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OBJECT 2.0: EXAMINING THE INTERNET OF SOCIAL THINGS 1
J. Hemerly - INFO 203 - Spring 2010
Object 2.0: Examining the Internet of Social Things
Jess Hemerly
University of California, Berkeley
School of Information
INFO 203
OBJECT 2.0: EXAMINING THE INTERNET OF SOCIAL THINGS 2
J. Hemerly - INFO 203 - Spring 2010
Object 2.0: The Internet of Social Things
The “Internet of Things” refers to a network in which objects, equipped with tracking
and tracing technologies, create and share data about their histories and locations with
computers and other objects. It’s a network of networks, an invisible web of data that operates
according to human design but without human intervention. For example, self-regulating
appliances can communicate with other self-regulating appliances across a specialized
network, sharing information about their processes in order to minimize energy consumption.
Companies can also closely monitor their supply chains and the lifecycles of products.
Objects will—and, in many cases, already are—equipped with unique identifiers that act as
recorders and transmitters for objects’ life spans.
Many technologists, scientists, and artists conceive of a special world where objects
do not simply communicate with each other. Instead, armed with sensors, circuit boards, and
locative tracking capabilities, objects can communicate with humans through the same social
media that people call Web 2.0, or the social web. Blogjects—objects that blog—and
Tweetjects—objects that post messages to Twitter—are neologisms for objects that are
socialized by plugging them into the social web. Thanks to the combination of ubiquitous
computing technologies and open application programming interfaces (API) for social media,
our plants can tweet when we forget to water them and pigeons can blog and map information
about air pollution.
I argue that socializing objects provide them with social presence, creating several
potential benefits. However, there also exist many downsides and issues that need to be
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worked out as the Internet of Things develops, both socially and technologically. In the end,
socialized objects will not become the standard for the Internet of Things. Socializing objects
will, however, provide a rich interdisciplinary area of experimentation and exploration for
artists, educators, scientists, and technologists looking for ways to build awareness of the
roles of nonhuman actors. These nonhuman actors include both inanimate objects to which we
delegate agency and the living but nonhuman things to which we can ascribe agency by
making them social communicators. This use on a small scale will minimize the cons while
maximizing the benefits of socialized objects.
I will begin by providing an overview of the Internet of Things and an explanation of
terms used to describe objects communicating through social media. Next, I will briefly
discuss Actor-Network Theory as a framework for considering the usefulness of socialized
objects, specifically the concept of agency and responses to critiques of anthropomorphism in
the work of Bruno Latour. I will then argue for three benefits of socialized objects, followed
by a discussion of three challenges around the viability of socializing the Internet of Things.
Finally, after weighing the pros and cons of socialized objects, I will close with a summary of
my argument and conclude that limited can minimize the cons and maximize the benefits of
socialize objects.
The Internet of Things
If Web 2.0 is the Social Web, Web 3.0 the Semantic Web, then Web 4.0 is the web of
data created by networked objects—the Internet of Things. These incarnations of the web are
not world-changing paradigm shifts; rather, they are layers of development in the operation
and design of networks. The Internet of Things is a concept from ubiquitous computing in
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J. Hemerly - INFO 203 - Spring 2010
which objects are technologically equipped with unique identifiers. These identifiers work
with sensors, cameras, GPS, and other sensing technologies to create a network of objects
able to communicate with each other. Computers and other objects transmit, read, and
interpret this information, building the web of data.
You could think of it as a wireless layer on top of the internet where millions of things from razor blades to euro banknotes to car tyres are constantly being tracked and accounted for. A network where, to use the rhetoric of the Auto ID Centre, it is possible for computers to identify ‘any object anywhere in the world instantly’ (Dodson, 2003, para. 9).
IBM Social Media has called the Internet of Things a “system of systems” (IBM, 2010, para.
1). The emphasis in Internet of Things work has classically been building systems that allow
objects to act autonomously, sending information to and from each other, communicating and
acting independent of direct human intervention.
In a talk at SIGGRAPH, science fiction writer Bruce Sterling (2004) first coined the
term “Spime” to describe “objects that can track themselves through space and time” (para.
45). While we are far from realizing Sterling’s vision, we already see early implementations
of an Internet of Things, largely based on radio frequency identification (RFID) tags (Dodson,
para. 1-4). RFID tags, developed by the military, are what allow us to track Federal Express
packages, and enable companies to precisely locate objects within “flexible production and
distribution systems” (Crandall, 2005, para. 33-34).
On a more visible level, our mobile devices are already “spimey,” able to track their
location as we move around with them. With location services turned on, other computers,
like Google’s servers, can recognize the phone’s location and provide contextual search
results based on location. Geo-locative game Foursquare uses this information to provide
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users nearby businesses from which they can “check-in” as part of the badge-earning game
(Fletcher, 2010, para. 1-4).
