Odahl the Celestial Sign

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ArticleJournal Title: Journal of the Rocky Mountain Medievaland Renaissance Association.Volume: 2 Issue:Month/Year: 1981 Pages: 15-28

Artic le Tit le: Odahl, Charles M.; The Celestial Sign onConstantine's Shields at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge

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Renaissance Association.

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The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields

at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge

In

Charles Oduhl

Boise Siale ITiiversitv

Most sehohirs now accept the reality and sincerity of Constantinesconversion to Christianity during his military campaign against Maxentius forcontrol of Rome in A.D. 312provided that "conversion is understood inunits of the superstitious religious environment of the times. 1 The ancientpagan and Christian sources that described the campaign all agreed that the

car was waged in an atmosphere of intense religious fervor, even\!


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Charles Odahl

Commonitus est in quiete Constantinus. us cacleste signttm Dei notaret inscutis atque ita proelium committeret. Facit ut iussus est et transversa Xlittera. sum mo capitc circumflexo. Christum in scutis notat. Quo sign!arniatus excrcitus capit ferrum.

Translated into English, it says:

Constantine was warned in a dream, that he should mark the celestial sign ofGodon his shields and thus commit himself to the battle. He did as he wasordered and with the letter X traversed, with its highest tip hem round, hemarked Christ on the shields. Armed with this sign the army took thebattlefield.

The troublcsom phrase is transversa X letteru. summo capita circumflexo.It obv iously refers to some kind of Christian monogram, ^ but scholars have

div ided into two schools of thought concerning its graphic form. Emphasizingthe adjectival force in transversa. rendering it "crossed through,"Burckhardt. Alfoldi. and Jones traditionally held that the phrase describes aChrist monogram or Christogramthe Greek letter chi (X) with a Greek letterrho (P) slashed vertically through it, th us^or^ . h Emphasizing the verbal

element in transversa, translating it "turned round, Vogt. Dbrries, andMacMullcn have recently suggested that the phrase describes a crossmonogram or crossogramthe Greek letter chi turned on end to form a Greek

cross with its top bent into a Greek letter rho thus,?or?. The fact thatCicero used transversa in the oblique sense of "across, crossed, orthwarted."h may favor the former rendering, since Lactantius was such a

devotee and imitator of Ciceronian language that he was nicknamed "theChristian Cicero" by the ancients.

Most of these scholars have relied primarily upon differing translations ofthe Latin phraseology of Lactantius for their interpretations. These very

differences reveal that a solution to this problem cannot come from a literaryanalysis of Lactantian terminology alone. Other pieces of contemporaryevidence must be consulted. Unfortunately, no shields used in the Battle ofthe Mulvian Bridge arc known to be extant. Another literary account by acontemporary, albeit two decades later in time of composition, does exist, asdo some pieces of contemporary Christian and imperial art. especially

coinage, which are relevant to the issue under investigation.The literary account is that of the Greek Church Father Eusebius, bishop of

Caesarea, important participant at the Council of Nicaea, and subsequently afriend and advisor of Constantine during the later part of the emperor's reignin the east. After Constantine's death, he wrote a eulogistic biography in fourbooks on the emperor's religious life and benefactions to the Church, the Lifeof Constantine ( Vita Constantini), ca. 337-38. 4 Book I is devoted toConstantine's early life and conv ersion experience. Like Lactantius, Eusebius

l d h l i h i i M i f l f R


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The Celestial Sign

Since this was the all-important initial event in the emperors Christian life,!. dealt "ill' it ;lt greater length than his predeeessor. Reiving on what heItirmcd was personal and sworn testimony from Constantine himself,

h.isehins offered the following aeeount.10He told how the emperor reflected that he needed more powerful aid than

his military forces could afford him. and so decided to seek divine assistance.( !Histamine recalled that the persecuting emperors who had trusted in manygads. sacrifices, oracles, and the whole paraphernalia of paganism, had been,!ccciveil and met unhappy ends. Only his father Constantius. a philosophicalmonotheist who worshipped a "Supreme Deity" all his life, had found a trueprotector and giver of good things. Thus, Constantine decided that the God of

