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On The Brink: Middle East Tim Ennis
MinuteMUN XIX March 13 - 15, 2020
UMass Amherst International Relations Club & Model United Nations Team
University of Massachusetts Amherst
Kurdistan JCC 1
Introduction
Welcome to MinuteMun XIX! My name is Tim Ennis and I am the Crisis
Director for the Kurdistan Joint Crisis Committee. I am a current Junior Political
Science Major at UMass Amherst. I first got involved in Model UN during my
Sophomore year of High School. During my Sophomore Year at UMass, I started to
get involved in UMUN where I was a Crisis staffer for the conference's Iran-Saudi
Arabia crisis committee. I am very excited to see what you all come to take out of
this experience and I am looking forward to seeing what you take out of this
experience.
In this committee, we will be simulating the geopolitical strife that would
result from a movement to form an independent Kurdish state. The formation of a
Kurdish state would be a pressing concern for both state and non-state actors in
the Mid-East.
This map shows the extent of Kurdish Inhabited territory and the potential extent of a full Kurdish state. 1
Kurdistan JCC 2
Statement of the Problem
This Crisis Committee will be focusing on the potential formation of a
Kurdish State. As the above map shows, the potential boundaries of this state
would be a massive shift in the geopolitical stability of the middle east. According
to the BBC, “Between 25 and 35 million Kurds inhabit a mountainous region
straddling the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Iran, and Armenia. They make up the
fourth-largest ethnic group in the Middle East, but they have never obtained a
permanent nation-state.”2 The lack of a Kurdish state and longstanding ethnic
conflicts have posed a constant area of tension across the middle east. Many
Kurds have continued to advocate for the formation of an independent Kurdish
state in order to protect their culture and people from what they have seen as
repressive governments in the region.
While the formation of an independent Kurdish state may lead to the
preservation of Kurdish culture, it may only serve to exacerbate ongoing strife in
the region. A potential autonomous Kurdish state could increase movements
across the region for Kurdish independence and increase instability in already
fragile states, such as Syria and Iraq. In addition to potential state-level conflicts,
Kurdish militia groups may use this chance to push for a larger independence
movement in Kurdistan.
History
In a region marred by political instability for the better part of a century, the
Kurdish population of many countries has been subject to immense levels of
violence and discrimination by Since the foundation of the modern Turkish state
in 1923, tensions have run high between the Turkish state and its Kurdish
minority. Kurds make up close to a fifth of the total population of turkey and
around 15 million Kurds live in Turkey.3 For example, “from 1983 until 1991, when
Kurdistan JCC 3
Turgut Özal legalized the use of Kurdish in broadcasting and publishing, the
speaking of Kurdish in public was outlawed, and people were arrested for even so
much as the possession of a Kurdish-music cassette.” This ban on the Kurdish
language coincides with a larger armed conflict between Turkey and the
Kurdistan People’s Congress (PKK4). The PKK has been in a large-scale conflict
with the Turkish government since 1984 and has left close to 40,000 people dead
and has been classified as a Terrorist group by many governments around the
world, including the United States.
Image Two: This is the flag of the PKK.5
Tensions between the Kurds and state actors are not limited to Turkey.
Kurds in Syria have faced discrimination from two generations of Syria’s ruling
family, the Assads. The CFR writes, “At one point under Hafez al-Assad hundreds
of thousands of Kurds in Syria, people who have lived there for generations were
suddenly deemed not Syria. So their identity papers were withdrawn, which
meant that they couldn’t send their kids to school, they couldn’t go to a hospital to
treat themselves or their kids or, for that matter, get a job in the government. So
suddenly they were made stateless. Not kicked out but made stateless.”6 While
Kurdistan JCC 4
facing discrimination from Syria, the 2011 Syrian Civil War has proven to be an
opportunity for Syrian Kurds to attempt to gain new levels of autonomy from
Damascus. As the civil war in Syria has led to instability across the country,
Syrian Kurds in the Eastern region of the country have taken this as a chance to
gain more autonomy over their lives. As the conflict across Syria grew, this
allowed local Kurds to fill a power vacuum in their region. The BBC writes that “In
2012, government forces withdrew from Kurdish areas to concentrate on fighting
rebel factions elsewhere, and Kurdish militias took control in their wake.” This
region became what is now referred to as Rojava, a semi-autonomous Kurdish
region. A key part of the success of Rojava has been the militia support of the
Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG), and allied forces in the Syrian Democratic
Forces (SDF)7. These forces have been crucial in the fight against the Islamic State
and were longtime allies of the United States in its coalition fight against the
United States. During the fight against ISIS, the YPG and other Kurdish militias
suffered heavy casualties of nearly 11,000 fighters8.