Now imagine carrying a device equipped to specifically send information to
Foursquare. DoGood, for example, envisions a foldable coffee cup that automatically checks
you in to Foursquare when you enter an establishment (Vasquez, para. 2). The cup also comes
with a solar clock and Bluetooth to work with your mobile device. While it’s only a concept,
this is the kind of object designers looking to leverage the Internet of Things are dreaming
about. But its communication doesn’t occur only within an invisible web of data. This
particular object represents a subset of objects in the Internet of Thing where objects connect
to us through the social web: socialized objects. By social web I mean self-broadcasting tools
like blogs, Twitter, and Flickr; social location games; social networking sites; and even simple
Google Maps interfaces.
University of Southern California professor and researcher Julian Bleecker (2006)
coined the term “Blogjects” to describe objects that blog (p. 2). These objects blog not by
writing editorial commentary about their experiences, but through the work of designers who
use APIs and customized programs to harness the information captured by sensors and RFID.
This information then appears on blogs in the form of human-readable maps, charts, and text.
Bleecker’s early example of a Blogject is Beatriz da Costa’s Pigeon Blog. Da Costa, a Los
Angeles–based artist working at the intersection of life sciences, politics, and technology,
armed urban pigeons with pollution sensors and locative tracking devices, released them, and
created a web interface—in this case Pigeon Blog—to display their flight patterns on Google
Maps alongside the pollution levels in the air as they flew. “Whereas once the pigeon was an
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urban varmint whose value as a participant in the larger social collective was practically nil or
worse, the Pigeon that Blogs now attains first-class citizen status” (Bleecker, p. 5).
Tweetjects share the characteristics of Blogjects. Where Blogjects are objects that join
the conversation through information posted to blogs, Tweetjects join the conversation on
Twitter. IBM’s Andy Stanford-Clark has been credited with coining the term when he wired
his house with sensors, enabling appliances to send information about things happening in the
house to the house’s Twitter account, @andy_house (MacManus, 2009, para. 4). On a more
product-based level, Botanicalls sells a kit consisting of a soil sensor that sends information
about the water level in the soil through an Arduino circuit board, converting thresholds to
messages like, “Please water me, I’m thirsty!” Botanicalls also enables plants to notify owners
of their needs via text or a phone call. (Botanicalls, n.d.) The kit is entirely open source and
hackable, allowing users to customize the thresholds based on the kind of plant and the
messages the plant tweets.
Actor-Network Theory Actor-Network Theory (ANT) is a framework for thinking about the roles of and
relationships between actors, both human and nonhuman. Born out of Science and
Technological Studies (STS), it is a method for exploring the sociological impact of a
confluence of actors and actor-networks in science and in technological systems. Knowledge
is a “social product,” not the exclusive domain of scientists; it “may be seen as a product or an
effect of a network of heterogeneous materials” (Law, 1992, p. 381). Michael Callon (1987)
who, along with Bruno Latour and John Law, is considered a founder of ANT, explains:
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… it is often believed that at the beginning of the process of innovation the problems to be solved are basically technical and that economic, social, political, or indeed cultural considerations come into play only at a later stage. However, more and more studies are showing that this distinction is never as clear-cut. This is particularly true in the case of radical innovations: Right from the start, technical, scientific, social, economic, or political considerations have been inextricably bound up into an organic whole (p. 84).
According to ANT, all actors are networks, and networks are actors—hence “actor-network.”
Actors have agency, and Bleecker’s (2006) definition of agency regarding Blogjects works
quite well in the ANT framework: “Agency is about having an ability to foment action, to be
decisive and articulate” (p. 8). Objects, both human and nonhuman, are capable of having
agency and therefore of being actor-networks.
Herein lies one of the chief critiques of ANT: that the idea of nonhuman objects
having agency is little more than anthropomorphism. While its proponents don’t believe that
nonhuman, non-living objects have intentional action—we’ve delegated responsibilities to
them—Latour (1992) does argue against anthropomorphism as a criticism. Using his
recurring example of a door opener, or groom—the mechanism that keeps the door from
staying open and slamming shut—to discuss this notion of agency, he addresses those who
would devalue ANT for anthropomorphism:
It is well known that the French like etymology; well, here is another one: anthropos and morphos together mean either that which has human shape or that which gives shape to humans. The groom is indeed anthropomorphic, in three senses: first, it has been made by humans; second, it substitutes for the actions of people and is a delegate that permanently occupies the position of a human; and third, it shapes human action by prescribing back what sort of people should pass through the door. And yet some would forbid us to ascribe feelings to this thoroughly anthropomorphic creature, to delegate labor relations, to ‘‘project’’—that is, to translate—other human properties to the groom (p. 160).