ois lather must be the holder of real power. He invoked this Deus Summits in.!raver. entreating him to reveal his identity and to provide his help in the,oniing trial . Constantine's answer, Eusebius asserted, came in the form of a: anclous vision and an explanatory dream. While he and his army werepushing toward Rome, they encountered a miraculous sign in the sky: a great.ross ()flight above the sun bearing the inscription "In this, conquer" ( . i.x .or Hoc siguo victorm s ) .11The import of this apparition was explained to Constantine in a subsequent

dream. Christ appeared to the emperor with the image of a celestial sign, and,,!tiered that a copy of it be made for use as an apotropaic device against hisenemies. Constantine followed instructions and had w/orkmen fashion a newimperial vcxiUum. This Christian war standard, called the Labarum, wasppiiposed of a long spear, overlaid with a crossbar carrying a banner with theimperial portrait, and topped with an enwreathed monogram, "the symbol ofhie Savior's name, two letters indicating the name of Christ through theinscribing of the initial characters, the P crossed through the middle" (

i o c o o g c o Ao v . c Ao

; : . . , -

.: :::. ). Eusebius reported that the emperor was accustomed to wearingthis Christogram on his helmet, and in a later section, mentioned that hemade his soldiers inscribe it on their shields as well. Confident of invokingdivine power through the talismanic emblems on his war implements.( .!nstantine marched to victory over Maxentius.

The purpose here is not to confirm or deny the miraculous elements in theF.tischian account of Constantines conversion, though in the superstitious

religious environment of the era these elements were wholly acceptable tor.-nstantine's contemporaries. Rather, the concern of this study is with thegraphic manifestation of Constantine's turn to a new patron deity. If therev.!s a cross vision at all. it simply indicated to Constantine the name of the,!!. initv he should invoke for aid. Although Eusebius described a cruciform;.inlaid as one implement of invocation, it is obvious from his account thati a constitutive element of the new vcxillumthe element also found onhelmet and shieldswas the monogram surmounting it. Much more clearly

b L i h id ifi d i Ch i i


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Charles Odahl

combination of the first two letters of the Greek work Christ." chi and rho( ) . 1 A graphic representation of the emperor's monogrammed standard Lavailable on the imperial coinage of the era. and confirms the F.usehiandescription !Figure K|. Thus, if one interprets Lactantius' account of tineacleste sigmim in the light of Eusebian evidence, the Christogram had t!have been the original and official form of the new imperial talismanic sign.

An examination of the artistic evidence yields a similar conclusion. Threeexamples of contemporary Christian art will illustrate this. In Britain, whereConstantine was raised to the imperial purple in 30b. a large mosaic pavementfrom a Roman villa of the fourth century has recently been unearthed at thevillage of Hinton St. Mary in northern Dorset !Figure 1). Now in the British

museum, the polychrome mosaic contains at its center a portrait of the youneChrist with a monogram clearly marked above his headin the ehi-rhe!form.

In Rome, where Constantine fought his final battle against Maxentius.there are numerous pieces of early Christian art. On an early fourth centurywall painting in the catacombs of St. Domitilla. there is a striking painting ofSts. Peter and Paul linked together by a Christogram placed above andbetween them !Figure 3|.li> Again, on Christian grave stones dating from the

late third and early fourth centuries found in the Roman catacombs there arenumerous examples of the Christ monogram in either the usual chi-rho oroccassional iota-chi form ( ^ or ^ ). A tvpical specimen from the cemetarvo!Calhstus reads: PAX 0 (0 )M(IN 1) El * CUM FAUSTIN(O) ATT1CO. Thepeace of (he Lord and Christ be with Faustinas Atticus. !Figure 3|. In

However much these and other examples may confirm the fact that thestandard form of the Christian monogram in use in the western empire irConstantine's time was the Christogram, they still are merely private, or, a:

best. communal expressions of eultie belief. They relate only indirectly to theissue at handthe precise form of the official monogram employed byConstantine at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge. For graphic evidencerelevant to this issue, one must turn to the imperial coinage, long a medium ofpropaganda for the emperors.