While the Kurds in Syria and allied militias were a critical piece of the
counter-ISIS campaign and the US-led coalition, this did not ensure US protections
for allied Kurdish forces in Syria. After a phone call with the President of Turkey,
US President Donald Trump removed US Security forces from the Syrian Border.
These forces served as a roadblock that prevented other nations, primarily Turkey,
from entering the region. The YPG and PKK are seen as allied forces as the PKK
has given support, including military support, to the YPG. This PKK support has
Kurdistan JCC 5
led Turkey to view a strong Rojava on its border as a threat as Turkey and the PKK
have been in a civil war for decades9. After the withdrawal of American troops
from the region, Turkey invaded Syria to create a buffer from YPG held territory
out of terrorism concerns and also create a “safe zone” for the nearly three million
Syrian refugees living in Turkey10.
While Kurdish populations are under threat in both Syria and Turkey, Kurds
in Iraq have had the most success in finding some level of autonomy. This
independence in Iraq has not been gained without years of strife. Kurds in Iraq
sought to have a level of autonomy for thought many means. The BBC writes that
“These were put down ruthlessly, most notoriously in the late 1980s when Saddam
Hussein attacked the Kurds with massed armed forces in the 'Anfal' campaign.
This involved the deliberate targeting of civilians with chemical weapons, most
notoriously in the town of Halabja in 1988.”11 The attack on Halabja led to the
deaths of between 3,200 to 5,000 Kurdish civilians. This massacre led to an
increase in public attention and demands to protect the Kurds. During the close of
the 1991 Gulf War, coalition fighters, including the United States established a
partial no-fly zone over Kurdish areas in Iraq to prevent continued massacres of
the Kurdish People. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States and
the resultant overthrow of Saddam Hussein, the 2005 Iraqi constitution
established Iraqi Kurdistan as a recognized autonomous region in Iraq.
Kurdistan JCC 6
Image 3: This is the flag of Iraqi Kurdistan
Given their status as an autonomous region in Iraq, Iraqi Kurdistan stands
as a potential model for a future independent Kurdish nation. The region is led by
a government based out of Erbil that serves as the capital of the autonomous
Kurdish region. The government has both a President elected by the general
electorate and a unicameral legislative body of 111 members that are responsible
for appointing a cabinet and prime minister12. The current president of Iraqi
Kurdistan, Nechirvan Barzani, is responsible for delegating powers to the cabinet
and serves as the commander in chief of the Kurdish Peshmerga militia. At the
same time, the prime minister is responsible for helping run parliament while
sharing some responsibilities with the President.
During the US-led coalition against ISIS, the Peshmerga militia of Iraqi
Kurdistan was a valuable asset in the fight against ISIS in Iraq. The Peshmerga, or
“those who face death” in English, served as an important ally in the fight against
both Saddam Hussein in 2003 but also in the fight against ISIS. This militia is
known for its fierce fighting which is seen as in part due to their history. “For over
Kurdistan JCC 7
100 years, the Peshmerga have been fighting for stability and democracy,”
explains Sirwan Saber Mustafa, chairman of Korek Telecom and a Peshmerga
general.”13 In addition to its powerful militia and track record in armed conflict,
Iraqi Kurdistan carries with it the political and popular mandate to seek
independence. In September of 2017, 92% of the 3.2 million voters in Iraqi
Kurdistan voted to succeed from Iraq. Even though the independence referendum
passed overwhelmingly, the vote was not seen as legitimate by the Iraqi
government and led to condemnation by the governments of Turkey, Iran, and
Iraq14.