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Socialized objects like Blogjects and Tweetjects are similarly anthropomorphic, especially
since they are designed to communicate like humans. However, this is not a bad thing. As
Latour explains, many objects have agency; connecting them to social media protocols only
makes us aware of that agency. Those objects that do not have agency can be granted agency
or a different kind of agency by arming them technologically to tell a story, like pigeons
blogging about pollution. It is not science fiction or fantasy. Nonhuman living things become
informants for the environment.
With socialized objects, information transmitted from objects and translated through
social media enhances the ability to communicate to nonhuman actors, revealing the work that
they do and, subsequently, their mediations in our experience. In short, nonhuman objects can
tell us what they are doing and what’s going on around them. “You discriminate between the
human and the inhuman. I do not hold this bias (this one at least) and see only actors—some
human, some nonhuman, some skilled, some unskilled—that exchange their properties.”
(Latour, 1992, p. 160) This building of the network helps us to better understand more of the
actors and networks involved in a given geographical space, a technology, or the environment
at large. Socialized objects, then, can be a useful tool when applying the ANT methodology to
a given technology, system, or phenomenon.
To give a brief example of how the framework applies here, let’s look at the Internet
of Things using the ANT framework. Applying ANT to the Internet of Things allows us to
tease out some of the pros and cons of a layer of socialized objects. The Internet of Things is
itself an actor network consisting of numerous nonhuman actors—these are the web-enabled
objects. Whether it’s a mobile phone, an appliance, or a car, each of these actors has its own
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role in other actor-networks. But there are many more actors involved than just these objects.
There are companies vying for control, whether through protocols and standards or through
the production of tracking and tracing devices, which themselves become actors. There are
servers, acting on behalf of the companies, users, and objects, receiving, recording, and
transmitting data. And, of course, there are the users who buy and use the objects. All of these
actors and networks will play into my analysis of the benefits and costs of socialized objects.
Benefits of Socialized Objects I have identified three major benefits of socialized objects that I will discuss in this
section. Each of these benefits can be understood by keeping in mind the framework laid out
by ANT and the notion of objects having agency, expanded into the world of social media by
Bleecker (2006). These benefits build on each other. I start with the effects on the object
itself; move to the impact of perception of and interaction with space; and finally, show how
socialized objects can be used to understand and manage complex issues around the
environment.
Realizing agency and creating social presence. According to Bleecker (2006), there are three major characteristics of Blogjects,
which, by virtue of their participation in social media, can be extended to Tweetjects and
other objects using the social web: they “track and trace” their locations; they contain
“embedded histories of their encounters and experiences”; and they “have some form of
agency” and “have an assertive voice in the social web” (p. 6). The first characteristic relates
to location—they keep a geo-locative record. The second characteristic, histories, means that
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objects can tell us about their factory of origin and the employees or machines that built it; its
composition, including materials; intellectual property rights, e.g. patent ownership; and its
carbon footprint including, as Bleecker suggests, “rules, protocols and techniques for retiring
and recycling Things” (p. 6).
The third characteristic of Blogjects is that they have agency. This does not mean
artificial intelligence, or training a mangy pigeon to peck at keys on a keyboard with its beak.
Bleecker suggests that Blogjects are imbued with agency, that agency lies in their ability to
affect change by what they bring to the social conversation, and that we are more likely to pay
attention to nonhuman things when they are “first-class citizens”—that is, when they join our
social communication channels (p. 9).
Human-like communication from online agents, such as product recommendation
agents, influences the users’ perception of a social relationship, making the interaction more
enjoyable, thus more effective (Qui & Benbasat, 2009, p. 145). If we apply this to objects that
also communicate in human language, we can argue that the same social relationships can
develop between people and objects, especially if the communication comes through the same
channels through which we communicate with other humans—i.e., social media. Bleecker
(2006) writes, “A Blogject can start a conversation with something as simple as an
aggregation of levels of pollutants in groundwater. If this conversation is maintained and
made consequential through hourly RSS feeds and visualizations of that same routine data,
this Blogject is going to get some trackback” (p. 4). The story about environmental data,
then, comes out of the backdrop and becomes a current event in our normal social media
streams.
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Connecting objects to social media channels breaks down imposed barriers between
human and nonhuman, as we are able to read, through first-object accounts, about the roles
they play in our day-to-day lives. “What our ancestors, the founders of sociology, did a
century ago to house the human masses in the fabric of social theory, we should do now to
find a place in a new social theory for the nonhuman masses that beg us for understanding”
(Latour, 1992, p. 154). Plugging objects in to social media channels provides them a place in
the social conversation and allows them to literally beg for understanding.
