and format (headings, tables, figures, citations, references) must conform to the style of the Publications Manual of the American Psychological Association (APA).

5. All figures and tables must appear on separate sheets and be camera-ready.

6. Manuscripts should be submitted to the Editor in MS Word.

7. The evaluation of manuscripts include criteria such as: significance and currency of the topic; contribution to new knowledge in the field; appropriateness of the methodology or approach; and the clarity of presentation. The review process normally does not exceed three or four months.

8. Submission of a manuscript to The Canadian Journal of Career Development implies that this manuscript is not being considered for publication elsewhere.

REMARQUES AUX AUTEURS

1. Les manuscrits doivent être tapés à double interligne sur du papier 8 ½ x 11 de qualité. Les articles ne devraient pas dépasser 30 pages (y compris les références, les tableaux, les graphiques, les annexes).

2. La première page doit contenir le titre de l’article, le nom de l’auteur, l’affiliation, l’adresse postale, le courrier électronique et les remerciements (s’il y a lieu). Pour assurer l’anonymat du processus d’évaluation, le nom de l’auteur ne doit apparaître à aucun autre endroit sur le manuscrit.

3. Les deuxième et troisième pages devront contenir une version française et une version anglaise du résumé dont la longueur ne dépasse pas 200 mots.

4. Le style et le format (titres, tableaux, graphiques, citations, références) doivent être conformes au style décrit par le Publications Manual of the American Psychological Association (APA).

5. Les graphiques et les tableaux doivent être présentés sur des feuilles séparées afin de faciliter le processus de photographie.

6. Les manuscrits doivent être soumis en format MS Word.

7. L’évaluation des articles se fera selon des critères tels que : l’importance et l’actualité du sujet, la contribution à l’avancement des connaissances dans le domaine, une approche méthodologique adéquate et la clarté de présentation. En général, le processus d’évaluation n’excède pas quatre mois.

8. La soumission d’un manuscrit à la Revue canadienne de développement de carrière signifie que cet article n’est pas présentement soumis ailleurs pour fin de publication.

14

The Canadian Journal of Career Development is a peer-reviewed publication of multi-sectoral career-related academic research and best practices from Canada and around the world.

La Revue canadienne de développement de carrière est une publication revue par un comité de lecture, qui présente des recherches universitaires et des meilleures pratiques multisectorielles et ayant trait aux carrières, provenant du Canada et du reste du monde.

Access this Journal online / Accédez à cette revue en ligne à l’adresse suivante :

cjcdonline.ca/rcdcenligne.ca

In this Issue / Dans ce numéro Vol. 13 / No. 1

5 Metaphors of Career Success: The Case of Middle Managers Jacqueline Dahan 17 Development of the Multicultural and Social Justice Competencies (MCSJC) Scale for Career

Development Practitioners Sandra Collins, Nancy Arthur, Mary McMahon & Suzie Bisson 32 Restoring Hope: Responding to Career Concerns of Immigrant Clients Tatjana Elez 47 Constructing the Future in the Liminal Spaces Between Adolescence and Adulthood:

Responsibilities, Careers, and Social Contexts Amanda Benjamin, José Domene & Kim Landine 60 A Theoretical Model of the Antecedents of Educational Goal Commitment Gentiane Boudrenghien, Mariane Frenay, Etienne Bourgeois, Stuart A. Karabenick

& Jacquelynne S. Eccles

This Journal was made possible through the generous contributions of The Counselling Foundation of Canada, the Canadian Education and Research Institute for Counselling and Memorial University of Newfoundland. Cette Revue est rendue possible grâce aux généreuses contributions de The Counselling Foundation of Canada, l’Institut canadien d’éducation et de recherche en orientation et de l’Université Memorial de Terre-Neuve.

Documents

of Career Development The Canadian Journal 14cjcdonline.ca/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/CJCD... · Amanda Benjamin, José Domene, and Kim Landine discuss the notion of liminal adulthood