Soon after Constantine's conversion in 312, various Christian symbols andmotifs began to make their appearance on coins simultaneously with thegradual disappearance of pagan deities and motifs. 1' A word of eaution is irorder concerning the interpretation of these signs, though. Those signs o:motifs that ;!re a part of the basic iconographieal design of the coin probablyoriginated in the central court and present Constantine's official policy.Those added to the basic design as marks of issue, decorativeembellishments, er cetera, probably originated at the regional mint, andsimply reflect the Christian predelections of mint administrators and workerswho were now free to use Christian as well as non-Christian symbols f o rcontrol marks and decorations. While certainly significant in revealing therise of Christians in governmental service, the latter type of signs have less

l d f h d h l fl


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The Celestial Sign

The first specimen of the official type was the beautiful Safety of theRepublic" silver medallion, apparently issued from Ticinum as a luxurydonative to important individuals on Constantine's Decennalia in 315 [Figure

4], 14 Celebrating the emperor's recent victory over Maxentius, for which theSenate was simultaneously erecting a triumphal arch near the Roman Forum,ihe obverse side pictured the victorius Constantine in a high crested warhelmet with a Christogram badge at the top front of the helm. Numerousscholars also identify the implement over the emperors shield as a Christiancross scepter with a globe atop it, representing the emperors new politicalawareness that he ruled as an agent for Christ on earth. 2,1 Here certainly isConstantines personal and public testimony that he had won the Battle of the

Mulvian Bridge behind the name of Christ and held power on earth fromhim.

Once the imperial convert had publicly revealed his newreligious position,mint officials and engravers began to use monograms and crosses quitefrequently as control marks and decorative embellishments. 22 But as far asthe monogram is concerned, with only one late and eastern exception, italways appeared in the Christ monogram or Christogram form.

Possibly inspired by the Ticinese helmet medallions, some bronze coins of

the Siscia mint, ca. 318-20, celebrating the Happy Victory of the PerpetualPrince" showed the emperor in his new war helmet. Among the variousdecorations on the central bar of the helm were Christograms. probablyengraved (here by Christian mint workers [Figure 5]. 2-1 More significantwere the contemporary bronze coins issued from the four western mints ofTicinum. Aquilcia, Siscia, and Thessalonica between 319-20 [Figure 6|.2tThe reverse motif celebrated the Valor of the Army, and showed captivesbelow a war standard. Stylized Christograms with a pin-headed shaft or iota

slashed through the chi were employed as issue and series marks in the leftfield. The appearance o| the monogram in several mints probably indicatesthat the decision to use ft came from somewhere high up in the monetaryhierarchy of the empire, but whether or not from the court itself is debatable.Yet the monogram in a martial setting was evocative of the story ofConstantines conquest under the name of Christ at the Battle of the MulvianBridge.

Some interesting and exceptional bronze pieces within the BlessedTranquil i ty" type were minted at Treves in 322-23. They pictured on theobverse the emperor's son Crispus carrying a shield. The decoration of theshield varies from mint to mint. But at Trves, some engraver apparentlyfamiliar with the Lactantian account of the Mulvian Bridge Battle, or at leastcognizant of the current military practice of decorating shields with Christian-\mhols. marked some of the shields on these coins with a large and clear,hi-rho [Figure 7[. Since Lactantius had probably written and published theI)c Moriihus Persccutonanat Treves, these exceptional pieces from the sameci:v would serve to butress the Christogram interpretation over against the