In proposing an adequate theory and measure of social presence that can include
mediated communication environments such as the social web, Biocca et. al. (2004) define
social presence as, “the sense of ‘being together with another,’ including primitive responses
to social cues, simulations of ‘other minds,’ and automatically generated models of the
intentionality of others (people, animals, agents, gods, and so on)” (p. 459). Making
nonhuman objects participants in social media increases their social presence, making visible
the roles and responsibilities of the objects to which we have delegated them.
A designer working to socialize objects, especially objects that communicate through
text like Tweetjects, has the task of determining just what kind of voice the object will have.
This is an opportunity to make the object’s voice as human as possible in order to maximize
our engagement with it. Socialized objects are not bots; they are vocal actors with their own
agency. Botanicalls, for example, allows users to customize the messages a plant Tweets in
order to provide the plant a sense of personality (Botanicalls, n.d.).
It is important here to draw a distinction between living and non-living nonhumans. In
the case of natural objects, Latour argues that many need not be considered in the actor-
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network because they lack agency if symbolic or natural causality explains their inclusion in
the actor-network analysis (Latour, 2005, p. 10). But by equipping them with technology, we
enable them to become storytellers, lending them agency such that their stories impact our
perception and our social relationship with them. Pigeons already have agency in the
environment, but in the case of Pigeon Blog, this agency takes a different form: they now
serve to tell us about pollution in the air as they move through it. Plants, on the other hand,
become actors by providing information about whether or not they need to be watered. That
is, they act on us through technology-enabled communication.
An example like the tweeting house consists of technological objects, therefore these
objects already fit into the ANT framework as having agency without needing to provide it by
socializing the objects. In Latour’s world, we have already delegated responsibility to them—
keep our food cold, receive phone calls from friends, warm the house. In this case, connecting
them to the social web simply helps us to become aware of their agency. As discussed in the
ANT overview earlier in this paper, they themselves are actor-networks. Their visibility
through Twitter also provides us a glimpse of the underlying web of data that can be shared
between objects and the impact they have on our lives and our worlds.
Engaging with space.
As objects reveal agency through social presence, we develop a larger and more
complex picture of the relationships and influences in the world around us. Embedding
sensors in the environment allows the objects to which they’re attached to tell an aggregated
story. Bleecker (2006) calls this “cohabitation,” where we develop a more profound sense of
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sharing the world as objects begin to communicate in the same communication channels in
which we communicate with each other.
In “Sentient Cities,” Crang and Graham (2007) suggest that weaving multimedia,
sensors, and locative technology into the urban space changes the way we interact with that
space, making it a “hybrid” space (p. 790). They discuss three forms of what they call
“sentient” urban environments: commercial, military, and artistic (p. 789). The artistic
experiments focus on humans creating data and telling stories about places and experiences.
Socialized objects, while possibly available as commercial products, are currently in the realm
of the artistic.
Sentient urban environments can be combined with user-generated data to create rich
histories of space. For example, Urban Tapestry combines the data sent from something like
Natalie Jeremijenko’s Feral Robotic Dogs, which capture pollution data, with user-
contributed stories about space (Crang & Graham, 2007, p. 806; Singer, 2004, para. 2-3). By
combining the data about the space sent from an object with location-based, user-contributed
data, Urban Tapestry’s designers can build a sense of engagement with the space and an
awareness of the invisible information about its status. In this case, that invisible information
concerns pollution levels, and by including data about it in the social media space, pollution
itself becomes a visible actor in the actor-network.
Locative games like Urban Tapestry, and even Foursquare, use the new and
unexpected to transform the urban environment. More importantly, these “locative
performances” create “sociotechnical communities through locative performances” (Crang &
Graham, 2007, p. 810). Bleecker (2006) suggests:
OBJECT 2.0: EXAMINING THE INTERNET OF SOCIAL THINGS 14
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Whereas the Internet of Non-Things was limited to human agents, in the Internet of Things objects are also active participants in the creation, maintenance and knitting together of social formations through the dissemination of meaningful insights that, until now, were not easily circulated in human readable form (p. 15).
Together, users interact with data about a space to create an enriched, highly social history of
the space. Information comes together from various actors and objects to create a picture of
experience. Artifacts, objects, and locations will be “imbued with memories in a far richer
way than ever before” (Varnelis & Friedberg, 2008, p. 35).
Cameras hung in urban spaces act as translators for the point of view of a particular
object or from the space itself. In the natural world, cameras can transmit video to a streaming
video site to build engagement with a space, near or far, from the point of view of an object.