While many observers have focused their attention on many of Iran’s
actions in the region such as their nuclear program, the Islamic Republic of Iran is
home to a sizable Kurdish population. Estimates range, but between 5 and 11
million Kurds are believed to live in Iran, primarily in the northwestern regions of
the country15. The Iranian Kurds faced discrimination by the Shah of Iran and
supported the 1979 Islamic Revolution. While many hoped that the new
government would give Kurds more autonomy and freedom, the new regime, led
by Ayatollah Khomeini, suppressed hopes for more freedom in the region. Due to
this resulting desperation, many in the region turned towards armed resistance.
As a result, the Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan or PJAK gained support. The
PJAK is an offshoot of the Turkish PKK. The PKK and PJAK have shown their
alliance as they are both part of the KCK or Kurdistan Communities Union, which
Kurdistan JCC 8
combines four Kurdish parties and advocated for the formation of an independent
Kurdistan.
Key Questions
1. How will neighboring countries address potential instability following a
free Kurdish state?
2. What will members of the UN security council do in response to the
potential formation of a Kurdish state?
3. Turkey is a member of NATO that has been in a state of conflict with the
PKK for decades. If the PKK were to grow stronger in Syria and Turkey
invoked Article 5 of the NATO charter, would the United States or other
NATO allies come to the defense of Turkey?
4. How will regional actors use the formation of Kurdistan to harm their rivals,
such as the United States hoping to harm Iran and Assad’s Syria?
5. What would Iraq look like in a scenario where it loses Kurdistan?
6. Is there an agreeable form of government that both allows the PKK to exist
and for Turkey to respect its autonomy?
7. Would the formation of an independent Kurdish state embolden other
minorities, such as Palestine, to advocate for their own nation-state?
8. What leverage do Kurds have to use when negotiating a free state and what
leverage do other nations have to use?
9. What would the potential impact be on the global market?
10. Can the EU use leverage using Turkey’s interest in joining the European
Union?
Kurdistan JCC 9
Key Players
Abdullah Öcalan: Ocalan is referred to as Apo and is one of the founders of
the PKK. Ocalan was born in Turkey and is considered a hero by many PKK
supporters while considered a terrorist by others. Ocalan was arrested in Kenya
and has been imprisoned by Turkey for years. While imprisoned, Ocalan has
continued to advocate for his specific leftist economic and nationalist vision for
Kurds16.
US Ambassador to the UN Kelly Craft: US Ambassador Kelly Craft was
appointed to the United Nations by President Trump in 2019. She previously
served as the Ambassador of Canada under President Trump. 17
US President Donald Trump: US President Trump was elected President of
the United States in 2016. He is a member of the Republican Party. Before entering
politics, Trump ran the Trump Organization, a real estate and hotel company.
Russian Permanent Representative to the UN Nebenzia Vassily
Alekseevich- Alekseevich has been the Permanent Representative of Russia since
2017. He has been a career diplomat and served in the foreign service in both the
USSR and the Russian federation. 18
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad- Assad has served as the President of
Syria since 2000 when he took control of the country after the death of his father.
Assad’s regime survived the 2011 Syrian civil war in part due to the military
support of Russian and Vladimir Putin.19
Kurdistan JCC 10
Russian President Vladimir Putin- Putin has served in senior levels of the
Russian government since 2000. Putin currently serves as President in an
authoritarian role. Before joining politics, he served as a senior member of the
security services and as a KGB agent during the Soviet Union. 20
Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khomeini- Khomeini is the current
Supreme Leader of Iran which he has held since 1989. As supreme leader,
Khomeini has the final say on many policy issues and is the commander of Iran’s
military. 21
Kurdistan Communities Union- The KCK is an umbrella organization that is
a combination of multiple Kurdish political parties, like PKK and the PJAK. The
group is led by Ocalan but due to his imprisonment, it is led by Zübeyir Aydar. The
KCK advocates for the formation of a free Kurdish state led by the leftist
government style developed by Ocalan. 22
Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi al-Muntafik- Mutanfik is the current
prime minister of Iraq. Due to rising instability and protests, he resigned from the
position at the end of 2019 but will remain in the role until the parliament can find
a new leader. He has a strong relationship with Iran. 23
Iraqi Defence Minister Najah al-Shammari- Shammari is the current Iraqi
Defence minister and is responsible for the Iraqi Ministry of Defence, which runs
the Iraqi military.24
Kurdistan JCC 11
Citations
1: al-Hjjah, Dhu. “The ME's Unexploded Time Bomb: 'Independent' Kurdistan.”