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Charles Odahl

The most striking and clearly Christian motif among official issues wasminted at Constantine's new Christian city of Constantinople, ea. 326-28.These "Hope of the Commonwealth" bronze coins commemorated the

emperor's recent victories in the east over Licinius, the last of the paganpersecutors and imperial rivals for power. The reverse iconography showedConstantine's Christian Litbaruni piercing a wriggling serpentan apoeaIvptic motif aimed at the Christian community familiar with pierced serpentimagers !Figure 8|.-* The standard was dominated by a large and dearChristogram at its apex, and almost perfectly pictured the Laban/m describedin the F.uscbian account of Constantine's conversion. Along with the earlierDiccumriiamedallion, this coin represented the official form of the monogram

as Constantine used it in the army, and wanted the general public to see it.A contemporary silver medallion for "Constantine the Augustus" wasminted at Rome, ea. 326, depicting the emperor holding a standard with a.banner carrying the chi-rho !Figure 9 | . Here was the first graphicrepresentation of the simplified labara that would become standard irsubsequent yearsno crossbar or imperial portraits, just a banner with thesacred monogram of Christ. It appeared again in the west during the 330satArles or, as it was then known, Constantina. Here bronze coins celebratingthe "Glory of the Army" carried a reverse motif of soldiers holding warstandards. The chi-rho monogram appeared first in mid-field between tworegular military standards in 334 !Figure 10], and then on the banner of asingle Christian hiharum in 336 [Figure 111. This latter motif depicting theemperor's Christian vcxillum became a regular representation on coins fromall the mints throughout the empire in the late 330's and 340's !Figure 12|.

Against all this evidence supporting the Christogram interpretation ofFact ant iuss celestial sign, there was only one coin containing a crossmonogram during Constantine s reign. It was a "Victory of Constantine the

Augustus"gold piece issued only at Antioch in the east, ea* 336-33. and theernssogram appeared in the field as a mark of issue rather tHan as an officialpart of the iconographical motif !Figure 13). This form of the Christianmonogram appears to have developed rather late in Constantine's reign, andin the eastern part of the empire. Under the influence of the Fusebian crossvision story it became more popular in subsequent generations, and was usedinterchangably with the Christogram on both coinage and in other art forms,such ;is sarcophagi reliefs. 10 It had the advantage of combining both thename and the cross of Christ into a single monogram. Yet. this was notapparently Constantine's practice early in his reign in the west. As thegraphic esidcnce reveals, the Christogram and cross were separate symbols:even when appearing together, as on the Ticinese medallions or theConstantinopolitan Labariun coins, the Christ monogram was clearly adistinct entity.

Considering the evidence now available as a whole, it must be concludedthat the caelcsic siguumon Constantine's shields at the Battle of the MulvianBridge was the Christogram. The emperor, following Roman religious


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The Celestial Sign

tradition and early Christian usage, appealed to the name of his new patronDeitv tor power in his time of trial. As Constantine indicated in the later edict,lie had abundant proofs for the power of Christs name, and he held it in greatreverence. 31

Returning finally to the disputed passage in Lactantius. it must be notedthat it w as Christas not the crux, the name not the cross of Christ, which theauthor states was marked on the shields. This marking of the name became:he official version of the conversion story as seen on coin motifs minted laterin the century. In the ,150's. Constantines son issued coins depicting theemperor holding the monogrammed htharum and surrounded by theinscription " I n this sign you will be victor" (Figure 14|. Starting in the .180s,the Theodosian empresses were honored with "Safety of the Republichron/e coins carrying reverse motifs showing an angel of victory inscribingthe elti-rho on a shield [Figure 15J. 2 Thus, until a contemporary shield isfound marked otherwise, it is unwarranted to assume that Constantine'sshields ;it the Battle of the Mulivan Bridge were marked with any other signthat the Christogram. the monogrammatic name of his new divine patron,Christ.

NOTES

Km summaries of the modern scholarly debate over Constantine s conversion, consult: J. \V. Radie. The Conversion of Constantine (New York: Holt. Rinehart & Winston, 1971). and C. Odahi. 'Constantine's Conversion to Christianity,' ' in Problems in European History (Durham,

North Carolina: Moore. 1979).