Think of “critter cams” that, when affixed to a tree in the Amazon, make us aware of that tree
as well as the activity in its immediate space (Bleecker, 2006, p. 13). Combining this video
with user-contributed information, as with locative games, will again help to build a unique
and comprehensive picture of space and the actors working in it.
Publicly available data, such as information about transportation—traffic, trains, and
ferries—can be pushed through social media too, for more practical purposes. The same
technologist who wired his house to Twitter, Andy Stanford-Clark, also harnessed the
publicly available data about RedJet ferries in order to make them tweet their comings and
goings (Stanford-Clark, n.d.). In our social media streams, these modes of transportation tell
when they are arriving and departing without us having to look beyond our streams of social
information. They have social presence, helping us engage with their role in space.
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Exploring ecology.
The Internet of Things will be a layer of data created by objects. Communicating with
servers and with each other, companies will harness the capabilities for supply chain
management (Dodson, 2003, para. 5). But supply chain management can also be lifecycle
management. That is, companies can get a bigger picture of the entire life of the object, from
factory to landfill. This information has the power to help companies picture and quantify the
environmental impact of their products.
Italian appliance manufacturer Merloni Elettrodomestici and Electrolux, the world’s
largest appliance manufacturer, teamed up to create the concept of “pay-per-use laundry using
state-of-the-art washers with sensors that optimize the length of the wash cycle and the
amount of water used” (Hood, A476). Users have the machines in their homes but they don’t
actually own them; “the company monitors energy use, maintains the machines, and recycles
or refurbishes them when they are no longer operating at optimum efficiency: after 4-5 years”
(Hood, A476). Families save money and reduce environmental impact thanks to the
information beamed from appliances to company computers.
While this is a great step forward for the sustainability movement, the machine
automates everything, putting the user in the place of relying on the machine—an agent for
sustainability—to do its work. The family buys the machine and forgets about it. But if it was
able to somehow communicate, perhaps even publicly, the amount of money or water saved
with each load throughout its history, that social communication would create a better sense
of awareness of how it affects and potentially reduces the family’s environmental impact.
Socialized objects, then, can step in to make visible what these objects are actually
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doing and how they alter our ecological impact—our impact and our technologies’, all actors
in the larger network. Much of what I’ve discussed so far seems novel, but when we think
about the picture that can be built by connecting all of the actors and actor-networks together
socially, they paint a picture of a larger societal issue: sustainability. I have shown several
examples in previous sections of socialized objects designed to explore issues around ecology,
specifically pollution and consumption. As Crang & Graham (2007) write,” in a world of
augmented, enacted, transduced or ‘blogjected’ space – we will no longer, even if we ever
could, be able to see the environment as a mere passive backcloth for social action. At the
very least the environment has always recursively influenced and been influenced by action”
(p. 811). Awareness could very well lead to action.
Designers working in this space have the opportunity to use ubiquitous computing and
nonhuman actors to tell rich stories about how we as humans impact the world. Bleecker
(2006) emphasizes that this is not some social media Planet of the Apes scenario, where
nonhumans takeover the world. Rather, “I’m saying that design agents should think hard
about the opportunities for creating more lively engagements with Things, enrolling them into
the thick, contested and messy imbroglios of trans-species dialogue that lead to more
habitable worlds” (p. 16).
Pigeon Blog exemplifies the use of nonhuman objects to explore issues around
sustainability. The pigeon was able to show, through the simple map and chart interface, how
pollution levels changed in just a short flight range. The pigeons were able to become socially
present and tell a story through this interface, essentially making pollution visible from the
flight of the pigeon. The designer has exposed the agency of both the pigeon and the pollution
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and provided them social presence.
Similarly, the messages Andy Stanford-Clark’s house sends to Twitter are not just
cosmetic things like, “The phone is ringing,” but also messages about how much energy a
given appliance is using or how much water has been run in a given room (MacManus, 2009,
para. 5). Stanford-Clark has made socially visible the activities of the appliances in his house
and can easily monitor consumption. Setting all the objects in the house up to tweet to one
account, the house’s, shows us both the agency of the house as an actor-network and the
individual agency of the appliances within. This is a great way to explore and understand
what we’re using and how without complicated charts, meters, or metrics. Stanford-Clark has
made sustainability a social act. Imagine a game where people competed for badges based on
how much they saved, and were able to monitor competitors’ progress through Twitter.
Even Botanicalls has its philosophical roots in ecology. The Botanicalls site lists one
of the purposes of Botanicalls as follows: “Enhance people’s connection to plants, and
explore the ways plants help humans, how caring for a shared resource can create sense of
community, and how natural life is a valuable counterpoint to our technical environment.”