Crescent International,
crescent.icit-digital.org/articles/the-me-s-unexploded-time-bomb-independ
ent-kurdistan.
2: “Who Are the Kurds?” BBC News, BBC, 15 Oct. 2019,
www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29702440.
3: “Conflict Between Turkey and Armed Kurdish Groups | Global Conflict Tracker.”
Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations,
www.cfr.org/interactive/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/conflict-between-t
urkey-and-armed-kurdish-groups.
4: Nctc. “National Counterterrorism Center: Groups.” National Counterterrorism
Center | Groups,
www.dni.gov/nctc/groups/turkey_domestic_terrorism.html.
5: “Kurdistan Workers' Party.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 9 Jan. 2020,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurdistan_Workers%27_Party.
6: Barkey, Henri. “The Future of the Kurds in Syria.” Council on Foreign Relations,
Council on Foreign Relations,
www.cfr.org/conference-calls/future-kurds-syria.
7: “Turkey's Syria Offensive Explained in Four Maps.” BBC News, BBC, 14 Oct. 2019,
www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-49973218.
8: Singh, Maanvi. “Trump Defends Syria Decision by Saying Kurds 'Didn't Help Us
with Normandy'.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 10 Oct. 2019,
www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/oct/09/trump-syria-kurds-normand.
9:Wright, Robin. “Turkey, Syria, the Kurds, and Trump's Abandonment of Foreign
Kurdistan JCC 12
Policy.” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 21 Oct. 2019,
www.newyorker.com/magazine/2019/10/28/turkey-syria-the-kurds-and-tr
umps-abandonment-of-foreign-policy.
10: Weise, Zia. “Turkey's Invasion of Syria Explained.” POLITICO, POLITICO, 17 Oct.
2019, www.politico.eu/article/8-questions-about-turkeys-incursion
-into-syria-answered/.
11: “BBC ON THIS DAY | 16 | 1988: Thousands Die in Halabja Gas Attack.” BBC News,
BBC, 16 Mar. 1988, news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/
16/newsid_4304000/4304853.stm.
12: “Learn About the KRG Kurdish Regional Government.” The Kurdish Project,
thekurdishproject.org/history-and-culture/kurdish-democracy/krg-kurdista
n-regional-government/.
13: David Varrndell. “The Peshmerga: A Force for Peace.” Foreign Policy,
foreignpolicy.com/sponsored/the-peshmerga-a-force-for-peace/.
14: Winkler, Elizabeth. “Iraq's Kurds Just Voted to Secede. Here's Why That Could
Cause a New Civil War.” Vox, Vox, 27 Sept. 2017,
www.vox.com/world/2017/9/27/16374148/kurdish-referendum-vote-indepe
ndence-oil-iraq-baghdad.
15: Zambelis, Chris. “The Factors Behind Rebellion in Iranian Kurdistan.”
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, 15 Nov. 2017,
ctc.usma.edu/the-factors-behind-rebellion-in-iranian-kurdistan/.
16: McHugh, Richard. “Abdullah Öcalan.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia
Britannica, Inc., 27 Aug. 2019,
www.britannica.com/biography/Abdullah-Ocalan.
17: “Ambassador Kelly Craft.” United States Mission to the United Nations,
usun.usmission.gov/our-leaders/our-ambassador/.
18: “Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the United
Nationsrussiaun.ru.” Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the
United Nations, russiaun.ru/en/permanent_mission/permrepresentative.
Kurdistan JCC 13
19: “Bashar Al-Assad.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 12 Jan. 2020,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bashar_al-Assad.
20: “Vladimir Putin.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 17 Jan. 2020,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_Putin.
21: The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Ruhollah Khomeini.” Encyclopædia
Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 20 Sept. 2019,
www.britannica.com/biography/Ruhollah-Khomeini.
22: “Kurdistan Communities Union.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 20 Nov.
2019, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurdistan_Communities_Union.
23: “Adil Abdul-Mahdi.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 14 Jan. 2020,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adil_Abdul-Mahdi.
24: “Ministry of Defence (Iraq).” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 7 Jan. 2020,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Defence_(Iraq).