- The pagan sources are two contemporary panegyrical addresses delivered to Constantine in!he decade after the Mulvian Bridge Battlc-Md Panegyricus Constantino Dictus TIT), and XViizani Panegyricus Consiant'ifkj, Ditiu s !321). The superstitiosa maleficia phrase comes from.1; 4 I the former work. The latin text of both are published with French translations inIawgxri^nes Latins. Tome 11. Kd. K. Gallet ier (Paris: Socit cf edition Les Belles Lettres,! T p 1lie Christian sources are L.ictantius. De Mortibus Persecutorum (ca. 315). the Latin text.! which is published in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vol. XXVII, Fas.2Vienna: F Tempskv. 189): and Fusebius. De Vita Constantini (ca. 337.38), the Greek text ofwhich is published in Die Orieehisehen Christliehen Svhriftsteller Der Ersten Drei JahrhunJerte leijvig: .1. C. HinricITssche Buehhandlung. 1902).

On l aetantius, sec: J R, Palanque. Sur la date dll De Mortibus Persecutorum. Melanges

nth ns a J. Careopino (1906). pp. 711-16; and J. Stevenson. The Life and Literary Activity ofIjct.intiiis, Studia Patristica. Vol. I. I 1 .). pp. 661-7": and Norman H. Baynes195 ByzantineStudies V Other Essays, chs. 24 & 28 on I.aelantius (London: L'niv. Press. I960), pp. 321-25, .us.54.

^ De Mort. Pers. 44 (My italics).

f With the numismatic and papyrlogical evidence now available that supports the Christians,unes, the old view of a French school of scholars that Constantine's monogram was a pagan

v.ncretishc symbol is no longer tenabl e. For that older view, see the articles of Grgoire and Hatt


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C'liailes Oclalil

in I *)i.. ('nttvi'rsitm. |)p. 30-3H

Jacob Burckhardt. 77 (/ ,4. slantme die Crai. Tr. M. Hadas (Garden City. NY Donbicdav. I'M'b. p. 283: Andre Alfb'ldi. The Conversion of Constantine anti Pagan Koine. IrII Mattingly iOxford: Clarendon Press. |4b4). PP !18: A. H. M. Jo nes . Constantine ami tkiiniccrsinii of Europe (N e York : Collier Books. I4b2), pp. 8 4 8 .8

Joscpil Vogt. The Decline op Rome. I t . .1. Sondhcimcr (London: G. Weidenfeld A: Nicholsonl ut.. llto5), pp 87-45: Hermann Dorrics. ( onstantine the (!real. Tr. R. H. Bainton (Ne JorkHarper A Ko . 1 4 2 .). p. JJ; Ramsay MacMnllen Constantine(New York: Harper A Row. 141p. 2.

s Cassell s Latin Dictionary Eds. .1. R. V. Marchant and J- E. Charles (New York: Funk 4Wagnails Co.. 145,1). p. 5,HO.

1,1 On Eusebius, see: Johannes Quasten. Patrology. Vol.lll (Utrecht: Spectrum. 140Jt. pp.104-45: F. J. Foakes-Jackson. Eu seb ius Pamphili: A Study of the Man and His Writmei( ambridge: W. Hefter A Sons. 145.1t: and I). S. W'allace-Hadrill, !.uschiirs of Car

(Westminster. Maryland: The Canterbury Press. 14011.

1(1 Vita Const. 1. 20-40.

11 Vint Const. 1. 2H: Kusebius gives it in Greek, but the official Latin version has beer

preserved on the imperial coinage. See Fig . 14.