(Botanicalls, n.d.) It seems counterintuitive that pairing natural and technological allows us to
become more in-tune with the natural world. But in ANT terms, making visible objects’
agency helps us to see how they are part of the environmental actor-network, acting on us to
recognize them as participants in the creation of the environment’s story.
Let me emphasize that socialized objects are by no means a solution to all of our
environmental woes, or to social disengagement with ecological issues. These problems are
too large to have a single technological solution. However, socialized objects could be a great
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part of the sustainability toolkit, a technology for engagement with the natural world, and a
way to understand our impact as humans on the nonhuman processes and objects around us.
We can follow nonhuman objects near and far, whether schools of dolphins or a city’s
average power consumption. Giving objects social presence can also provide the environment
social presence.
Downsides to Socialized Objects Despite the benefits to be derived from socialized objects, there are also several
downsides. First, a usage gap exists between groups of users that will prevent the mainstream
adoption of Tweetjects and Blogjects, relegating socialized objects to niche users. Second,
more voices in our social media channels means more information. Charges of society-wide
information overload already abound; social objects would only elevate those fears. Finally,
the underlying technologies of the Internet of Things need to be open in order for designers to
exploit them in the social web. However, this same information meant for utility can betray
the identities of users. Thus, there exists a tension between privacy, openness, and control.
Usage gaps will not go away. Only users connected to the social web can hear nonhuman objects with voices, and
not everyone uses the social web, regardless of whether they have the hardware and the
connectivity to do so. This is something that Jan van Dijk and Kenneth Hacker (2003) call a
“usage gap,” an aspect of the digital divide projected to grow as tools and improved versions
of existing tools proliferate, writing:
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In the information and network society, relative differences in getting information and lines of communication become decisive for one’s position in society, more than in every society in history before. Giving everybody a computer and a network connection, banning the cutting lines of “segregation” in this way, will not remove them. Much deeper and more clear-cut differences in skill and usage will appear as both technology and society increasingly differentiate (p. 324).
We can glean from this projection that, while the Internet of Things will continue to develop,
interest and engagement with it will depend largely on the skills and interests of the user. Not
everyone reads blogs or posts 140-character messages to Twitter, and likely never will,
despite possessing a computer and mobile device. Younger users, immersed in Web 2.0,
would likely have less trouble adopting objects into their social channels than an older user
unfamiliar with blogs and Twitter. People may simply not see the utility in chatty objects,
limiting their adoption and popularity among various groups of users ranging in skill, interest,
and access. Socialized objects will fall into the usage gap.
Widespread adoption of socialized objects seems unlikely. Rather groups of users, like
hackers, heavy social media users, artists, and technologists are the most likely to use
socialized objects. Industrial designer Carla Diana (2008) writes, “The DIY attitude is one of
play, experimentation, and an appreciation for an intellectual landscape of possibility and
undefined paths” (Diana, p. 49). The ubiquity and decreasing price of sensors, cameras, GPS
devices, APIs, and connectivity—not to mention that most social web services are free,
financially speaking—puts amateurs in the do-it-yourself community in a unique position to
experiment and develop tools and devices that can be embedded in objects. All of the
examples of socialized objects in this paper are one-off experiments, installations, or come as
a kit to be assembled and customized.
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But the DIY community is only one social group, and its members are far more
willing to take things apart and put things together than the average user (Diana, 2008, p. 49).
Expecting people to experiment with hardware is an even more demanding request than
asking them to sign up for Twitter. Botanicalls comes as a kit, not a fully assembled product,
and customers need to use a soldering iron to put the pieces together on the Arduino circuit
board. This requires a serious investment of time, effort, and energy on the part of the user.
Unless grandma is in tune with the DIY community—which is certainly possible—she won’t
be wiring her plants to tweet anytime soon.
Make the noise stop! Even without having voices in the social web, the sheer amount of data created and
transmitted by objects could leave us overwhelmed by information about, well, everything.
Varnelis and Friedberg (2008) caution:
Meanwhile, not only devices (like mobile phones and PDAs), but also furniture (like chairs and tables), objects (like trees and street signs), buildings (like monuments and apartment buildings), and landscapes (like forests, deserts, and riverbeds) become sentient information platforms— sensors to collect and send data to whoever is out there to collect, analyze, and read it. And like all spirits, these could be dangerous; not only do we have the dystopian scenarios of the geospatial Web filled with geo-spam and our every move tracked with RFIDs, but what might happen if every light bulb insisted on leaving behind its life story or if a printer reported on what you printed? (p. 37-39).
These scenarios are not anything close to the reality of today’s Internet of Things, but they are
provocative ways to think about what might happen when every object leaves a trace. The
already heavy demands for our attention will not just come from other people, but from
objects, too.
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With growing concerns over information overload as a result of the amount of digital
information in which we’re immersed, some would argue that the last thing we need is a
bunch of objects adding to the noise. Our already clogged information channels will only
become more overwhelming if objects were to come online, too. Socialized objects are not
autonomous agents designed to help alleviate information overload. Rather, they are
expressions of the agency they already possess or that they have been granted through their
socialization. Objects declaring their agency in order to raise awareness of complicated issues
like sustainability and consumption can potentially make things worse.
Once you start looking at the relationships between actors and networks, the picture
only grows larger, incorporating more actors and more networks, encompassing more topics
and scenarios. We are bombarded not just by communication, but communication
representing topics that may not have previously been in our social grasp. Social psychologist
Donald Michael (1998) used poverty as an example of this cognitive overload in a San
Francisco talk over 10 years ago, before the dotcom boom, before social media as we know it:
“All of these and more infuse any topic that we pay attention to and try to do something
about. But, clearly, we can’t attend to all of these (and others) because each has its own
complex mix of interdependencies to be attended to” (p. 9). He goes on to say that, with
complicated problems such as these, more information essentially begets more information,
resulting in doubts and more options, in what he calls a “self-amplifying ‘information loop’”
(Michael, 1998, p. 11).
But every object need not have a voice on the social web and we need to recognize our
inability to process all information everywhere. Michael suggests context alertness as a way
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to combat information overload, recognizing the tradeoff between being “up” on all the
current information and being able to deeply and meaningfully process information about
certain issues (Michael, 1998, p. 16). Designers working in the space should socialize
judiciously, thinking carefully about how the object will communicate, managing relevance
and context by considering what story it can tell and the social importance of that story.
Designers must also accept that everyone won’t adopt any given socialized object, as I
have already discussed in the context of the usage gap. But drawing hobbyists into the
conception of the objects to make them seem fun and engaging through customization and
participation could serve as a refuge from information overload. University of Washington
Information School professor and former PARC researcher, David M. Levy (2005) has
proposed the leisure as a way to fight the effects of information overload. Pulling from
philosopher Josef Pieper’s work in post-WWII Germany, Levy suggests that creating time and
space to think and reflect is essential to managing the amount of information in the world
around us (p. 285). Hobbies are an important outlet, and working with objects to make them
reflective could be a unique and meaningful way to reflect and unwind.
Balancing privacy and openness.
Embedding objects with the ability to track and trace their locations and histories raises
serious concerns about privacy. This Internet of Things, “a world of information overlays that
is no longer virtual but wedded to objects, places, and positions, and no longer fully
simulative since it facilitates an active trafficking between model and reality” (Crandall, 2005,
para 54), raises serious concerns about ownership and privacy. Who controls the information
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and the computers able to access it? Should an object’s genealogy be the “property,” so to
speak, of an owner who purchases it? Who owns the data the object has recorded?
Companies already collect large amounts of data from unknowing users; the Internet of
Things will provide them even more, especially when attached to an object’s human owner.
Corporate products touting connectivity of objects as a feature will collect information from
objects and send that information through their servers. If they own it, they may feel entitled
to use it in any way. Worse, there may be no way to even know exactly what information they
transmit. Users expect a right to control their personal information, but do they have a right to
control their objects? In fact, Saadi Lahlou (2008) argues that, “The very notions of ‘alone’ or
‘control’ may no longer be the appropriate conceptual tools in an environment populated by a
ubiquitous population of non-human, intelligent, connected devices, some of which belong to
the user herself” (p. 313).
Of course, in order for the Internet of Things at large to be socialized, technologists and
designers would need access to the information floating in that web of object-driven data. As
Bleecker (2006) puts it, “I want to know more than just what the Thing is. I want to know
how to refractor and rejuvenate networked objects, and for that I need open source Things” (p.
8.). This requires that access to information in the Internet of Things must be open to all users,
or adhere to some standard, open protocol. This openness creates transparency, alleviating
some issues about where the information goes and what happens to it. Gerschenfeld et. al.
(2004) suggest a single protocol, “Internet-0,” to serve as the backbone of the Internet of
Things: “To eliminate this technological Tower of Babel, the data protocol that is at the heart
of the Internet can be adopted to represent information in whatever form it takes: pulsed
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electrically, flashed optically, clicked acoustically, broadcast electromagnetically or printed
mechanically” (p. 78).