12 Vita Const. 1. .11; III. 2: IV. 21.

12 A. Altl cl i. "HocSigito Victor Eris: Beitrge /ur Geschichte der Bekehrung Konstantins 3Grossen." Pisriaili Festschrift fur F. J. Dolger (Munich. 14.14). pp. 3 . and4 Conversion e( o n s t a n u n e . pp. 11- H,

1"* J. M. C. Tovnhee. " A New Roman Mosaic Pavement Found in D orset," Jo urn al o f R omar.Studies. 1.1V ( 14

see Eusebius. Vita Const. IV. 52

E! Brunn. "Christian S ig n s. " pp. 4. 17-18, and 23-24: Basticn, "C hri sm e." pp. 1124,Alfldi. "Hoc Signo." pp. 4-5. and "The Initials of Christ on the Helmet of Constantine.


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The Celestial Sign

Studies in Roman Economic and Social History in Honor o f Alien Chester Johnson (Princeton,!1'Mi. pp. 3 0 3-1 1 : Konrad Kraft. "D as .Silbermedaillon Constantins des Grossen mit dem(. Iirisuisnionngramm au f dem Helm ," Jahrblick fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichtc (1954-55).; ' ! 1 . :8"- 151 . M. C. Toynbee. Roman Medallions (New York: American Numismatic society. !-14,. pp. ]0.210-11 .

/bid.

- 1 A contemporary literary statement which confirms this interpretation is Constantine sEpmihi ad Ae/alium, the Latin of which is published in Migne. Patrologia Latina, Voi. Vilifhii.s, lN)4!. cols. 455-8h. (T A. Jones . Constantine fi Conversion, p. 97: and J. Straub."(' !]Mantino as K0 IN O E E il 1 1 -NO n o A . " Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 21 ( Washington. /967 ).

Bruun, "Christian Signs. passim.Bruun, "Christian S ign s. pp. 9-17. and 31: Bastien. "C h ris m e, p. 113: . Alfoldi, "Th e

Helmet of Constantine with the Christian Monogram." Jour nal of Roman Studies. XXH (1932).:;! '1-2.1 , and "Hoc Signo." pp- 3-b; and C. Odahl "Christian Symbols on Constantine's Siscia Helmet Coins." SAN. Vol. VJ11. 4 (1977). pp. 5(,-58.

,1 Bruun. "Christian S ig n s." pp. 19-21; Bastien. "C h ris m e." pp. 113-14; Alfoldi. "HocS an." p. h,

' Bruun. "Christian Signs." p. 17. note; and Roman Imperial Coinage. Vol. VII (London:

Spink, Wtifi), p. 197.

Bruun. "Christian Si gn s. " pp. 21-22: Bastien. "C h ris m e." p. 112; and C. Odahl. "A n !wl'.iuological Interpretation of Constantine 's Labarum C oin ." SAN. Vol. VI. 3 (1975), pp. 47-51.

- Alfred R. Bellinger. "Ro man and Byzantine Medallions in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection."DOPapers. 12 (Cambridge. 19^8), pp. 135-36.

* Bruun. "Christian S ig n s." pp. 24-25; Bastien. " C h ris m e. " pp. 114-19; R. A. G. Carson. P.\ Hill, and .!. P. C. Kent, i.ate Rhtnan Bronze Coinage (London: Spink. 1972). passim.

-1'Bruun. "Christian Sig n s. " pp. 29-31. 33-34: Bastien. "C h ris m e. " p. 114; and A. R.B-.-.linaer. 1 Bruun. J. P. C. Kent, and C. H. V. Sutherland. "L ate Roman Gold and Silver Coins.. Duiu!ir;on Oaks: Diocletian to Hugen iu s." DO Papers. 18 (Cam bridge . 1904). pp. 183-84.

AILMdi. Hoc Sign . pp- 9-10: Michael Gough. The Origins of Christian Art (New York:Praeger. 1974). p. 2(1. It might be remarked here that an ankh style cross (-f-) appeared on the(e> n,i fxereitns reverses of the bronze coins at the Aquileia mint, ea. 334-35, and approximates t v v-.mi'ul MacMttllcn gives for the Constantinian monogram: it was merely a variant of the latin

m .!nd thus, has to be ruled out of consideration as a monogram. See: Bruun. Christianvm!-. p. 25.