But openness still comes at a cost. The same issues relating to privacy in the social web
for humans would apply to privacy in the social web for nonhumans. A purely open device
would enable access to potentially private information that, like anonymized Internet data,
disseminates information that an object’s owner may consider private. And as with
anonymized Internet data, getting a hold of enough of the pieces can result in a fundamental
de-anonymization, where knitting together pieces of information sent from the object and the
user can identify the object owner. Using examples of experiments ranging from how people
like their coffee to activity sensors in shoes, Saadi Lahlou (2008) explains that “combining
ubiquitous sensing, databases, pattern recognition and search algorithms makes it possible to
identify who is doing or did what, and to some extent to predict who will do what and when”
(p. 306).
Services that support social objects also rely on terms of service and end user licenses
that these services reserve the right to change at any time, and say so explicitly in the terms
(Facebook, 2010, sec. 13, 1). Human users have difficulty reading terms of service in the first
place, let alone keeping up with changes to them. Since objects can’t change their privacy
settings themselves, users would need to keep up with changes for their own accounts and for
their objects’ accounts. Because of this, the social sites to which objects should and will be
connected will remain limited to sites with stable privacy settings, like Twitter, blogs, and
even Flickr. Even the tweeting house has its Twitter account set to by request only (Dodson,
2003, para. 5). We’re not likely to see “Facejects” any time soon.
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Again, the experimental technologist, or artist has a special role. “Explicit calls have
been made to both use these technologies to create an oppositional vision of urban space and
simultaneously to render visible the systems of knowledge production that are increasingly
rendering our lives transparent” (Crang & Graham, 2007, p. 805). Through these experiments,
designers simultaneously create fun and interesting socialized objects and expose people to
the kind of information a fully developed Internet of Things would unknowingly transmit
about them and their spaces once deployed.
Conclusion
On one hand, socialized objects present a number of benefits. Objects have social
presence through voices and personalities, making us aware of their roles and perspectives,
telling stories about the spaces they occupy, and helping us to understand the actors and
networks involved in a seemingly untenable human social problem, in this case sustainability.
But there also exist costs and complications, especially when we take into account the
nascence of the Internet of Things. First, a usage gap for social media prevents mainstream
viability of socialized objects. Second, the social web has already brought us more
information than many users can handle; more voices in our social channels could only
exacerbate information overload. Finally, there exist serious privacy and control concerns
about what the objects we possess communicate to computers, to each other, and to us.
The reality is that the Internet of Things, as developed by companies mainly interested
in supply chain management and product tracking, and with its potential for privacy abuse,
will never be fully open for experimentation. We won’t know what cameras are connected to
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what network, and who may have figured out how to access them. We won’t know whether or
not our dishwashers are transmitting data about more than just how many dishes were in our
last load. The cons simply outweigh the pros of the socialized object version of the web,
which will not work on a massive scale. The requirement that users to deal with serious
privacy issues or adopt and learn unfamiliar social media technologies is simply too much to
overcome.
Plants that use Twitter are fun, but not for everybody. However, this isn’t necessarily a
bad thing. With the growth of DIY culture—e.g., Maker Faire, Instructables (Diana, 2008, p.
48)—and interdisciplinary programs like NYU ITP and CalIT2 at the University of
California, San Diego, we’re seeing a boom in the intersection of technology and art
innovation. As technology becomes cheaper, it also becomes more accessible to those looking
to experiment. Working with technologies native to the Internet of Things but using them in
creative and educational ways allows us to expand our understanding of the world around us,
to see the nonhuman actors in our networks in ways Latour would have us think about them.
The Internet of Things will exist regardless of whether or not technologists, designers,
scientists, and artists come together to enable objects to communicate through the social web.
However, socializing objects has the ability to increase awareness of the Internet of Things,
which would otherwise operate as an invisible web of data that tracks, traces, and exposes our
habits through the objects we carry. As several of the examples provided in this article show,
socializing objects within the Internet of Things is a great area of exploration for artists,
particularly those working in the area of new media. Combining technology with social media
interfaces in order to make statements about social, cultural, or political issues has the power
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to make objects the voices in artistic endeavors. There exists a valuable opportunity to use
objects to keep dibs on the Internet of Things, to make its capabilities more transparent.
Combining social platforms to enable user-generated content to complement object-
generated data is also another way to make use of socialized objects. As Julian Bleecker
(2006) phrases it, “Now that we've shown that the Internet can become a place where social
formations can accrete and where worldly change has at least a hint of possibility, what can
we do to move that possibility out into the worlds in which we all have to live?” (p. 17).
Allowing users to add their stories to the stories told by objects with social presence enhances
the perception of social relationships with those objects. Socialized objects convert concepts
like agency and actor-networks from theoretical frameworks to design specs. These kinds of
experiments won’t change the world, but they do have the potential to render visible, if only
briefly, the larger network of actor-networks—nonhuman and human—that interact to create
the natural, social, and technological fabric of the world around us.
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