( uiMamines F.die! on Religion, in Fu sobius. Vita Const. II. 55.

Carson. Hill. Kent. Late Roman Bronze Coinage, pp. 70. 89. and passim: Kenneth A. Jacob.(',,!! and Christianity(London: Seaby. 1959). p. 26; and C. Odahl, Con stantine s Conversion,

pp !,and 15.


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Charles Gdahl

The auth or would like to thank the M use um Directors, the l ibraria ns, and the Curators of

Roman coins and artifac ts at Dum bar to n Oaks Mus eum . Was hing ton, D.C . the Brit ish Museum,

lond on, the Hunteri an Mu seum . I'n iversi tv of Glasgow. and the Istanbul \re lK nlogkii!Mus eum, lor allow in him to examine th eir ( onstant inian materials, and prov idm g hi m Millnegatives, prints, and slides thereof; similar thanks are offered to the officials >f the Romanwitavombs. fl ic author is also indebted to Ardts Hew itt ot the Boise State I'ni ver sit hdm a:.onj!Media Set\ ices for making the prints for this artieie.


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The Celestial Sign

F Kj I RI 1: PoUchronK

floor mosaic from Minion

S i. M a n , Do rset . \\ it li

('hristoLtrani above jTon imit

of a vo ting ( li l i s t . b li c.

i Brit ish Muse um!


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diaries Odahl

l ICH'RK 3: Gr a\ e Stoneinscription from cemeteryof Catlisms with Christo-

gram. 3rd or 4ih c.

FIGURE 4: Obverse of Constant

ine's Su/us Reipubiicae tenth an

niversary medallion with ehi-rhobadge at the top of his war helmet,

and cross scepter above his shield.

315 (silver. Munich. Staat

liche Munzsamlung).

4

FIGURE 5: Obverse of Vicioriac Laetae PrinePerp type of Siscia. with ehi-rho sign on

emperor's helmet, ca. 31S-20 (bron/e. BritishMuseum plaster cast of original in Vienna,Bundessammlung).

26


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The Celestial Sign

H G l Rf : Re, erse of Yinu.s -.xvrciitvpe from tour mintscario i n l a C I !:si moni urani in li e le ft fi el d, ca. 3 ! 0- i bronze. Bn! is Museum !

E1(jle RIs 7: Obv erse o f Beam Tranquillifustvpe of Treves with the emper or's son

carrying a tnonogrammed shield, ea. 322-23(bmn/.L , plaster cast of original in Hunt erian

Museum. Glasgow).

KIGURH 8: Reverse o f .S/xsPuhlica type from Constantinople

show ing t he emperor's !.a hit run!piercing a wrigg ling serpent, ca.

320-2S (bro n/e. B itish M usei m i

HGI3R17 Reverse o f Consiuntinus,4/


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Charles Odahl

F i d i RI: 11: Reverse of Gloria /:.vercinis type from Aries with ehi-ti io

on single mil i tare standard, "On ibron/e. Bri t ish Museum).

FIGI RH 12: Reverse o f /7>' Temp Rcparatio Restoration of Ha ppy Tim es type common

throughout the empire showing Constantine's

sort Cons tant ins 11 ho ldi ng a laharum above

captives, ea. 44b-50 lbron/e. Odahl collection).

1 K i l 'R F Id: Reverse of VictoriaCou'shmuni Aup type of Antioch

with cross monogram in left f ield,

ca. ddb-d' (gold. Dumbarton

Oaks Museum).

FKil'RH 14: Reverse of // o r Signo

Vidor Gris tvpe from Siseia depictingthe emperor with the Chrislogrannned

\c\iilutu. 450 (bron/e. Bri t ish

Mu senni ).

Fl G l'R H 15: Reverse of Sains Rcipublicuc tvpe common through

out im pe ria l min ts s how ing an angel i ns cri bin g a . hi-r ho on a war

shield. 4N0s \ f i ihro o/e. Bri t ish Museum).

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Odahl the Celestial Sign